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U 6 a B -^ O , 52^
Harborii CoHege Ittirarp
FKOM
M?«.r....*!:f.?)?«.r:t....L.lpyd.
/
I
\
/^
The Coat-of-Arms as Adopted by Christopher Columbus in January, 1502.
{From the Paris Codex.)
HIS LIFE, HIS WORK
HIS Rr.MAINS
BV
OKIOlNAL I'RINTI.I)
M \Nl A KIIT ki (i
j>.
A ■ .• S'
i
II
Ci.
) I ^ ^N!)</N
--a
M Janiui
I
Cbristopber Columbus
HIS LIFE, HIS WORK
HIS REMAINS
AS REVEALED BY
ORIGINAL PRINTED AND MANUSCRIPT RECORDS
TOGETHER WITH AN
Eseai? on peter flDarti^r of Hngbera ant) Bartolom^
be las Ca0a0, tbe jflrst I)l0tortan9 of Hmerlca
By
John Boyd Thacher
AUTHOR OF "THE CONTINENT OF AMERICA,'* "THE CABOTIAN
DISCOVERY," ETC.
Volume II
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK AND LONDON
XTbe Itnichetbochet pte^s
1903
U 0 ? 5 S O
r \
HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
Copyright, 1903
BY
JOHN BOYD THACHER
Vbe ftnickerboclier prece, Itew Bork
CONTENTS
PART VI.— THE ANNOUNCEMENT
CHAPTER
LXI. — The First P'romulgation of the Discovery
LXII. — The Folio Letter
LXIII. — The Spanish Quarto Letter
LXIV. — The Cosco Latin Translations .
LXV. — The Letter in Italian and German
LXVI. — The Spreading of the News
LXVIL — The Title to the New Indies .
LXVIIL— The First Papal Bull
LXIX. — The Second Papal Bull
LXX.— The Third Papal Bull
LXXI. — The Fourth Papal Bull
LXXII. — The Vatican Register
LXXIII. — Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas
LXXIV. — The Line of Demarcation .
PAGE
3
lO
41
46
67
73
84
93
100
113
119
125
165
187
PART VII.— EXPLORATION
LXXV.— The Second Voyage
LXXVI. — The Syllacio-Coma Letter .
LXXVII. — The Letter of Dr. Chanca
LXXVIIL— The City of Isabella .
LXXIX.— Slavery
LXXX. — The De Torres Memorandum
LXXXI. — Rebellion and Cibao .
LXXXII. — Attempt to Explore Cuba .
LXXXIII.— The Pseudo-Continent
LXXXIV. — Illness of the Admiral
LXXXV. — Bartholomew Columbus
LXXXVI . — Subjugation of Espanola .
LXXXVII. — End of Second Voyage
LXXXVIII. — Authorities on Third Voyage
LXXXIX. — Letter of Jaime Ferrer
213
223
263
282
292
297
309
315
321
333
340
346
354
360
365
IV
. Contents
CHAPTER
PAGE
LXXXX— The Continent 370
LXXXXI. — Narrative of Third Voyage
374
LXXXXIL— The Earthly Paradise
409
LXXXXIII. — The Emblems of Injustice .
417
LXXXXIV. — The Letter to the Nurse .
423
LXXXXV. — Introduction to the " Libretto
»»
439
LXXXXVL— The -Libretto" .
457
LXXXXVIL— Sabellicus
515
LXXXXVIIL— FuLGosus and the " Paesi*'
524
LXXXXIX.— The ♦• Book of Privileges "
530
C. — The Fourth Voyage
566
CI. — A Consummate Seaman
574
CII. — The Continent Again .
581
CIII. — Another Sea
589
CIV. — The Lombard Shot . * .
594
CV. — La Costa de los Contrastes
600
CVI.— Veragua ....
604
CVII.— The River Belem
610
CVIIL— Was it Cathay? .
. 616
CIX. — A Brave Messenger
. 622
ex. — The Lunar Eclipse
. 628
CXI, — The Escape from Jamaica .
. ^33
CXII. — The Porras Narrative
640
CXIII. — The Mendez Narrative
. 647
CXIV. — The "Lettera Rarissima" .
669
ILLUSTRATIONS
TAOI
The Coat-of-Arms as Adopted by Christopher Columbi's in
January, 1502 Frontispiece
(From the Paris Codex )
Fac-simile op the Paris Edition (1497) of the Stcltifera Xavis, 75
Map of the Azores, Canary, and Cape Verde Islands, Showing
Lines of Demarcation as Drawn by the Pope and Accepted
BY the Spanish Sovereigns 107
Salviati or Laurentian Map, Showing Line of Demarcation be-
tween Spain and Portugal 201
#
Spanish Map as Given by Herrera, Showing the Line of De-
marcation between Spain and Portugal .... 205
Plan of the Ruins of the City of Isabella, Made in 1891 . . 285
Map of the Island of Trinidad and the Gulf of Paria . opposite 386
Plan of the City of San Domingo 416
Portrait of Marcus Antonius Coccio Sabellicus . . . 517
(From the EUygia of Paulus Jovius.)
Fac-simile Title-Page, Book of Privileges . opposite 530
(From the Paris Codex.)
The Coat-of-Arms as Granted by the Spanish Sovereigns. May
20. 1493 opposite 536
The Coat-of-Arms as at Present Used by the Duke of Veragua,
opposite 536
The Coat-of-Arms as Adopted by Christopher Columbus in
January, 1502 opposite 540
(From the Genoa Codex.)
VI
Illustrations
PAOB
Fac-simile op Verso op Folio LXVII prom Book of Privileges,
Showing First Use of Term Indias Occidentales. opposite 560
(From the Paris Codex.)
Maps, Illustrative op Passage in the Lettera which Proves
THAT Columbus Understood the True Value op his Dis-
coveries 59<>~S9i
Map op the Coast op Veragua opposite 604
Fac-simile op Page prom Muller's Calendarium, Printed in
1474, Predicting Lunar Eclipse op February 29, 1504 .
opposite 630
PART VI
THE ANNOUNCEMENT
VOL. II.— 1.
CHAPTER LXI
THE FIRST PROMULGATION OF THE DISCOVERY
When, on its return voyage, the Nina' found itself in the
neighbourhood of the Azores, it fell in with a storm which
threatened to delay it. Great men engaged in great events take
great precautions. Columbus feared that if his vessel and all
on board were lost, and if the other ship, the Pinta,^ should
likewise be destroyed, the discovery might never be known,
history would make no mention of them, and tradition alone
would recite the story of how some brave and adventurous souls
went forth, out into the western seas, one summer day toward
the end of the fifteenth century, and never returned. We do
not know just what words the Admiral employed in his Journal
to express his fears and his hopes. Las Casas gives us his own
interpretation of this entry, under the date of February 14,
1493, and says:
•• Here the Admiral enumerates the reasons which aroused in him the
fear that our Lord might suffer him to be the victim of this tempest and
those reasons which in turn made him hope that God would aid him and
bring him to land safe and sound, that the news which he bore to the King
and Queen might not perish with him. The strong desire that he had of
being the bearer of news so important and of demonstrating that all which
he had predicted was confirmed and that all he had undertaken to discover
had really been discovered,- inspired him with a great fear that he might not
' The reader will recall that the flagship, so to speak, of this little fleet which
first crossed the Atlantic, the caravel Santa Maria, went ashore on Christmas eve in
the year 1492 on the island of San Domingo. The Admiral then made the little vessel,
the Nina, his own ship and returned on her to Europe.
* The Pinta, with its Captain, Martin Alonzo Pinz6n, was thought to have pur-
posely separated from the Admiral's ship, that it might first of all carry the news of
the <Hscovery to Spain. The Gods were writing this drama of the New World, and
the reader rejoices as he sees Columbus arriving in the harbour of Palos first of the
expedition and beholds the judgment falling on the unhappy Pinz<5n.
3
Christopher Columbus
succeed in reaching land. He declares that the very insect passing before
his eyes was sufficient to annoy and trouble him. He attributed this weak-
ness on his part to his little faith and to his want of confidence in divine
Providence. On the other hand he was reanimated by the favours which
God had shown him in according so signal a triumph as that which he had
achieved, in discovering all that which he had discovered, in fulfilling all
his designs and in decreeing him, after experiencing in Castile so many
reverses and opposition to his solicitation, a success beyond his fondest
hopes. Finally, as he had directed his entire expedition toward the great-
est glory of God and as the sovereign Master of all things had heard his
prayer and had granted his petitions, so now he ought to believe that He
would save him to accomplish the work which he had undertaken. He
added that since God had preserved him on his outward voyage when he
had more reason for fear in the sufferings and torments he had experienced
at the hands of his crew and sailors, who were resolved with a common
accord to return and who wished to mutiny against him,* forgetting what
was due him even to uttering threats, and as the eternal God had given him
the strength and courage needful to him on that occasion, had sustained
him alone against all and had operated in his favour so many marvellous
things in this voyage, beyond any accounts which their Highnesses had
learned from the persons in their own households, so this powerful God
would not now abandon him. It is for these reasons [he says] that he
should not have feared the present storm, but his feebleness and his anxiety
would not leave him a moment of calm. He said that in addition it caused
him great pain to think of leaving orphans his two sons whom he had left
at Cordova where they were studying. Deprived of father and mother «
in a strange land, what would become of them ; for the King and Queen who
would be ignorant of the services which he had rendered them on this
voyage and of the happy news which he was bearing them, would not en-
gage under any considerations to continue as their protectors. Full of
such thoughts, he sought means of apprising their Highnesses of the vic-
^ The story of the mutiny, as told first by Oviedo, has never been believed by
scholars. Surely so important an occurrence would have been set down by Colum-
bus in his diary, and Las Casas would have quoted the Admiral's own words. How-
ever, this Oviedo was a bom diarist. He early formed the excellent habit of taking
notes of passing events. He was bom in 1478, and yet we find him before he was
fifteen years of age engaged in writing down for future use his observations on events
of importance. He may have heard from the mouth of Columbus or from some of
his companions (for he was at Barcelona when Columt>us arrived at the Court) a
rumour as to an attempted mutiny.
* Las Casas, who must have known the family matters of the Admiral, might
have cleared for us some important historic doubts if he had said a few words more.
Columbus had two sons, Diego and Ferdinand, but history knows that the mother of
the second son was not the mother of the first, and has even declared that both mothers
were alive at the time of this voyage. From the language employed by Las Casas, —
and he appears to be quoting the words of the Admiral, — the fair inference would be
that both mothers, if there were two, were already dead, and that only the impend-
ing disaster to Columbus was wanting to make the two boys doubly orphans. We
know that Beatriz Enriquez, the mother of Ferdinand, long survived the Discoverer.
First Promulgation of the Discovery 5
tory the Lord had bestowed on him in making him find in the Indies all that
which had been the design of his voyage, and of making them know that
those latitudes » are exempt from tempests, which is proved [says he] by
the shrubs and trees which float ever in the sea. To this end, and in order
that should he perish in the tempest, the King and Queen might have news
of his voyage, he took a parchment and wrote as much as he was able *
concerning the discoveries of which he was the author and begged earnestly
that whoever ^ found it, whosoever he might be, would bear it to the King
and Queen.-^ He wrapped this parchment in a large piece of waxed cloth,
hermetically sealed the package, fastened it securely in a large wooden
cask, concealing it in such a way that no one could know what it was.
Every one believed that this was simply some act of devotion. He caused
it to be thrown into the sea.*' 5
* Compared to the storm he was then experiencing off the Azores, the waters of
the Caribbean Sea were tranquil as an inland lake. Nevertheless, Nature has re-
served some of her most violent tempests for these same latitudes, when whole towns
have been destroyed and the promises of the field have been demolished in an instant.
* The original Spanish is todo lo que pudo. The phrase admits of great latitude.
It may be construed to mean that he wrote a full account, as much in detail as he
could recall which would be of interest to the King and Queen. Or it may mean that
because of the storm, then at its cmlminating point, he wrote as much only as the
violence of the tempest and the tossing of the little boat would suffer him. It must
have been somewhat at length, for he speaks of describing the new and strange people
he met, and one cannot intelligibly characterise an order of man entirely new to a
Etiropean traveller and do it with the employment of a few words or half a dozen
phrases. On the other hand, a single leaf of parchment (un pergamino) was used,
and whatever writing there was must have been confined to that one leaf. The leaf
was folio in form, when spoken of as "a parchment." It must also be remembered
that from the daily habit of writing in his Journal, the Admiral had acquired that
caligraphic poise which corresponds with the happy condition of a man upon ship-
board who finds himself in possession of his sea-legs.
3 One thousand ducats, says Ferdinand in the Historie, was to be paid the lucky
finder, and. as this was intended for a promissory note, it undoubtedly stated the fact
on its face.
* While the letters to Santangel and Sanchez were evidently intended to reach
the King and Queen, they were clearly directed to these officials of the Royal House-
hold rather than to their Majesties themselves.
s In the Historie, Ferdinand quotes this passage from a letter which the Admiral
wrote to the King of Spain. As he puts the writing in the first person, he evidently
had the letter or a copy of it before him at the time:
'• I would have endured my misfortune with more patience if I alone had been in
danger. I had seen death near me so often that I would have feared it no more than
on other occasions; but that which gave me great grief was the danger to those whom
your Highness had sent with me to serve in the enterprise. I was grieved that I
might not myself bear to your Highness the news of my discoveries, and to convince
those who opposed my project that I knew the road to success. I thought of my
two sons who were at Cordova; their extreme youth afflicted me in considering the
unfortunate state in which they would be at my death, all the world would abandon
^em, and perhaps yotar Highness, not knowing the service I had rendered you, might
never think of them. There were moments when I believed that God, on account of
my sins, did not intend to let me enjoy the glory of having succeeded in my enter-
prise. Nevertheless, I could not persuade myself but that my discoveries would some
day come to your Imowledge and to convey the information myself to you, I had
written during the storm some lines on parchment giving the names of the lands which
I had acquired, the route by which one must go there, and the time occupied in the
6 Christopher Columbus
Thus wrote Las Casas with the manuscript Journal of Co-
lumbus open before him. It presents us a scene in the life of
the Admiral, illustrating the alternating control of a man's soul
in the hour of danger, first by the forces of trepidation and fear,
and then by courage and faith. The physical dread of death
was increased a thousand-fold by the fear that the news of his
discovery might be lost. The faithless Pinz6n on the Pinta
might likewise perish in the prevailing storm, and no one of the
abandoned colonists at La Navidad could ever make his way
across the sea in the frail canoe of the native. The fruit of his
labours, almost at his lips, seemed suddenly to be drawn from
the reach of Colimibus by the rude hand of fate. It all must
have seemed to him so merciless, the years of useless waiting,
the sacrifice of his opportunities in other fields, the derision of
courtiers, the unbelief of the learned, the ridicule of mean souls,
the disappointment of the two loyal priests and the trustful
voyage: I informed your Highness of the customs of the inhabitants, of the fertility
of the country, and of the colony which I had left there to hold possession of the
lands: I sealed the parchment, enclosed it in a piece of waxed cloth and then in a wax
casement, and put it in a barrel thoroughly tic:ht with an inscription to yotir High-
ness: I threw it into the sea so that if we perished whoever might find it would bear
it to Spain, promising the bearer a thousand ducats. Moreover, fearing that the tem-
pest might carry it too far, I put into another barrel which I kept on the vessel, a
second parchment like the first, that after our shipwreck one or the other might reach
your Highness."
Some years ago, about the time of the celebration of the 400th anniversary
of the Columbian discovery, a Spanish writer, Don Jos^ Maria Asensio, Director in
the Department of Belles- Let tres of the Royal Academy in Seville, gave credence to
the following story in his work, Cristobal Colon, su Vida, su Viages, sus Descuhrimien-
tos:
'• At noon of August 27 in the year 1852, an American three-masted brig named
the Chieftain, of Boston, under command of Captain d'Auberville, foimd itself upon
the coast of Morocco. As a storm was approaching, the Captain determined to in-
crease his ballast, and while engaged in this occiipation, the drag brought up what
at first glance appeared to be a piece of rock, but, finding it light in weight, the sailors
examined it more closely, when they discovered it to be a coffer of cedar wood: open-
ing this, there was disclosed a cocoa-nut, hollow, and containing a document written
in gothic letters upon parchment. Not being able to decipher this, it was given to an
American bookseller when the ship arrived at Gibraltar. The latter immediately
upon glancing at the manuscript offered the American Captain one hundred dollars
for the cocoa-nut and its contents, which offer the Captain declined. Thereupon the
bookseller read to the astonished Captain the document, which was no other than the
holograph relation of the discovery committed to the sea three hundred and fifty-nine
years before."
This document and its safe-deposit, the cocoanut, have disappeared, but, like
the» forged letter of Columbus to the Bank of St. George, they are likely to appear
at some future time.
We have been at pains to trace this ship, the Chieftain, and its Captain, but .vith
little success. The shipping records of that period belonging to St. Johns, N. S.,
were burned in a conflagration some years ago. In the American Lloyd's for the year
1862 there is mentioned the brig Chieftain, built at Wilmot, N. S., belonging to the
port of St. Johns, tonnage, 226; place and date of survey, Boston, Mass., November,
1856.
First Promulgation of the Discovery 7
Queen, the uncertain future of his sons, — and then there came to
him a serene confidence in his destiny and in the purpose of
Providence in employing him to open a new world to mankind.
This storm was at its height on the fourteenth day of Feb-
ruary in the year 1493, when Coltmibus gave his parchment
message to the sea. That night, about the setting of the sun,
the skies toward the west cleared and the wind became more
favourable. The next morning when the sim rose land was in
sight and they soon found themselves safe among the islands
of the Azores. If we are to believe in dates, the Admiral wrote
a letter the day following that of their extreme danger, February
15, 1493, and addressed it to Luis de Santangel, the Chancellor
of the Royal Household of Aragon.' The original ' of this letter
is lost. Immediately on arriving in Spain the Admiral de-
spatched a letter to their Highnesses which he had written
during his stay in Lisbon. The original of that letter, likewise,
is lost. The Spanish Court was at Barcelona, and thither the
letters to the King and Queen and to Luis de Santangel (and
that to Gabriel Sanchez as well) were forwarded with all speed.
There are evidences that these letters were handed about the
Court, and copies made by courtiers and even representatives
of foreign governments. In the fifteenth century every prin-
cipality had at foreign Courts its representatives, either dignified
by the title of ambassadors or agents, under pay, to keep the
' Navarrete, vol. i., p. 174, makes this letter to Santangel a second or supplement-
ary letter, written on that day. He copied this letter, he says, from an original docu-
ment in the royal archives of Simancas. In line 4 of the last page of the printed folio,
Spanish edition, verso of folio 2, we find this phrase : Esto segun el fecho d si embreve.
Navarrete quotes from the Simancas letter: Esto segundo ha fecho ser muy breve.
After segundo he inserts carta, to make sense. But the reader will observe the pre-
position segun, and not the ordinal adjective segundo, is used in the folio Spanish text.
The question of the priority of the Santangel letter over the Sanchez letter is not in
doubt, since the dates decide the question.
^ A letter may have been sent by the Admiral across the cotmtry from Lisbon to
Barcelona, but this is not probable. A vessel was the fastest vehicle in those days
which could be employed between the Straits and the coasts of Catalonia. The
journey from the mouth of the Tagus to the Straits was not much more than two
days in length, and Columbus sailed the Nitia from that point on March 13 to Palos
in one day and a half. Moreover, the Portuguese country was not a safe mediimi for
travel by any messenger from Columbus to the Spanish Sovereigns. He certainly did
not send the letter which he wrote to Luis de Santangel when off the Azores on Feb-
ruary 14, 1493, for that had a post-scriptum dated March 14 indited on the eve of his
arrival at Palos. The letter is dated February 15, 1493, but the Journal shows that
it was composed while there was great danger to the ship, in order that if the vessel
was lost his writing might be cast overboard and perhaps reach land. The Journal
distinctly states it was written then.
8 Christopher Columbus
State informed of events and political happenings. At Barce-
lona was an Italian gentleman by the name of Hanibal Januarius.
His brother was an ambassador from the Duke of Ferrara
to the Court at Milan. When the former learned of the dis-
covery and of the letter written by the Sovereigns to Colum-
bus, he wrote the news to his brother. Jacomo de Trotti of
Ferrara obtained a copy of this letter and sent it to Hercule
d'Este, his master, and to this copy we are indebted for one of
the earliest, but necessarily limited, publications of the wonder-
ful news.'
Great and Honoured Brother:
I have written you these last few days and I will obey the orders that
you have given me of writing by each Courier.
In the month of August last, this great King at the prayer of one named
CoUomba, caused four little vessels to be equipped to navigate according to
his assurances, upon the ocean, in a straight line toward the west until
finally the east was reached. The earth being round, he should certainly
arrive in the eastern regions. With this end in view, the said caravels
were armed and directed their course through the Straits in the direction
of the West, according to the letter written by him and which I myself
have seen. In thirty-four days, he came to a great isle inhabited by men
olive-coloured and naked, very timid and disinclined to fight. Having
landed, they took some of these by force, that they might the better ex-
amine them, to learn their language and to make these understand them.
These men being re-assured, for they are intelligent, the information was
obtained and it was learned that these were the islands of the Indies. The
news spread everywhere and into the neighbouring villages that there had
arrived a man sent from God, and being of simple faith, the natives evinced
for Collomba tenderness and friendship. From this isle he went to neigh-
bouring islands two of which are each larger than England and Scotland,
and another larger than all Spain. Collomba left there some of his men
and being about to depart, he constructed in that place a fortress well pro-
visioned and fortified. After having taken with him six men of the country
who understood our tongue, he set out to return. In these isles they say
they find pepper, wood, aloes and gold in the rivers, that is to say there are
rivers in the sands of which are little grains of gold. He declares that these
people navigate in canoes of such great size that the largest hold seventy or
eighty men.
The said Collomba having retraced his course, he has reached Lisbon
and he has written these things to his Majesty, who has ordered him to
come here [Barcelona] as soon as possible.
I expect to have a copy of this letter which he has written and I will
send it you. When he arrives, if I learn more, I will communicate it to
' Harrisse, Chrisiophe Colomb, vol. ii., p. 7.
First Promulgation of the Discovery 9
you. In this Court this discovery is regarded as certain, and as I have told
you, I have seen the letter which tells more, particularly that he has found
among the natives neither laws nor religions, except the belief that every-
thing comes from God the Creator of all things. This suggests that they
may easily be converted to the Holy Catholic faith. He adds that he has
lately been in a country where men are bom with tails. . . .
Barcelona, the Villi of March, 1493.
Your obedient brother
Hanibal Januarius.
March 9, 1493, was the day Coliimbus went from Sacavem,
•where he had spent the night, to Valle del Paraiso (Valparaiso),
nine leagues from Lisbon, and where he had his interview with
the King. Therefore the date of the letter is wrong. This letter
confirms the statement of Columbus that he wrote a letter to
the Sovereigns from Lisbon. The superscription on the letter
to the Treasurer, Luis de Santangel, shows plainly that in-
closed in it was a letter to the Sovereigns. And while that letter
— lost to-day — is substantially the same as those letters written
Luis de Santangel and Gabriel Sanchez, it contains at least one
item of news not in either. Neither letter mentions the nimiber
of Indians brought to Spain, and yet Hanibal Januarius says
they were six. The letter of Januarius must have been written
before Colimibus arrived in Barcelona. Therefore the date of
the letter may have been April 9, instead of March 9, 1493.
CHAPTER LXII
THE FOLIO LETTER
Bibliographers believe that almost immediately, certainly
some time in April, 1493, a printed ' edition was made of the
letter to Luis de Santangel. One example ' alone is known
' There were no less than twenty cities in Spain in which the art of printing had
been introduced by the year 1493. The honour of being Spain's first printer is now
accorded Lamberto Palmart, who exercised his art at Valence. In the writer's col-
lection of incunabula are examples from the Spanish press dated as eariy as 1475.
Prosper Marchand, in his Hisiorie de Vlmprimerie^ refers to an imprint made in Bar-
celona in 1473. Bibliographers generally reject this date, and are not agreed even in
accepting the little tract of Velastus de Taranta, De Epidemid et Peste, Barcelona, 147 5 ,
since faith in its existence is founded on a passage in Nicolaus Antonius, Bibliotheca
Hispana Vetus, Madrid, 1788, vol. ii., No. 651, — and he speaks neither of its form nor
of those indications which assign tinmarked books to particular presses.
The inital letter ** S " of this Spanish folio edition of the Coltmibus letter is in a
woodcut, 26 mm. high by 2 1 mm. broad. It has been identified as a woodcut which was
in the possession of Johannes Rosenbach, a native of Heidelberg, who established his
press in Barcelona in 1492. Mr. Robert Proctor, of the British Musetun, has identi-
fied the same letter as in the possession of Johannes Luschner or Luchner, who printed
at Barcelona in 1495 ^^<I 1498, and who printed at the monastery of Montserrat in
1499. The type, however, of the Letter cannot be assigned to either of these presses.
Mr. Proctor has identified it with No. 9555 in his Index to Early Printed Books in the
British Museum, Libro del Consolat, a book which he assigns to the Barcelona press,
but as the work of an unknown printer. R. H abler, in his Early Printers of Spain
and Portugal, gives a fac-simile of an example of the Libro del Consolat, No. 9556, in
the British Museum, which contains the leaves composing No. 9555.
Johannes Rosenbach printed the Missale Tarraconense at Tarragona in the year
1499, *^<I ^^^ following year set up his press at Perpignan in France, where he printed
the Breviarium Ecclesice Elnensis.
Habler believes that No. 9556 was printed by Nicolaus Spindeler, who, perhaps,
was the first to exercise the art at Barcelona in connection with Pierre Brun ; but if
he had a press there it was at an earlier period than 1493. There was a Catalonian
priest, by the name of Petrus Posa, who associated himself in printing with this Pierre
Brun. The whole question presents an interesting bibliographical problem which will
only be satisfactorily solved when there is found an imprint with the name of the
printer, and which can be identified as issuing from the press from which came this
Letter of Columbus.
* It was published in 100 fac-simile examples by J. Maisonneuve at Paris, in 1889,
and again in 1891 with valuable notes at London by Bernard Quaritch, who had
The Folio Letter n
of this edition. It is a folio in form, of two leaves or four pages,
without numerals or catchwords. The text measures — recto of
folio 2 — 246 mm. long by 169 mm. wide.' The recto of folio i,
or page i, consists of forty-seven lines, page 2 of forty-eight
lines, page 3 of forty-seven lines, and the verso of folio 2, or page
4, consists of sixteen I'nes. The first word of the tract is Senor
in capital letters, with the initial letter ** S *' in a woodcut. The
water-mark is that of a human head, such as appears in the royal
coat-of-arms of Aragon. Evidently it was intended that this
brief tract should be uniform in its text, and should consist of
forty-seven lines to a full page, and this extra line, or forty-
eighth line on the verso of folio i, was an error against which
the taste of the printing house protested and which led the
printer partially to erase or obliterate the extra line and to re-
produce it, in a slightly modified form, in the first line of the
recto of folio 2, in which attempt the printer made matters no
better but rather worse. The Letter proper closes with these
lines:
**Fecha en la calavera ^ sobre las Islas de Canaria d XV de Febrero ana
mil. CCCCLXXXXIIL
'' Faralo que mandareys. El Almirante."
"Done on the caravel off the Canary Isles ^ February 15, in the year
1493. Yoxirs to command. The Admiral."
purchased it m France of M. Maisonneuve shortly before. Among scholars, the
Ambrosian Library owed a large part of its fame to its possessing a unique copy of
this Spanish Letter in a quarto form, and even the British Museum might have eagerly
desired to become the owner of a newly discovered copy of what is beyond question
an earlier and probably the very first printed copy of Colimibus's letter written to his
friend Santangel, and written before the letter to the King and Queen. Neither the
British Musetim nor any other European library secured this prize, and very appro-
priately it now rests, the chief ornament of an American collection of books, in the
Lenox Library, for which it was bought for $8500. It must always take precedence
among libri rarissimi over the Ambrosian quarto example, and, indeed, over any
other printed memorial of Columbus
• 9H' X 6H'.
* This is a palpable error for caravela.
3 This is a slip of the pen, for we read in the Historie written by Ferdinand Colum-
bus : ** On Friday," — another example of the fateftd Friday in the life of Columbus,
— '• the fifteenth of February, at the rising of the sun one of the pilots discovered
land toward the North-east, the others on board believed it to be the Rocks of Cintra
in Portugal, and the Admiral said that it was one of the Azores, which was true."
It was a tribute to the seamanship of Columbus that he should have known approxi-
mately his bearings in that stormy sea. It is apparent that if, as originally written
by him, the expression, "off the Canaries," occurs, it is as a lapsus petifUB for "the
Azores."
12 Christopher Columbus
This is the only instance we have where Columbus signed
himself The Admiral, with the exception of the signature of the
draft for one himdred gold castellanos, dated Granada, October
23, 1 501, the signattire of the doctmient dated February 22,
1498, the signatures to the eight pieces lately discovered by
the Duchess d'Alba and quoted in our chapter on **The Hand-
writing of Colimibus/' when he used the title **E1 Almirante"
in connection with his famous initial sign-manual, thus:
.S.
.S.A.S.
X MY
El Almirante."
Then is printed the following line, being line seven of the same
page:
Anima^ que venia dentro en la carta.
After this are six lines containing the following post-scriptiun :
"Defpues defta efcripto: y eftado en mar de CaftiUa salio tanto vigto
c6 migo. Sill y suefte que me ha fecho defcargar los navios po cori aqui
en e£te puerto de lifbona oy que fue la mayor maravilla del mtmdo addde
acorde efcriuir afus alteras. Entodas las Indias he siempre hallado y los
t€porals como en mayo addde oy fuy en XXXIII 3 dias y volvi en XXVIII
salvo qu eftas tormentas me ade tenido XXIII dias corriendo por efta mar:
dizen aqua todos los hdbfes de la mar qia mas ovo tan mal 3rviemo no ni
tantas perdidas de naves fecha ha quatorze dias marzo.*'
"After having written this and being in the sea of Castile there arose
upon me so much wind, south and south-west, that it has caused me to
< What seems to tis a fantastic form of signing one's name was in the time of
Coltmibus a common fonn, especially among the ecclesiastics. In the Middle Ages
the custom prevailed of beginning a letter or document with a quotation from the
Scriptures, and later the figure of the cross was used, — the idea always being that
the paper or parchment was dedicated by that act to the good purpose of the writer.
The savages discovered by Coltunbus drove evil spirits away from inanimate objects
with the sound of loud instnmients. The object was the same.
About the time of the siege of Granada, and perhaps for the very purpose of dis-
tinguishing themselves from the Moors and Jews, who were so numerous in that
region, there was joined to the Christian name of the Spaniards the name of a saint,
the symbol of crucifixion and mart)rrdom, a biblical passage, or some well-known
sentiment from the fathers of the Church.
* Anima is thought by Navarrete (vol.i.,p. 1 74) to be intended for a post-scriptum,
or additional matter introduced into a letter after the latter has been closed and sealed.
3 In the text proper of this edition the Admiral is made to say that he passed to
the Indies in twenty — viente — days, an error of the transcriber of the original holo-
graph letter. We think it the error of the transcriber rather than that of the printer,
because the latter appears to have followed most servilely his copy, and it is impos-
sible that Columbus should have written twenty for thirty-three.
The Folio Letter 13
lighten the vessels " [los navios], but I ran here into this harbour of Lisbon
to-day, the which was the greatest wonder in the world, where I decided to
write to their Highnesses. I have ever found the seasons in all the Indies
like May. I went there in thirty-three days and returned in twenty-eight,
except that storms have kept me twenty-three days running about this sea.
All the men of the sea here say that never has there been such a winter nor
so great a loss of ships. Dated the fourteenth » day of March."
For the reasons given below in Note 2 we believe this post-
scriptum should be dated March 4, instead of March 14, 1493.
Moreover, we are satisfied that the printer of this letter had be-
fore him, not the original holograph letter of Columbus written to
Luis de Santangel, but a copy. The original letter consisted of
two separate parts, the body of the letter and the post-scriptum.
The latter, if Navarrete's description of an anima be correct,
had been inserted in the body of the letter after the latter had
been closed and sealed. The method of enveloping letters in
their own covers, using the verso of the last leaf for the address,
in vogue in the days of Columbus would admit of this insertion
by a skilful hand. When Luis de Santangel received his
letter he undoubtedly had it copied, so great was the natural
* Both in this first printed Spanish edition of the Letter, as well as in the so-
called •* original document** which Navarrete found in the royal archives of Simancas,
the pliaral "ships" — los navios — ^is used, although the Nina on its return alone repre-
sented the fleet which sailed out of Palos harbour seven months before. The reader
will recall that the Journal, tmder date of March 5, 1493, speaks of los navios of Colxun-
bus at anchor near Rastelo.
' In the original doctunent referred to above in Note i as having been discovered
by Navarrete, the anima, or post-scripttun, is dated A Los Cuatro — [sic] for quairo — De
Marzo, the fourth of March. Now, before daybreak on the fourteenth of March, ac-
cording to the Journal, Colxunbus fotmd himself off Cape Saint Vincent, and all that
day tmder a gentle wind was making his way eastwardly along the southern shore of
Portugal. On the contrary, on Monday the fourth day of March, we read in the
Journal, "the Admiral recognised the land which was the rock Cintra situated neai
the river of Lisbon [the Tagus] into which he determined to enter, because he had no
other means of safety, so terrible was the storm which visited the town of Cascaes,
situated at the mouth of the river." He says that the inhabitants of that port spent
the morning in prayers for them, and that when they were entered into the river the
entire population came to see them, regarding it as a miracle that they had so escaped
the peril which menaced them. Toward three o'clock he passed near the Rastelo,
situated within the river of Lisbon^ where he learned from the seamen who were pres-
ent that there never had been such a winter with so many tempests, and that twenty-
five ships had perished on the coast of Flanders and that there were others in the
harbours of that province which for four months had not been able to put out to sea."
Compare this passage with the post-scriptum itself, in which the Admiral says that he
"ran into the harbour of Lisbon to-day," and we can safely say the letter to Luis de
Santangel, the body of which he wrote on February 15, 1493, was finished by the
writing of its post-scriptum on Monday, the fourth of March, some time after three
o'clock in the afternoon.
14 Christopher Columbus
demand to read in detail the happy news it bore. In his own
hand or by that of a clerk he made upon its back this memo-
randum in Spanish : *' This letter Columbus sent to the Escribano
de RacioHy of the isles found in the Indies, contained in another
to their Highnesses/' This memorandum was copied from the
original, and when it reached the printer, he, too, copied it
literally. If this had been the original letter, and if the memo-
randum had been made by Santangel, the title of the receiver
without his name would not have been used. It reads more
like the memorandum some correspondent would have made in
copying it. When we come to consider the seventh line on the
last page of the printed letter, anima pue venia dentro en la cartas
it is a memorandimi which seems to us much more likely to be
made on a copy than on the original. As the anima was not
signed it became necessary to identify it with the body of the
letter, and the copyist made the memorandum as above quoted.
If Luis de Santangel had regarded the letter as a personal com-
munication he would not have endorsed it with his official title;
if it was regarded as an official document, it would be deposited
as a record in the office of Escribano de Racion,' and in that case
would have borne some official stamp or mark ' designating the
office and not the officer.
The name of Christopher Columbus ^ is not signed to the
letter. In the letter written to Gabriel Sanchez, dated from
Lisbon the day before the Ides of March, the same date attached
to the post-scriptum of his letter to Luis de Santangel, Columbus
signed himself
Christopher Columbus
Admiral of the Ocean Fleet.
The original of this letter is lost, and we only have it in its Latin
form, in which the signature is written Christoforus Colom,
' By Escribano de Racion we wotild ordinarilyunderstand an intendant of the house-
hold, a steward charged with something more than duties ef a menial sort. Literally
the words would mean, Clerk of Rations or Supplies. Doubtless the Escribano had to
find not only supplies, but the money to pay for them. The then incumbent, Luis de
Santangel, was a man of parts, a jurist of Aragon, and a sincere friend of Coltmibus.
^ However, as the Court was in the habit of moving from place to place, seldom
more than a few months in any one city, one well may wonder that any official records
were kept.
3 The name of Christopher Columbus had not yet been in type, except as in-
scribed in the memorandum and printed under the simple designation, Colom. Colom
had sent this letter to the Escribano de Racion, but a reader might ask who was Colom,
The Folio Letter 15
OceancB Classis PrcBJectus. The reader must not confound these
two letters with those written upon parchment during the storm
in February. Colimibus must have written at least five letters,
probably alike in substance, between the time when he departed
from the New World and the middle of March. Writing, to
him, was apparently a facile and agreeable occupation.'
The letter to Santangel bears, for the first time it was ever
put in use, the title of the office conferred upon him by the King
and Queen, The Admiral, an office which, when it was confirmed
to him shortly after, was declared to be of the very highest sig-
nificance and to carry with it honours and emoluments such as
no other citizen of Spain might hope to receive. He might also
write himself Don, a most high distinction for a foreigner and a
man of humble birth; but while there were many Dons in Spain,
there could be but one entitled to write himself The Admiral of
the Indies. It is significant that in signing himself thus, in the
document that was destined to convey to the world the first
knowledge of the discovery, Columbus used the title which he
always regarded as his highest honour, and which he insisted in
his last Will should be borne and altogether used by whatsoever
descendant might represent him in time to come. As he, Chris-
topher Colimibus, lost his common identity immediately after
the discovery in the distinguished title of The Admiral, so for all
time that particular person who by right of blood-connection
should have his name, his honours, his wealth, should be known,
not as Colimibus, but as The Admiral. He had led no dust-
begrimed caravan over desert and mountain to the eastern
shores of Cathay. It was over the ocean, trackless until that
time, by a way hitherto unknown, that Columbus had brought
his little fleet to the islands of the Western Ocean. It was the
and, for the matter of that, who was The Admiral who signed so boldly with only his
title ! Coliunbus himself had hastily written this letter without the least expectation
that it would be printed, and it had been transcribed and sent to some interested
person without the idea that it would be put in type. A document of that character,
when prepared for the press, would have as its commencement a long and fulsome
acknowledgment of the goodness and greatness of the King and Queen of Spain.
* In 1855, Rivadeneyra published at Madrid his Curiosidades Bibliogrdficas.
A certain portion of this work is devoted to Don Francesillo de Zuflega, the Court fool
of Charles V., and writers are fond of quoting that amusing functionary, where he is
made to say, ** Ruego d Dios qtie d Gutierrez nunca le falte papel, porque escribe mas que
Tolomeo y que Colon, el que halld las Indias ": "I pray to God that Gutierrez never
shall fail of paper, for he writes more than Ptolemy and more than that Coltimbus,
who discovered the Indies.**
i6 Christopher Columbus
sea which alone covld give him nobility and rank. So he was
called Admiral of the Ocean-Sea, and evermore bore upon his
shield the device of gilded islands in waves of the sea.
jba OQDo diiniViaK vo0(eraMoiefta i^zla ^faWcfecoiito oitotice dias pafcH
;(a0 Ipiad co la an^oa 4 to0 ilbtfbr ill!mo» l^qr < V2efna mos fdiorca me oioott
ooDCfO rallejniif miscbae 'S^9epo\A3iOM co gcnte (in ititmeto : f oeU^a tooaf
jf>ctomao6|idr(rio|i|)0£rttaaU(5adC(mpRgonf uaooarra^ (ftenoida/iton mcfit
cptradicbo 2Ua priincra^ foraUeparcftoiibrerantuluaoozacorneitioracicit oeTii aira inagcf
at el qual itiaraiitUaTaiiieute totp eib anoadoloa idio0 la llaiiiin (^aaitabs'ii 31ta fc^iioa
MfetionbrelaiilaarantamariaDccoiKcpdonalacercerafcrrandina alaquartalaifla bdU
lUqitlra la ;^a ^aaitaeaftacaoavaaitoobrenuoioCtuandofonegfieala^uaitare^
II id la cofta odla a' p^nience )^la falle tan ^awx ^ penfe que leTia tierra finne la ptoafcia dc
Dotaf 0 f como no fatle aft tnllaa f logaaree ctla €o(u oda mar f aluo pcquejias pobladonetf
:onlagenteoda0 ^ea nopooiabaucr fablapozqitrluezofitf jn to909:ancbaafoapc
iante pet d dtcbo cammopCrJoo dcao arar gradce'Ciudadea o vitlaa f at cabo ot mttd>af .
Ic^iad vtflcq no baufa inonado i que la coda mc Icnatia aUctctri^ii deadode mi voluntas
c^'a^otrailapo^ df aknio erafa ^amado fo tenia ptopofito oebJ5(r dd altnlhiif (akUi
dvietomedbadelattdetermineoenpaguardacocioaepofboluiatrEiafaffeavitrM
to ot addde^te doa bobrea pot la tiara para fabafi bauta IRor o 9^ea Citi^pmiioiti
tto tree toaiadaa fballato ifimtaa poblaaoee pcqiidiaa i ^ete u nu uieto mat no c^k^^(|(
imieto potlo quaifebolnieid f 0 cntedia barto ot ott^a idioa q ta cenia tomadoe to^ifiop^
Duamctedki ticrra era, '^Hi t afi (egai la coda ddla at oricic denco ( fiece Ic^iaahdatidd^ fi
5tafioiodquaIcaboviocra^flaaloricteDi(ltctaDcdbioie50ocbo legoaaala qiiilliitt^
pufenombre U fpajiolaf fittaUif fegui la parteodfcrentrion aft como ma inanaal ^fM^
dirvitt jrad<& le^iaa poz lima recta dd oricte afi como oda iuana la qoal f todailae dim
(o foumnw m pemaHaoo graoo f dia cndbtmo en ella af mudsoa pMcnoaenlatofbibot
nt(ir'(icopaiaqdoeoiroaqforcpaenarilbanoaffartDanio0fboeno9fjr^
viila laa ti^rad odla (6 altaa f e cUa nnif nqidxia fienaa f motaiias altimmae (I cdparadS
oela lilatecetrt frc: tODaa f.nnofiflinaa oe mA fed^iiraa f todaa adabdea f llenaa oc arb'olir
&: mil manera^ iaitaa i parecen q \Ji<^ al cido i io0opoiDid)o q iamae pieroelafoia fegmi b
pueoecopbeDcrq IO0 vtta vaoea i ta bcTinofoecomolo potmafocnrpanaloeUo^ftauafkir
noo6odioac6fhito t oelloaenotratermnioregScerocalioaoicaniiacl roifdiotfoCoaiNl
^tcoaoemtlmaneraa cndmeeoeiiottiebfcpotaUioidx 10 qoauaafpalmaaoeifof oot
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d.i be muclraa manenia oeaiiee f Cmtaa mtif oioeifaa cnla^Uora^af mttcbdi mM^ociRC
^^^S^qi^l^msibMnmao Xafpailola eam<«raiiilialaftdrraf flaamdiaiiaaf Wicgip
ibf campinaaf laatierraatanfennofaofgrncTaaparaplatiarffcbrar pacttarganaoo««ec#
t^Ali(tc0 para beoifidda oe tnUa0 du^a IO0 pilertoa txla macaqw
^fOdQfiripaitwd^odfgzanoe^bttdtaaagMaeloeinaeQi^^
Mf fnitpa^reiuaa af ^anoeaoillctenciao bt aqud laa bda fossna en cfta af mud^aa fiiede
^,f6^nbe0^tna$^'«;of Q(0Cf(99m!a9l(a.Xrflj$enicbe(^ laaocmeq be
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fnami^bief^l^^baanqttealgunaamugcrcere cobiisiiCvnro|6bt$at(d imafbiaotfr
^^P vtumSMk «t^oo qucpa etto fa5cn elloa no dcnai fterio ni a5eio ai, amiae otTct
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<iwu>-0nbia2afioniooa oli^a b«mbtca algnttavijlaBabaopw- .mlt^
17
ft HUiuf io:f ocfpucjj q 1*6 vcfallcg(arfuf«i|si tioagttsir^rpao:e<|bttOf eftonopot qiica
^nno (4- afH bccbo tn^l aittcd a toDo cabo abode f o afid edaoo f poDioo bauor fabla lee be
x>o tx roDo loque taim afi paiio cotno otrao cofae iimcbae Ci rcccbi^ pot elb cofa algita ini
io aft tcinciofos rmreiiteoio: vcroao eTqucocrpucd qtieafe^Nn rpieroe dkiillcpo elloe '
eatiro (1 cn^ano f can liberalco odo q tkiie que no loorecrian fmo d qlo vteTcellod oe cofa
f egan pidicoogda tamas oi^e oeno antes coutdait lapfoita co dlof mudlrait taco aiuoi
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ra cofici oe qtial qtnera tnaiicra que Tea q fele oepotcUo (ea cdtenco0:f 0 oefoioiq nofclee
reii cofae tntt fimlce como peoa5o0 oe efaioilUe totae y pcoa5O0 oe viorio toro f cabof c
gcta0:bau que qua^o eUos efto pooia llegvir loo parefcia bauor Uinciot lofa ^ mi]oo.
(c acerco barter vn manitezopo: tua ago^eta oe oto oepcTottOoo eaddlanod j nieototfoi
ceocr.io cofao q niuf mmco valia inucbo inae fa pot blacae nueuao oauatt pot dkid u
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00 fi(l4 loo pco.1500 dcloo arcoo totdo odao pipao tom^uan roauan loq teiiian coino I
M afi que me paredo iitahf 0 loscfcoi foaiia fo ^aciofao mil cbfao buenao q fo (aiaua
que romen aitio: f alleoa odlo fe ^ra cnfhaiioo qut fddinan al amotecenticto oe fiio akesad
f oe coDa la nado caddlma : eptocuFa oe airit.ir oe noo oar odao cofae que ccne en abor^
aa que noe fo necelTariao f no conoctan nt^na fera ni loolatna falno que toooo creen q
fiicrcaofclbteeo enladof creiannmf firmequcfocddYoonauioo fgcntcvemaoelcidofci
cataiiuento mereceblan enrooo cabo ocfpueo oebauer poiooelmicoo f cflono ptoccoepoiti
fean tg<ioraiueo fafno oanuf focil tgcnio f obrco que natic^n tooao aqueUao maree qtted
inarauilla labuena cucnca qudloooan oetooofaliio poiqueiulca viexo gete vcfhoanifemcni
tee naiHoo floego que lege alao foiae da prtntera iHa q balle tomepfo239 algon^e trilod pa
ra que orpreotcfcn f me oiefe notia odo queauia eiiaqueUao paitco eafi fue que luego HoM
f nooadloo quando potlengiiaoienao-.fcftcdban aproued>aoo tmidx) of cA6ialo6(ni(^
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craii lao primeroo apzonunciario aoons f 0 Kegaua y loo ottoo anoanan coinendo dccafac
cafa .falao villao cercauao cd bo5e0 alm^ vcnic : vam aucr higentc od cido afi lodoe hShm
<omo mugero dcfpueo ocbanerelcora56 fcguto oc noo venia q no cadani (jirandenlpcqnew
eodo& trajraan algu dccomcr fdebeuer quedat|an cd vn ^moi maraniVofb eOo0 doicioddf
offlao nuif untcbao canoao amanerardelufted dcrano d^Uao maiorao ddlae mcnoreefai
gunao '.rmucbaofomaforetfqtiebnafiilhidedte^cocbbbacootnofotanaocbae poiquria
dd>an folo madeio mao buna fu(h notema to dlao afitmo pozque van qucno €9 cofaocdt
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oelhio cauoao be villo co In: y\in obrcs eiicUaf^cada voo c6 Cufeino duodae elbi0 tflad 9^
vide mucba omcrfldad dda fecbiira oda gcm^ m cii lao coftumbreo 01 enla Icngnaifaloo que
lodoo fc cntienden q efcofa mnf (mular para lo que etpc26q oetcnnmaranrfw alCQMparali
cduerfacio ddloo te noeftra fanta-ft ala qual (5 inuf difpn^roo .fa otic como fobauia Utik
c.vuleguaep.odacollaodamarpozladd'ecbalinai: fidctcaoneuce porlajflaittamilcgii^
qual c?nuno pnedooefir que db rtla cfmaior qne mgiatcrra f efccTia lomasppt qneaUcde M
taoc \fii4egtta0mcqaed?ddapancaeponi2nf!eoo0psAdfia0qaci0ii^ 9BOatSo:laviKiik
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ffi€ito0oc.l.o Irkgaaeregunpuedeqicoioerddloo tcioo qufotoigoloa^bfabcntooo^
las fflao c(hi octa opajiola cidcrco cienemao que la efpana tooa defoecotoitfa pqicoft^v
inarfaftafiiiteraniacnotfcafa pueoen vnaqnaoraanonue drnvmgrafioole(pia!opotr<c
cal(****oeocdoenra orfchfcelh>coparaocfcar.e\ ',co para nuncac^renJo qual puedv
-^aorenga romc: ^ poflcflidpozfaoaltesaoffo^ao fean mao'^ibalhoao odo qncA*
18
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>marc4 para laa muias oii cto yotiooo tmo afi ocb nerra finite o(a<)tta coitio oc a quda
ealla od ^an can aodx paura ^.ino rcjto egantincia bctomaco pcfldTio cc vna villa ^Jit
e ala qual pufc itdbrc U vilb oenauoao-.fcu dl.i btiM^o fiio^a y foaalc5a que fa aellaebo
10 eftarp od to )o aa^aoi fbcoeraoo eiidlj ^ite que abafh para (cmeianre ftcbo coannaf
arteUanad eviciiaUss poi mad de vn atlo ytitta f iiiadho dda iiiar cncodad artee para fi5er
cra« fgrandeanuHjd c6 dlKcf de aquella nerra cnanto ^do qucfe prcaaua deiiie Uaniar f
kmcr po: bermaiio c bau que Ic tiiuc^afc la volutad a bofraioer elh (^eie el nilce fuioe nofabc
qaeftan aim is^^andan odhudoecoiito f abe dKdo id IO0 iiiaa tancofoe queaf at el niudo
ftquefolameiite la ^atre que at U qucda o para oclhcir ccda aqucda nen'a f eo f (la (ipclf^o
Kfttoperibiia^ r4bieudofcre{$ir eitrodaecfla^ inaoincparecequecodoeloe obrcefraiicdtc
p9 CO Vila iiii^er 1 afu maioral olRcf oan falla. cef luc lae niiigcred me parece que crabaica
lias que IO0 obred ut bcpooido ai ttiida fitaiieivbicncQ p»)(uce que me paredo vor q a qllo
tuevno tenia codod ba5ia» parccaicfpccialaHao^ofiidccHiicoeiadeneftae iflaefafhi aqui
10 bdxiUado obrce ittonnidos coitio miKboo paifaiiQn iiiao aiirce cdoda gete oaituf liiido
icacanueuto lu to negios como cgMni^laliio cofiiQ jC^bctto^orredioo fiiofcaian adoicaf
peto oouadaoo ddos rafoo folaree cs vcrdad qudfclnciijc^in ^ aud fiicrca pudlo quecedi
kfrintaoda Itnaiqui itoctal vdte d<(i0 ^ades ai cDao uladad^dcif tnotnae ^ndee :af tenta
ifacrca d fho die futcruo: uiiselloe lo fufrcn po:la coihiiitbre que cola afiida odao vtatida0
:omencderpecta0 mttcbao y muy calienrcd cnoeiiiatbiafiquc inoftruod nobe baUado tiinoci
<ia (aino oe vna^ f la que cd aqui oila fe^unda vita eutrada odad ptdiao q e9 poblada oeviia
lotfe que deue en cooae lae f flaa po< inuf fczo5CO to« qiialleo cctiie catiie vinana cftod cienc
nucbas canaud cdlae quates coire rodae lis fi'mo or idia loba j^coina quanco pnedfndlc>0
10 io mae otffoancd ojae IO0 oi;^>d falao q aeiie aicodunibrc cctradr loo cabeno0 largdecom
ww^fX€9 y vfan arcoe y flecbao rdae miHnad armao oecafiae cd vn palitlo alcabo po»ifcc
toxfieRoq notiaie(dfe:a5e0(iufKe(lo0ot»>dpiiebtoe iue(6eocmarudo^rado couardce
nta0 fo no IO0 tengo en naoa mae que alod :ot2^ cfloo fo aqucllod q (rata colae nuigcre^
demaoononto q ee lapriiue.a ffla pai nendo afpana para las tdiao q fe lalla atla qual no af
^icnig^iiio:eUa0 uo via aarcic ftiuaul CaIuo arc oe y frcclxio como loo fobre dicboo oe canaf
fleaiman f cobigan cotauneo cc arambre ocque haic inud)o ocra ydt mcfcgiiron niaf o: q la
Ci'panola eut^ue lao pCouao no ticne ningu cabcUo. (!*n ella af ozo (1 cuaito y ocftao y oclao o
t raottaigocoimgo ioioopara cdlunomoie coclufio afoblarocfto roUmcte qucfeafccbo die
I'lagc^tte tucfd oecoziqa que pucd^ vofuoaltejao qfo Icedarc 0:0 quaiito ouietenmtener con
nutf poquica afuoa q fuo alcc5a0 ii\eoara a^<p^ ipcoann y al^ooo quato Cuo atcejao niadura
car^f abnalhca quaura mancaraiijcargaf $9cla qualfaHa of no tcbafallaoo faliiocn grt
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dauooquatoomadarancargarefcranuDeloofoclncrcsf creobauctfallaoo rufbanio.f cane
lacotrao miicofao oduDanoa fallaze que bar^^n falldoo la gcre quefo 7lla oero po^quef o
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Villa oe nauioao cnquanto oejce afeg'iiraoo l£ bicn «letaoo C ala vcmao miicbo itiao fiaera
libonaatoomerimicraii i:omora5doaiiuitoaiia i^rllocobazroy cttznootooudcdto fcuoi
d qual oa a toooo aqucUoo q aiioaii fucamiiio victmatc cofas que pazcccii inipofibleoifcfta
Knalaoamece fitela viia poz q b au qu4( ocitae ciVir..e Jian failaoo 0 cioipco tooo va poz c6
iccmra fm alleg^r ocuilta (aluo coprcnoienoo a raiiro que loo of ctco loo mao cftiucbaaan e/
lUMSanan maopotfabla quepozpocac fodlo dfi que piico itudl^orlt^cocmrotoiod^a.vic
lorja anncfooo ;^Uurtririmo0 ny locyiu caf' rcj^oe j^auiofoo o^p alta cofa 3 dcoc rooa
>9
nidaocdinacbatf oraooneslbt^hedpo^d^npfllltalcamicitfoqiiebatinuim to2nandofe
latitod puidto a nueftrafjoccafi? ^^fpueepotloebiQice leponife^ no folamcceate dpdiifl
ftm fltodoo tD0 cbri(HanQ0 teman aqui rcfngoio f gxnaitda cHo fcj^li^ d 6td)o aii ciiibK9(
fecbft cnia catottc^a ibbit la0fflad oc catiana a ro oe fcbz6»> a no itf^U. cccdaoiti*
jfaMloquemanoarcfa tf5lSlmifaic
Bnima que voiiai^amootta Catta.
ld4i^d<ftj(rci1pco:f cAadocnntaroeXalHIIaraHo canco.vt^cd nif^.rttt f fiicftcqtie
inoba 1^9 ocfcar^r loo nauio0 po con aqui (it dlepucrto oelifbontTof que (he la niaf ot
marautila odmund^ adddc acoMkcfoiUtf afiis aItQa0.ciiroda0lit fuous be lianprc balla
00 r loa t«porair<oino at mafp fldodefo for en ncxmoiarf voUii en 9VW
]^9nKapcccnido)cdiioia0COtfien<lopotdianiar:Di5cnaqtt4 lodoaloa bobreaodanKU^i;
maaonoininiiN^fmcntonomtanndpadidasdenaucefecba baqtt4ioQeoiaeocntar)0ii
C0X3 Carta cnblo Cotom 2l!d'ainanoi
Idelae^ila^ l^alladaa enXa^ 3noia«;iUttBia«
9vl0Ua 0r0iMk!aiiQa0
The Folio Letter 21
Literal Translation of the First Edition of Columbus's [Folio] Spanish Letter
to Luis de Santangel
Sir:
As I know that you will have pleasure of the great victory which our
Lord hath given me in my voyage, I write you this, by which you shall know
that, in twenty days I passed over to the Indies with the fleet which the
most illustrious King and Queen, our Lords, gave me: where I fotind very
many islands peopled with inhabitants beyond ntmiber. And, of them all,
I have taken possession for their Highnesses, with proclamation and the
royal standard displayed; ^and I was not gainsaid. On the first which I
found. I put the name Sant Salvador, in commemoration of His high
Majesty, who marvellously hath given all this: the Indians call it Guana-
hani. The second I named the Island of Santa Maria de Concepcion, the
third Ferrandina, the fourth Fair Island,^ the fifth La Isla Juana; and so
for each one a new name. When I reached Juana, I followed its coast
westwardly, and found it so large that I thought it might be the mainland
province of Cathay. And as I did not thus find any towns and villages on
the seacoast, save small hamlets with the people whereof I could not get
speech, because they all fled away forthwith, I went on farther in the same
direction, thinking I should not miss of great cities or towns. And at the
end of many leagues, seeing that there was no change, and that the coast
was bearing me northwards, whereunto my desire was contrary since the
winter was already confronting us, I formed the purpose of making from
thence to the South, and as the wind also blew against me, I determined
not to wait for other weather and turned back as far as a port agreed upon ;
from which' I sent two men into the country to learn if there were a king,
or any great cities. They travelled for three days, and found interminable
small villages and a numberless population, but nought of ruling authority;
wherefore they returned. I understood sufficiently from other Indians
whom I had already taken, that this land, in its continuousness, was an
island; and so I followed its coast eastwardly for a hundred and seven
leagues as far as where it terminated; from which headland I saw another
island to the east, ten or eight leagues distant from this, to which I at once
gave the name La Spafiola. And I proceeded thither, and followed the
northern coast, as with La Juana, eastwardly for a hundred and seventy-
eight great leagues in a direct easterly course, as with La Juana. The
which, and all the others, are very large * to an excessive degree, and this
extremely so. In it, there are many havens on the seacoast, in compar-
able with any others that I know in Christendom, and plenty of rivers so
good and great that it is a marvel. The lands thereof are high, and in it
' The reader will observe that the Catalonian printer has made this fourth island
La Isla Bella, instead of La Ysabella, as it is in the Spanish Quarto edition and as it
undoubtedly was in the original. Columbus wished to honour Queen Isabella, his
patroness.
^Michel Kemey, the lamented bibliographer, translated this as if it read
ertilistmos.
22 Christopher Columbus
are very many ranges of hills, and most lofty mountains incomparably be-
yond the Island of Centrefrei * ; all most beautiful in a thousand shapes,
and all accessible, and full of trees of a thousand kinds, so lofty that they
seem to reach the sky. And I am assured that they never lose their
foliage; as may be imagined, since I saw them as green and as beautiful as
they are in Spain during May. And some of them were in flower, some in
fruit, some in another stage according to their kind. And the nightingale
was singing, and other birds of a thousand sorts, in the month of Novem-
ber, round about the way that I was going. There are palm-trees of six
or eight species, wondrous to see for their beautiful variety; but so are the
other trees, and fruits, and plants therein. There are wonderful pine-
groves, and very large plains of verdure, and there is honey, and many kinds
of birds, and many various fruits. In the earth there are many mines of
metals; and there is a population of incalculable number. Spafiola is a
marvel; the motmtains and hills, and plains and fields, and land, so beauti-
ful and rich for planting and sowing, for breeding cattle of all sorts, for
building of towns and villages. There could be no believing, without see-
ing, such harbours as are here, as well as the many and great rivers, and
excellent waters, most of which contain gold. In the trees and fruits and
plants, there are great differences from those of Juana. In this, there are
many spiceries, and great mines of gold and other metals. The people of
this island, and of all the others that I have foimd and seen or not seen, all
go naked, men and women, just as their mothers bring them forth ; although
some women cover a single place with the leaf of a plant, or a cotton some-
thing which they make for that purpose. They have no iron or steel, nor
any weapons; nor are they fit thereunto; not because they be not a well-
formed people and of fair stature, but that they are most wondrously
timorous. They have no other weapons than the stems of reeds in their
seeding state, on the end of which they fix little sharpened stakes. Even
these, they dare not use; for many times has it happened that I sent two
or three men ashore to some village to parley, and countless numbers of
them sallied forth, but as soon as they saw those approach, they fled away
in such wise that even a father would not wait for his son. And this was not
because any hurt had ever been done to any of them: — on the contrary, at
every headland where I have gone and been able to hold speech with them,
I gave them of ever)rthing which I had, as well cloth as many other things,
without accepting aught therefor; but such they are, incurably timid.
It is true that since they have become more assured, and are losing that
terror, they are artless and generous with what they have, to such a degree
as no one would believe but he who had seen it. Of anything they have,
if it be asked for, they never say no, but do rather invite the person to
accept it, and show as much lovingness as though they would give their
hearts. And whether it be a thing of value, or one of little worth, they are
» Some take this for Tenerife. It may be intended for Scotia, with which island
he compares Joanna in the Sanchez letter, as well as later on in this letter. Perhaps
the Admiral (through this printer) is trying to say that the island is larger than a
hundred Ferro islands.
The Folio Letter 23
straightways content with whatsoever trifle of whatsoever kind may be
given them in return for it. I forbade that anything so worthless as frag-
ments of broken platters, and pieces of broken glass, and strap-buckles,
should be given them; although when they were able to get such things,
they seemed to think they had the best jewel in the world, for it was the hap
of a sailor to get, in exchange for a strap, gold to the weight of two and a
half castellanos, and others much more for other things of far less value;
while for new blancas they gave every thing they had, even though it were
[the worth of] two or three gold castellanos, or one or two arrobas of spun
cotton. They took even pieces of broken barrel-hoops, and gave whatever
they had, like senseless brutes; insomuch that it seemed to me ill. I for-
bade it, and I gave gratuitously a thousand useful things that I carried, in
order that they may conceive affection, and furthermore may be made
Christians; for they are inclined to the love and service of their High-
nesses and of all the Castilian nation, and they strive to combine in giving
us things which they have in abundance, and of which we are in need. And
they know no sect, or idolatry; save that they all believe that power and
goodness are in the sky, and they believed very firmly that I, with these
ships and crew, came from the sky; and in such opinion, they received me
at every place where I landed, after they had lost their terror. And this
comes not because they are ignorant; on the contrary, they are men of
very subtle wit, who navigate all those seas, and who give a marvellously
good account of everything — ^but because they never saw men wearing
clothes or the like of our ships. And as soon as I arrived in the Indies,
in the first island that I found, I took some of them by force, to the intent
that they should learn [our speech] and give me information of what there
was in those parts. And so it was, that very soon they understood [us]
and we them, what by speech or what by signs; and those [Indians] have
been of much service. To this day I carry them [with me] who are still of
the opinion that I come from heaven, [as appears] from much conversation
which they have had with me. And they were the first to proclaim it
wherever I arrived; and the others went running from house to house and
to the neighbouring villages, with loud cries of "Come! come to see the
people from heaven!*' Then, as soon as their minds were reassured about
us, every one came, men as well as women, so that there remained none
behind, big or little; and they all brought something to eat and drink,
which they gave with wondrous lovingness. They have in all the islands
very many canoes, after the manner of rowing-galleys, some larger, some
smaller; and a good many are larger than a galley of eighteen benches.
They are not so wide, because they are made of a single log of timber, but
a galley could not keep up with them in rowing, for their motion is a thing
beyond belief. And with these, they navigate through all those islands
which are numberless, and ply their traffic. I have seen some of those
canoes with seventy, and eighty, men in them, each one with his oar. In
all those islands, I saw not much diversity in the looks of the people, or in
their manners and language ; but they all understand each other, which is
\
24 Christopher Columbus
a thing of singular towardness for what I hope their Highnesses will deter-
mine, as to making them conversant with our holy faith, unto which they
are well disposed. I have already told how I had gone a hundred and
seven leagues, in a straight line from West to East, along the seacoast of
the Island of Juana; according to which itinerary, I can declare that that
island is larger than England and Scotland combined; as, over and above
those hundred and seven leagues, there remains for me, on the western side,
two provinces whereto I did not go — one of which they call Anan, where
the people are bom with tails — which provinces cannot be less in length
than fifty or sixty leagues, according to what may be understood from the
Indians with me, who know all the islands. This other, Espanola,* has a
greater circiunference than the whole of Spain from Colibre in Cataltmya,
by the seacoast, as far as Fuente Ravia in Biscay; since, along one of its
four sides, I went for a hundred and eighty-eight great leagues in a straight
line from West to East. This is [a land] to be desired,^and once seen,
never to be relinquished — in which [although, indeed, I have taken pos-
session of them all for their Highnesses, and all are more richly endowed
than I have skill and power to say, and I hold them all in the name of their
Highnesses who can dispose thereof as much and as completely as of the
kingdoms of Castile] in this Espaflola, in the place most suitable and best
for its proximity to the gold mines, and for traffic with the continent, as
well on this side as on the further side of the Great Can, where there will be
great commerce and profit, — I took possession of a large town which I
named the city of Navidad. And I have made fortifications there, and a
fort [which by this time will have been completely finished] and I have left
therein men enough for such a ptirpose, with arms and artillery, and pro-
visions for more than a year, and a boat, and a [man who is] master of all
sea-craft for making others; and great friendship with the King of that
land, to such a degree that he prided himself on calling and holding me as
his brother. And even though his mind might change towards attacking
those men, neither he nor his people know what arms are, and go naked.
As I have already said, they are the most timorous creatures there are in
the world, so that the men who remain there are alone sufficient to destroy
all that land, and the island is without personal danger for them if they
know how to behave themselves. It seems to me that in all those islands,
the men are all content with a single wife; and to their chief or king they
give as many as twenty. The women, it appears to me, do more work than
the men. Nor have I been able to learn whether they held personal prop-
erty, for it seemed to me that whatever one had, they all took shares of,
especially of eatable things. Down to the present, I have not found in
those islands any monstrous men, as many expected, but on the contrary
d\\ the people are very comely; nor are they black like those in Guinea, but
have flowing hair; and they are not begotten where there is an excessive
violence of the rays of the sun. It is true that the sun is there very strong,
notwithstanding that it is twenty-six degrees distant from the equinoctial
» This form, ever after used, now appears for the first time.
The Folio Letter 25
line. In those islands, where there are lofty mountains, the cold was very
keen there, this winter; but they endure it by being accustomed thereto,
and by the help of the meats which they eat with many and inordinately
hot spices. Thus I have not found, nor had any information of monsters,
except of an island which is here the second in the approach to the Indies,
which is inhabited by a people whom, in all the islands, they regard as very
ferociotis, who eat htmian flesh. These have many canoes with which they
run through all the islands of India, and plunder and take as much as they
can. They are no more ill-shapen than the others, but have the custom
of wearing their hair long, like women ; and they tise bows and arrows of the
same reed-stems, with a point of wood at the top, for lack of iron which
they have not. Amongst those other tribes who are excessively cowardly,
these are ferocious; but I hold them as nothing more than the others.
These are they who have to do with the women of Matremonio — which is
the first island that is encountered in the passage from Spain to the Indies
— in which there are no men. Those women practise no female usages,
but have bows and arrows of reeds such as above mentioned; and they
arm and cover themselves with plates of copper of which they have much.
In another island, which they assure me is larger than Espafiola, the
people have no hair. In this, there is incalculable gold; and concerning
these and the rest I bring Indians with me as witnesses. And in conclusion,
to speak only of what has been done in this voyage, which has been so
hastily performed, their Highnesses may see that I shall give them as much
gold as they may need, with very little aid which their Highnesses will
give me; spices and cotton at once, as much as their Highnesses will order
to be shipped, and as much as they shall order to be shipped of mastic, —
which till now has never been found except in Greece, in the island of Xio,
and the Seignory sells it for what it likes; and aloe- wood as much as they
shall order to be shipped; and slaves as many as they shall order to be
shipped — and these shall be from idolaters. And I believe that I
have discovered rhubarb and cinnamon, and I shall find that the men
whom I am leaving there will have discovered a thousand other things
of value; as I made no delay at any point, so long as the wind gave me
an opporttinity of sailing, except only in the town of Navidad till I had
left things safely arranged and well established. And in truth I should
have done much more if the ships had served me as well as might reasonably
have been expected. This is enough ; and [thanks to] eternal God our Lord
who gives to all those who walk His way, victory over things which seem
impossible; and this was signally one such, for although men have talked
or written of those lands, it was all by conjecture, without confirmation
from eyesight, importing just so much that the hearers for the most part
listened and judged that there was more fable in it than an)rthing actual,
however trifling. Since thus our Redeemer has given to our most illus-
trious King and Queen, and to their famous kingdoms, this victory in so
high a matter, Christendom should take gladness therein and make great
festivals, and give solemn thanks to the Holy Trinity for the great exalta-
26 Christopher Columbus
tion they shall have by the conversion of so many peoples to our Holy
faith; and next for the temporal benefit which will bring hither refresh-
ment and profit, not only to Spain, but to all Christians. This briefly, in
accordance with the facts. Dated, on the caravel, off the Canary Islands,
the 15 February of the year 1493.
At your command.
The Admiral.
Postscript which came within the letter:
After having written this [letter], and being in the sea of Castile, there
rose upon me so much wind. South and South- West, that it has caused me
to lighten the vessels, however, I ran hither to-day into this port of Lisbon,
which was the greatest wonder in the world; where I decided to write to
their Highnesses. I have always found the seasons like May in all the
Indies, whither I passed in thirty-three days, and returned in twenty-eight,
but that these storms have delayed me twenty-three days running about
this sea. All the seamen say here that there never has been so bad a
winter, nor so many shipwrecks.
Dated the 14th of March.
The Spanish folio edition of the letter of Columbus was be-
yond question printed in Spain, and, since there were certainly
four printers ' in that city at the time, the natural inference is
that it issued from a press in Barcelona. The Court was there,
* As we have already said in a note above, Petrus Posa, a Catalonian priest, was
engaged in printing at Barcelona as early as 1481, and from 1482 to even as late a
period as 15 18 he printed under his own name several books. He printed:
Raymvndi Lvlli Liber divinalis vocatus Arbor ScienticB, in 1482.
De la Imendio de Jesu Christ, 1482.
Phocas, De principalibus orationis partibus, 1488.
Cijar, Opusculum tantutn qutnque, 1491.
Ximinks, Liber PastorcUis, Dec. 5, 1493.
Petrus Michael, a citizen of Barcelona, printed in that city from 1481 to 1499.
His books are in Latin and Spanish. In the British Museum there are several speci-
mens of his press. In Proctor's list of Early Printed Books, there are:
No. 9548. Bonaventura. Meditationes Vita Christi, July 16, 1493.
No. 9549. Bonetus. Metaphysica. November 24, 1493.
No. 9550. Ovidius. Libre de las Transformaciones. April 24, 1494.
Johannes Baro had a press in Barcelona as early as 1493.
Johannes Rosenbach, a native of Heidelberg, printed in Barcelona from 1493 to
1498. The initial letter *'S" used by him is identical with that in the folio letter, but
the type of the text is not the same. He printed:
Libre appellat dels Angels que tracta de lur aliesa e natura, in 1494.
With four presses in Barcelona in the year 1493, it is more than likely one of
them would have been engaged in printing this letter.
Diego de Gumiel printed at Barcelona:
Flors de Vertuts e de cosiums, January 3, 1495.
Gabriel Pou had a press at Barcelona, where he printed:
P. Vergili Maronis Mneis, June 23, 1495.
Examples of several of the above presses are in the Author's library, but none
The Folio Letter 27
foreign representatives were there, and there also were the many
agents of petty princes and of commercial houses to whose ac-
tivity we owe the early propagation of the news of the discovery.
In its manuscript form the letter was not adapted to encyclical
reading, and the demand for its contents will easily suggest its
immediate printing. Moreover, the interest in its contents will
accotmt for its rarity to-day. The edition doubtless was small ;
the little pamphlet, consisting of only two folios or leaves, was
too small to be preserved with a binding, and thus, when much
reading and handling had frayed and torn its body, it was sent
back to the paper mill. It is not strange, then, that there has
come down to us but one copy, — that in the Lenox portion of
the New York Public Library.' It is apparent that the printing
of the letter was a work of haste, and it has been suggested that
perhaps two compositors were engaged in setting it up, each
working on a leaf, the failure to adjust the two parts being
apparent in the last line of the first leaf and the first line of the
second leaf, both being practically identical and resulting in an
attempt to cancel the extra line on the first leaf.
The probability that the letter was first printed in Spain,
and in the Catalonian portion of Spain, is shown by the following
peculiarities, which could only occur in a Spanish printing
establishment. On the recto of folio i, in line 4, one reads
rrealy and in line 25, rrios. This initial double r is a peculiar-
ity not found outside of Spain. No foreign and no Spanish
printer in a foreign country would have made use of such a roll-
ing character. As it presents rather an interesting philological
study, we give the two score and more examples of Catalonian-
isms discovered by the learned transcriber of the letter in the
Quaritch publication.
discloses type absolutely similar. The type used by Petrus Posa is identical in face,
but a careful metric comparison shows the matrices to have been different.
Both Harrisse and Quaritch regard the Posa press as having produced the folio
letter, but we must dissent from their conclusions. There are several double letters,
cast on the same type used in the folio letter, and which do not appear in the Xim^nks,
printed July, 1493.
' The preservation of this copy is due probably to the fact that four leaves of
contemporary paper were stitched to it, thus supporting its life for four hundred
years or nearly so, since there is a date to indicate that these extra pages were written
on in May, 1497, ^^^ tYisX this writing was probably done at Bruges. The six leaves
in turn were joined to some other work, which was protected with an oaken or hog-
skin cover until chance revealed the Columbus letter, and the jewel was extracted
from its common setting.
28
Christopher Columbus
THE CATALONIAN
1 . grand.
2. Sant.
3. magestat.
4. Ferrandina.
5. yviemo.
6. Spana.
7. Spanola.
8. hedificios.
9. crehencia.
10. haun que.
11. siviles.
12. haun que.
13-
14. tenen.
15. forza.
16. conversasion.
17. venit, venit!
18. mugers.
19. algu.
20. fustes.
21. huna.
22. hun.
23. huna.
24. osidente.
25. desir.
26. Escosia.
27. provinsias.
28. nasen.
29. provinsias.
30. quals.
31. Colunya.
32. Viscaya.
33. grands.
34. Occident.
35. grand.
36. haun que.
37. hoffender.
38. tenien.
39. grand.
40. yviemo.
41. launes.
42. ydolatres.
43. haunque.
44. calavera.
45. yviemo.
46. ha.
Page
I.
INSTEAD OF THE USUAL
SPANISH FORM
Line
I . gran or grande.
6. San.
7. magestad.
8. Femandina.
15. ynviemo.
29. Espana.
35. Espanola.
37. edificios.
37. creencia.
42. aun que.
9. ceviles.
10. aun que.
13-
17. tienen.
23. fuer^a.
26. conversacion.
28. venid, venid!
29. mugeres
30. algo.
3 1 . fustas.
32. una.
33- ^ri.
33- una.
39. Occident e.
40. decir.
40. Escocia.
41. provincias.
42. nacen.
42. provincias.
43. quales.
44. Coluna.
45. Vizcaya.
45. grandes.
46. occidente,
4. gran.
9. aun que.
9. ofender.
14. tenian.
13. gran.
20. ynviemo.
31. laminas or launas.
38. ydolatras.
44. aunque.
5. caravela.
13. ynviemo.
13- a.
The Folio Letter 29
It is not pretended but that typographical errors may ac-
count for some of these irregularities, but the marked peculiar-
ities are sufficient to support the contention as to the coxmtry
of the printing. For instance, we find the imiform use of 5
where the Castilian uses f or z. The Catalan es is used for
the plural form when the Castilian employs as. The sound
which the latter represents by ue, the Catalan represents by o.
The Castilian ad and id become at and it in Catalan, as, for in-
stance, venit for venid. The Castilian uses the accent over the
consonant w, while the Catalan writes out his sound, thus, ny.
The Catalan omits the n in some words, as yuierno instead of
ynvierno, as the Castilian would write it. The Catalan writes
out the rotigh breathing before the vowels, as ha for a, and
huna for una. The following are purely Catalonianisms :
magestat, venit, mugers, algu, fustes, quals, grands, launes,
ydolatres, calavera.
Thus a strong case has been made out for the printing of this
letter in the territory of the Spanish monarchs, and in that part
of it known as the province of Catalonia. As Barcelona was
the most important city of that province, as it had several
printing houses at that period, as the Court was established
there at the time, and as the letter to Luis de Santangel was
forwarded there from Palos immediately upon the arrival in
that port of Columbus, it is a fair assumption that the first
promulgation of the news of the discovery received its impulse
from the types of a Barcelona press.
THE SPANISH QUARTO EDITION OF THE LETTER WRITTEN
BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS TO LUIS DE SANTANGEL
(UNIQUE EXAMPLE PRESERVED IN THE AMBROSIAN
LIBRARY IN MILAN)
3«
The Spanish Quarto Letter 33
\i&icnow que d qoe fltirefd |tf(^ OcTa snnb
vfctotTa que mo fdioi mcba oaoo en mi vpaic
UO0 efotuo c(ldpo2l9^ICibK)«(coitto cp9:(qf
diae pafe glas inDtae cola annaoa que loeitla
' f!nflimo0lRcp t rcjma nfos fcnoxe nic otcrow
Oonoc po fallenmr mucbas ^flae poblaoad con (jfrc fjwi
numcro.r odiao codas be romaoo pofdTio pot fud alc^
con pK^on f vadcra rcaUft^ioa f no me hie cocraofcbo.
aia pnmcra q )oo Ittlle pnfe n6b:e fantfalttaoot a comcnio
raaon oc fu alra ntagdtooel qual marauillofa mere todo
elto andado lod I'nbf oe la UamJ (juanabam dta fcundajxi
fc nobx la idfa be 1H mana be c6ccpaon.aU tcrccra ftrraof
na.8la quarra la ffabclla^aiaqiunta la ifla 3uana.iarp a
cada vnanobKnttcno£btadofo lle^e alfliuanalcam fo
lacofta ocUaalpon(ct< f lafailecan ^ideq pcnfe q feita
ttcrra f!rma.ia jwincfa becatapo f como no llille aft villas
F btgared enla cofta bclamar ialno pcqocnas poblaaonc8
con Ugcte bclad (jles non poofii baner faUa pot A Uic^
fopi todo9.andaua poabctatepotdbidMcamino pcniati
bo be n 0 error grided Cfobabc» 0 Tillad r al cabo $ mii#
cbaeiegnaovifto^ nobao(atnoiiadonF4UcoAam< le#
nana al fecoiton xk aoobemf volSiab era conirarfa p^
ct fufemo era ra encamado po tenia i^poftto be b^er 61 at
MiAro V ranbte d vieio me bio abdance bctcmunc beno a
gbarbarocroricpof boIuiatradMavnfenilaDo puerro
oabdoc enbie 009 bobxd pot laderra ga (aba (t atna xtf
0 gr^cAidades anbanierotres (omadaa p ballaro fnn
tiiod pobladdcs peqitdiad j^ gete fin nomcro maa no co'
4 oere^iimcco poilo qnalfebobiiero po oitcdiabarta be
€txo^p^Q» 4 pa tenia tomadod como cotmua m^ dta
nerra era ifla i aft fei;a( la coda bdia al oacre dcio f ficte
^3Di0faftiboocfa^ia ii[n:odqoal cabo inotralila alonS
34 Christopher Columbus
tctt'(ltiictdt)Cc(ldM<^o ocbo le^tuas alaqtiMlkgo psXt
nCbjcIa fpnnoiay fiiialU f ffi;ui la pjitcoclfacnrrtoii aft
ccmo oelafuana al oilctcdjCjcvuVgrad^elcipiae po? Un(a
rccraodonTrealiccmoOclafuana la(|aalprc(la6 laao^
tr88foHfo;tl0iinaoai Dcmafiadofirado j!>cfta aieflrcmo
(n (Ila ajc mucbo9 pucrcos mla coffa Dda tnar ft ii copara^
aon PC otros q j>o fcpa en jcpfanos .j> fartos n'cd y bacnof
f gr^oc(( q C0 luarauillaJae tferrae 6(ia fonalt^dpcndfi
nwjf iimcbas ficrrae f motaiias altilfimas fw coparartoiii
Dda }>fla DC ccnc fon todad fainofTimae oc itifll. tv^cburae
prodad ancabilcs f llcnad Dcarboice 6fni! mancras pal
weyparCfcnqllcflanaUclop tcngoTpoiWcboq faiuas
pfcrdc la foiafcjjiito pticdc pp:cbcocr q IO0 vf ranvcrDce f
(aubcrniofo&como fon po: tnaf 0 ai fpana ^ odlos ftaul
Donoos Ddlod cofoo ^ t^cUos ai orro tcnnfito fcipn cs
ftt calidad p dcaua d rui(cnol|> onoe pa)eanco9t>e mil nm
DCrae'cnd niC9 Dcttou(aibKpo:)ai(iDoiioc fo anoaua aj^
fi^nrae be fc)^ ooc-ocbo f naiicrae q ce aomfraao vcrlas
po{ la oil?o;iiuDaO fcnnofa odlas mad aficomo lod otros
arbolce ^ fmto9 tpcruad/cn dla af pinarce a ttiaramUa
7'af cafipfnad gmnt>i(rirna$ t: af mfd ji' oc mucbas maii&
ra8Dcattc9pfnita0mtt;>Dfticrra9/t6nla6tierra6 a^mit^
dM6 mfnae oe f nctalcd ta|> gccc ) itcfKinable numcro. 2^
fpatfola CO marautlla lasficrrad r lad motanaff las ucgaf
)?las capiuad plasttetraetanftrmofas ^(jmcraopapll^
car zfctib^r ga cnarganadod Dctodas fitcrjts pa bcoifio
000 DC villas tlugarc0tto8piimo0OeUmaraqm nobs
ttitacrcanciafifn vdYa? odoe noemod^ tffliocs tbiie
«dd a0i}ad Io0>ma8 ocloe quake tracn 010 cmo9 arbolcs.
ztVutod 7 f ciya0 ap.graocs pff^fcfae^t^nds oda fua
iui.aicfla aj> mndxis tpcdertasf t gi^ecd^iad oc OK) 1 6
orro8 mctaWagcnrcoefta jQatoctodaeldd otrae ^bc
The Spanish Quarto Letter 35
tK>abobieat mugercd af! cotno fus tiudres los pare ^m
c| d/ipli9nm^c9 k cobiian vit folo btoar con Tiia folafo
faoepcrne^viia cofaocal^odocScaeUosfaseiueUoeno
ttencfVdro m'(^eron(aiitia9iaroiiMcUono pot^nofoi
oaiccbtai tiifpucfUz^fmaohtlmuaMio^fonnmf
cancrofod a moraitfllajto tcme otras armas (abio las ar>
mad oeladcanadqnloodhmcdla ftnu^alaqaal ponot
af cabo vti paltllo agndo z no ofan vfar Dc a^lUs Qoe mo^
cbad VQC9 ineba ocadUdo cnb(ara^ierraoo6 otrcs boit
bics algua villaoa baucr fabla z (aura dlo^cUoe finnu
fncro.zocrpuc9 q !o9 vepaUcgar fiij'ananoraguarddr pa^
o;c a biio t dtouo po2 4 d n6i0oo (e a]« (lc])o ntalanccd a
toda cabo a dodc fo a; dtaoo z pomoo auer fabU ks be
daDo D codo lo q toifa af2 p^o como otm cofae mucbas
tin rcccbir po: cUo cofa algunamas fon af( ccinerofod (in
rcmcdio^veroao es ^ Dcfpticd (i afc^rl f pfcrom efta m(c
{>o.eUcd fon tatito (In cn({aiio j? (an liberalcs odo q o'cnen
q no lo crcctlan itno el ^ lo vfdtdloe be cg^ 4 toi^l pCbC^
cndo(;dafama0iO^cn beno/antescoitfoanla eTonacon
dlo yinmcfirm tanco;amo; cj oarfan loe co^apnee z qute
ren Tea cofa be valo: qufe lea be poco pteefo luegopos qnal
qntera cofica be qiial qmera mancra que fea que Ide bepo?
dlo fean cotcntod.po befenbC que no k lea bfefen cqlas ci
fMc0 como pedapa be elcttbfllad rotas p peda^osbcvC
bHo roro ^ cabos be agugetas: avn queqitando dloo efb
pc»dian Uegar los pardcfa auer la mcjo2)0)^ bel niiindo4
fe a^crro auer vn niarfnero po) vna agugeta be oio bcpe^
fo Dcbo8caltcllanospmeaiio»f ocros.be ocrascofas qi|c
inup matos valtan inncbo ma^pa po^blacastwcitasba^
nan pot dlas todo quaco tenia auer que fudbi bos mtre»
callcUanos be otoo vn94irrooaobo9 bc 9ldoboatjfiao9
VOL. 11.-3.
36 Christopher Columbus
faftatospc^aco0^cto6ffl•co0rotoet)da9pfIKW Wtwnf
V Dauan to ^ rcnil como bdbad afp ^ me parelcfa mal fo
lo o^lO()^^auaw) grariofa0ina,cofa0bttaiadqf o kua
Bapo2qtoWcam(»0('oaMcnt>a«>^<>^*«^«f^)>^<^^''^l»i
clftian al amo: t fcntfcio oc fue alt^s y oc roda la narto
caficUana. t p?ocara oc afficar Dc noe oar oclaef ofae q a*
nctt en abnoaa'a ^ nos Ton ncfcflartas p no conoaa mnsa
tta foa nin yoolatrfa faluoq todoe crccn q laa ftjcrfad t d
bic C0 OKI rfelaj> crcjpa inny finite q fo co eftoe nauioe ]^
gctite vma ocl cido f en tat cacamiciowic rccibfa en todo
cabo ocfpue0 oc ancr goibo d nU^o* f dto no ^coc po:
qfcan wjnowtce fahio oc mnp fotil ingarto pbobics q na'
itcgan tcdad aqUa$ inarca q es marauUla la bucna cucca
qucUod Oan otodo fabio poz qnn^a viaon gecc vdhOa np
fcmeiatc9nau<o0.vlucfioiile0ucala9ino(aecn!apatncra
yflaq ballctomcp<«fi»crfaalsno0 ocUo0Ba q ocpzcnoi^
fcnpmcoidainotfaocloqamacnaqUaeBrcdzafjfticq
fticgoaitcoiron x noe a dloe quado po; laijjua oieBa&f
d^odban apiouccb^do mncbooycn Oia IO0 rrafgo A fief
tne dl 11 oe cpoftto q vcngo od ddo po; mucba pucrfadip-
aavanauioocomfgofdtoecr^nloapnmcrodapzonOd:
atlo aoooe vo \\c^nsf.f los otro9 andanlcomtoo oe«p»
fa en cafa, v alae irtjlae cercanad con bojce altae^vcnio 1^
nioavcr la gCKOdcfdo.afitodo0 b6b»»corao mugeres
bcfpucs ocaucrd eowfon fcgnro ocno^ venUcj no qda#
DangrJdcnipcqudiof wdoa tramalgooc conicrpoc
ben^qucbattaconwaino: maramUofo.dlo0 nmcrodaa
la0 rllae mny mudjaa canoae a niancra 0: ftifto? ocrcmo
oetlad mafo»0 ^Uaa incno«9 p alflfiae f mudm fonina
vo»94vnafiiftaocote$tocba baflC09.no fontland^ad
botdfonoeva folomadato^nadvnafttftanotcma con
Sb»flir(m»po{4v8n^noe9coliioe€i«crfvood|aii»
The Spanish Quarto Letter 37
fii9merfiKliartM»<ll0ttii99 tielTj0 caftoas be vefto coMqcf
IjoqcbonbWB Mte ^cada tpho con fo removal codas cAad
jplIadnoviOentttd^MBcrfioaoMlaftdxira OdagetenC
fnlas coftStKCS ni enla laigna/aloo que tooos fe cmfcn^
que c9 cofa mtif fuigiilar ealo q dpcro (S ooermftiara fits
alo^s para la concifadoii ocUoe Dcin^afimta k ataqoal
fonmitf Mrpu(fto0.vaof)cecotiio pobaiifaanDaoa«cTqi.lc
finadpozlacoftaodamarpotlaocrccbahnaoe ocfocnce
a<Kfciitepo2laf(la|iiana(c0Jiclqital camftiopiKdo ocftr
^ db tfla €9 nuj^ 4 niijlatma jp cla>lia f otaspo: 4 alien
^w!tasx»v^^effl9i mcqocda Dla6KOq>oitfmooiH»o
oftuiae (| fo no be aifOaDo.lavna Mad qitaiea Uama.aiMii
aoonoe nafcc la gcoccon cdla4a9 qnalC9 pmndas nopoe^
001 raicr en lonoitra maios oeXo Jj^lcgoas f ^nno piioic
cnceder Dcftod indfod q fo tcngo lo9 qualeaujben todas
lae p(lae€fb 03*4 cTpaiiola en cftrcottaiemas^ la elpana
roDa oefoe colwifa poi cortt ocmar tiifta foere rama cnvf
fcapa pnc9 en vna qitadra airt>mte.dpQ:vl$.0r2$9 Icgnas
pot rccca linitaoc occiDcmea oncmecrtia ce ea*6eiear.f v(^
naespara nna o<:i:«r€nlaqnalpoefto4 oecodad c^ga to
mada pofTeftonposfus alc^ pfodadfiiniadabaftaDad
Odo ^ po fef pucdo OQirf lodae lad cciig9 pot DC fud^lce
5ad qiul Odiad pneOcn tnfponerxomo f lan copUoa tnotte
como oelpdlB.Tnod oc caiflflUL en efta di>aiioU en etlugir
mas cdiienfblc i mepot cotuarea para lad mlttad oel 0:0 j^
oc tod J traro aii oda tterra ftmc oe aqiia coriiooc a<|lia
Oe alia ocl tirano can/aoonoeanra griotrato t grancrtja
nan^ be tornado p#rrefllion oevna ptUaorloe abr qnilDU
fenobteia villa oenanioaocpeneUabefuto fiter^pfot^
caiQa q pa a eltas betas eftara od todo acabada p b^oqca
oaa}clUgmqabaflaG9rciitC}aicfcd)ocdo4nn4»p4rtt
38 Christopher Columbus
Kdrfas z vtnialliiapo^lntas titxnvk,fMi rttiacKro be
la mar cu rodae arrcd pam fa$fl'otraa f {p'ooedmcfiab cS
d re;^ t>c aqila ncrracn taiico grado 4 fc)»ee^tt4 oe^ic Ila
mar y raicr po: bcrmano z avn q le mudaffcla !Potuntao a
otfciioer c(h gccc/c( ni lo9 fu^os no fabcn q fean armas p
fltidaii ofiiudos cotno yi be of cbo fon lod mad tcmerofos
({ a)^ euel mooo afi q fola m^ la ^mu q alia qucda te pa^
ra odtroir toda aqudla ncrra v csffla O^pelfgro oc fue
perfo»a0rabi'eiofereGir.etttoda3e(ra9)E'flas mcparece q
rodod lo0bonb2Cd fean prencos con vna muger p a fu ma
f o:al 0 re;^ oaufafla v^jpnrc ^9 rimgered me parcce que
trabafan mae q los bobbed ni bepodido atrmdcr It' cenien
bimcQ p:op(od q me parecto m ^ aqueUo (f vnotenta to^
009ba5tan6reen efpecialoe la9 cofa9 comeocra9 en eftas
)^9 fafta aquf no be ballaoo boteee moltmdos como ma
cbo9 penraiilma9 ance9 e9 toda gece be tmv Undo acata
micro npfon n^o9comoen gufnea faluoco fu9 cabelloa
correDiod.p no fe crfan abooe aj^fnpeto bemafiaDo odoe
raro9 roIare9»€9 veroao qlfoltidteaA grade 1iter(apae
ftociedb^iftrntaodalfitiainqufnodal]!^ grandC9.£fi
dbe i(la9 aboDc af motatia9 ap tenfda aliierpi d fWo dtt
fuiemo'tms dlo0lo fnfrenpotla coftnMecj con la zvtm
Ocla9trtada0(icomecondpecfa9mocba9 rmup cauetes
en oemaffsi^ar; A mo(imo9 no beballado innotfcfa faluo
{)€ vna 3>fla q e9 aqui enia fegnda ala cntrada oela9 fnotas
q €0 pobtaoa be vna genre q tfenen en :oda9 lad pflao pot
muf fb'OKO IO0 qt«<'lc0 com^ came bttmana,/6to0 tfenen
mucba0 canao0 coIa9 fiuato corren toda9 Ia9 |>fla9 oefn
tin roban y toman quaco pueden.eUo9 no fon ma0 oifFo:^
me9 cj IO0 otro0 faluo q tfenen eh colKlbzc be traer lo9 ca^
bcUo0 larG09 como mugere9 p v(m arco0 f Hab99 odaa
nufri|a9 arnuo be canae ccnvn p^lUlo al cabo pot befixio
The Spanish Quarto Letter 39
t)(ricm»^ii0tfBUii4<>f)rftrore9mtree(lo0 otroetmebfos
OiHT fon CROmtlnlM^ grat»o co}tardC6^ nias ro no lo ten/
go d natKi mo^li flfod otro9. cftos fon aqodlos q crata co
las mntsfxCB De manremonf 0 (| cs la pnmcra ffla parcf eoo
Dcfpana para laefndfae ^k fallacnla qual no a^ bobze nt
ginio.cUae no Tlan cpcxcido fbncnUfaIno arcoe f f)(cbas
cctiio lod fob% Df d709 oc caitas p le aruia f cobqan con la
ncd oe animbx De q tfcne madx>.otra yfia mc fcgunin ma
rozq la efpanola on qoclae Dfonas no tfcnc nfngficabcllo
i£n<ii^'iif 020 ftn cncca f oefti y Ddas otras trafgo comtv
00 f nDtoe pa tcihmonfo:t codimon a fablar odto Tola mc
fe q fca fccbo cfte vtase q fiie fi oecomda Ji pncdcn ver fits
alroad q ro lee oarc 0:0 qnato ooferat mmefler con mnf
poqufca af oda qHiis alo^ me Danuugom ipttterta y al
gooon quato fus alcc^ madaran cardsr'f alntaftfca qnl
ramaoarancar^rtiMaqoalfaftaoji^noieba ftUadofal
no en grcda cnia ^a Dej|:fo/|^€ircno:(o Ut^ corito qitfe
re^pUgofialoequlto mloamicargar/pdcianosqoaQoma
{)arancar^rtreranodo9poolatreo*pcreoaiter baUaoo
nipbamopcanelai; ocrae macofaeDefiill^fvUareqiie
flttranfalIadoUgtec|poaUatK]Copo}4]^no mebeoe^
cen tbo iiingntr cabo en qnanto d wb me a^ oabo bigar
benaoegar fola mente enlavflla benaiKbao enqnanta) be
lee afcaoraoo z Udi afeniado/t ala terbab miKbo mas fu
creraulod nanfoe me ffntieran como r«onbcmanbana»
i6floe0bartof ccemo(^i09m'oidid;e^qtbatitobo6 a4^
ilod que anban fit cammo Tlcto:^beci>ra9 qoeparecen in
t)offblc0»f.eltafdiaIabamentefueiavtuipoiqne.amqQc
bdlsd titxras aym MaDO/bdatpn>todo>a pojconlecm
ra fin altegar bcplfta faUio compmidftndba ranto qoe (os
opeoite9lo6nta9 cfcucbauantii^gaoah maspoznibla^
(H^pocacofa bdlo aQ^que piie6 nro tebcto; bto vfcro^
40 Christopher Columbus
f>9 oc ranalra cofa d DotioecoM l^c&rrfham&ai^OfiK to»
mar alegtta f r;Qet<;raoc$ ffdlas f barii^ folQio^ abi
fanm mntoao coinucbad oiactones fol^iie^f^ d utoh
pAfAtnicto q auran ai cdtitado fecatoe pueblos a noeftra
fama ftf odpues po: lo» btcncd tqxnalce ^ no fola mete
flla dpana^nas a todos loscriftiattod teritan «aitl rdhge
rio f ganaiicu dtofe^n eifccbo afi at bicat Mn enla ta#
lauera fobze Ua y\\wi oc canana ^p^, 6e (^bKro.0^itttt
quotrocicncos z noitenta p cres atio9»
^raloqitemanoaitfd iSialitUramc;
iR^maqiicvatfabenardcnlacami,
IMpiK9 b^a efcrfpco:^ dtando qi mar be Cafhtldfal^
nnro i>fQito(6tnt0o.fnlf fitdteqitc meba (^jd»o oeTcargar
io0fKiiKoa?o:coHa(|waie(lcpiiercoDel]^naoi^^ foe*
la itMfotiiMratiflla oei mfioe^ abotick aco^oe (Xcxukr aftis
«UQad.i^ todas Ui»fnb(a8beltemp:eballabo lodccnpo
f)il^ix)tnQ m ma£o aobnDepo fitf en ]C]c^*b<49 1 boiuf
icii.]K9:v«^'iabio quotas conncntas me ban oetenioo.]ctujf.D{
9»cov[ieado poi ellaman^i3^ aqua lodos lod^bonbies
iDcIamarquefama0ouot9iimal]pu(emononitltfl9 per^
^ad benaoes^fedM a«]C(<i)tbia» t>e marco*
&tacsmmU6 C^on alefcduano i^cradoti
bdasl,
«orrai^ius2Ucq»9r
CHAPTER LXIII
THE SPANISH QUARTO LETTER
In the year 1852 the Baron Pietro Custodi died, leaving his
books and manuscripts to the Ambrosian Library. Among the
printed books was a small quarto tract of four folios or leaves,
each side of a full leaf containing thirty- two lines. The water-
mark is an open hand, from the third finger of which is a flower
with six petals engrafted on a stem. This little book is known
in the bibliographical world as the Ambrosian Quarto edition of
the Columbus letter. It is unique,' and from the time of its
' An interesting bibliographical romance is connected with this book. In 1866
the Marquis Gerolamo d'Adda employed an expert of Milan by the name of Enrico
Giordani to make a pen fac-simile of the Ambrosian pamphlet. This was then trans-
ferred to stone and 150 lithographic examples were made and passed into the public
libraries and into commerce. Even these are seldom met with to-day, a Florentine
bookseller pricing one at 500 lire. With all his care, Signor Giordani incorporated
several errors in his copy. Twelve of these errors are here reproduced:
I,
line 6, gSre
" 18, qles
for gete (gente) .
I,
*' qles (quales).
I,
*' 26, hdhres
" hSbres (hombres).
2,
'* 19, distofmidad
" disformidad.
3.
*' 26, roro
*' roto.
4>
'* 13, tedas
•' todas.
7.
" 14. ajnda
** aiuda.
7.
" 19, aner
" auer.
7.
" 23, nanidad
** nauidad.
8,
I, sua
•' sus.
8.
2, romar
*• tomar.
8.
'* 21, taras
*' (tatas tantas).
About the year 1882, a citizen of Bologne, Italy, fabricated five examples by
two or more processes, intending to dispose of these as original examples of the
Ambrosian pamphlet, and to sell them simultaneously in Europe and America before
the deception could be detected. This man is now dead, but he confessed his forgery
to the learned editor of the Raccolia (Part VI.) , published by the Italian Government
in 1892.
In the LfCnox Department of the New York Public Library is preserved one of
these examples. Some years ago a prominent bookseller carried this example to Mr.
Wilberforce Eames, the librarian, asking his opinion as to its genuineness. On being
told it was a palpable forgery, it was taken away. A short time after, another book-
41
42 Christopher Columbus
entering that library until the year 1889 was regarded as the
earliest printed edition, and therefore, the original being lost,
the nearest to the holograph letter penned by Columbus on
board the Nina when off the Azores. By the discovery of the
seller appeared with the little volume and a similar conversation occurred. The third
time, an Italian, the pretended owner, came with the volume and inquired for the
librarian, and told him he had something he wished to show him. On seeing it Mr.
Eames replied: " Yes, I have seen this before ! " The conversation which followed
led to the Italian's tearing the pamphlet into shreds and throwing it into a waste-
paper basket. Upon his retirement, these were gathered, carefully repaired, and
the book, replaced in its red morocco binding, occupies to-day a conspicuous place
among the bibliographical curiosities of the library, Bernard Quaritch purchased
another of the five examples in Florence in the fall of 189 1 for 500 francs, and which
he had Zaehnsdorf bind in a handsome manner. This is now in a private library in
Albany, N. Y. A third example is known to be owned in Italy. A fourth example
in blue morocco binding and agreeing exactly with the Lenox copy, having been
obtained from the same Italian, is now in a private collection in England.
One of these five forged pamphlets, the fifth of our enumeration, was sold to a
firm of London booksellers for £285, and by them to a New York amateur in the year
1890 for £900. The latter sold it at public auction, March 5, 189 1, for $4300, giving a
guarantee as to its gentiineness. The buyer returned the book. The original New
York possessor then began a litigation in the New York courts to demand from the
London booksellers that they in ttim receive back the pamphlet and return the money
paid. Judgment was given the London booksellers in the lower courts on the ground
that there was no guarantee and that practically the book was genuine. The Court
of Appeals reversed this decision on the ground that at the first trial before a jury
the Court permitted to be read by the coxmsel for the plaintiff a letter from Mr. F. S.
Ellis, the predecessor of the London firm, in which he expressed the opinion that the
book was a genuine specimen of the Spanish typographical art at the end of the fif-
teenth century, and stating that this was also the opinion of the late Mr. William
Blades, a student of Caxton- English typography. The Court had warned the jury
against letting such manifestly irregular testimony influence them, but the Court of
Appeals decided that the abstract reading of the letter to the jury was sufficient
ground for a new trial.
Now, the pamphlet in question was evidently not the product of a printing-press.
The very slightest acquaintance with the art proves that proposition. For instance,
the space belonging to one line was occupied by portions of letters belonging to the
line above, — a result quite imattainable in typography. Again, letters were joined
in such a way that the body of a single type must have contained in some instances
not less than six or seven letters, used only on a single occasion, as, for example, the
last four letters in the word "Colon" belonged, if printed, to an individual type body,
and no other use is made of that word. The same thing may be said of the word
*'D-eracion," where the last seven letters are cast on one body. The casting of two —
scarcely ever more — ^letters on one body was for the convenience of the printer, and,
while frequently used, was not generally in use at the end of the fifteenth century.
But no printer wotild have employed a type-founder to manufactiu-e for him an indi-
vidual type having fo\ir letters of a person's name, — Colon, Columbus, — when he was
to use that name but once.
That the book was a palpable forgery is absolutely proven from the twelve errors
quoted above and perpetrated by Enrico Giordani in 1866, and which are copied and
perpetuated in exactly the same places on their respective pages by the Bolognese
forger. In other words, a book purporting to have been printed in the year 1493 in
Barcelona, Spain, presents exactly the same gratuitous mistakes, in exactly the same
places, perpetrated by an Italian at Milan, Italy, in the year 1866. Caveat emptor J
The Spanish Quarto Letter
43
Quaritch or Lenox copy, the Ambrosian is relegated to second
place. It is printed in Spanish, and is evidently a reprint,
slightly corrected and improved, of the one we have been de-
scribing. We have availed ourselves of the labours expended
on this question in Mr. Quaritch 's bookshop, and therefore do
not hesitate to employ the same arguments to show that the
one was reprinted from the other, and that the one which thus
served as **copy*' was the one folio in form and now in the
Lenox Library.
The following typographical blunders are common to both
editions:
FOLIO
QUARTO
age I,
line
4-
Page I,
line
II.
Andado
should be ha dado.
** I,
**
21.
** 2,
t<
I.
diez 0 ocho
'*
diez y ocho.
** I,
(i
23.
*' 2,
(i
3-
clxxviii
((
clxxxviii.
** I.
(i
24.
'* 2,
((
5-
fortissimas
<i
fertilisimas.
** 2,
(<
6.
" 3.
19.
pidiendogela
((
pidien-
dosela.
** 2,
7-
" 3.
It
22.
quieren sea . .
quien sea
((
quier sea . .
quier sea.
** 2,
i<
24.
" 4,
11
17-
notia
(<
noticia.
** 2,
4<
24.
" 4,
*•
18.
entendiron
*'
entendieron.
" 2.
((
30.
" 4,
27.
tienen todas
i<
tienen en
todas.
" 2,
44.
" 5.
t<
18.
Colunya
((
Colibre en
Catalunya.
" 3.
H
16.
" 6,
t<
15-
mostrudos
<<
monstruos.
" 3.
1<
17-
'' 6,
<(
18.
^ corredios
(t
correntios.
" 3»
t<
18-19.
'* 6,
(i
20.
didistinta
K
distinta
(or distante)
" 3.
•*
19.
'^ 6,
'*
20.
inquinocial
i(
equinocial.
" 3»
19.
" 6,
20.
grades
(in folio, cor
rected to
grandes in
quarto).
-
It
grados.
" 3,
* *
19.
" 6,
(t
21.
ay
ti
it
ahi.
'' 3.
<i
29.
" 7,
<<
4.
matremonio
**
'•
matinino.
'^ 3.
<(
44.
" 7,
li
29.
fallado
**
*♦
fablado.
" 3,
(<
44-45-
'' 7.
<t
29.
conlectura.
*«
tt
conjectura.
The imagination refuses to believe that these nineteen examples
of errors in printing two separate editions can be simple coinci-
dences. If both books were printed from the same original
44 Christopher Columbus
Columbus letter or from the copy which Luis de Santangel or
some friend of his permitted to be made, it is equally an impay-
able tax on the imagination to suppose that no printer or proof
reader should have corrected these palpable blimders. There
have aJi-eady been given forty-six instances of the use of forms
peculiarly Catalan as occurring in the folio edition. In the
printing of the quarto edition twenty-two of these have been
retained and twenty-four have been changed into pure Castilian.
The inference is that the corrected edition is the later edition.
This is an accepted rule in bibliography, and has settled the
priority of many an edition of the classics and the early ecclesi-
astical writers. The peculiar double r in the words rreal and
rrios occurs only in the folio edition. Moreover, the internal
evidence suggests that the quarto was not printed in Spain but
in Italy. The vowel i in many words is replaced by the con-
sonant y in the quarto.* The consonant / was replaced in early
imprints ' by the vowel t , just as the consonant v was replaced by
the vowel w, but the vowel i never was replaced by the con-
sonant /. This use of the / shows that this book must have
been printed in some country where this vowel and the con-
sonant had like sounds. They had no such similarity of sound in
Spain, but they had in Italy. If the book was printed in Italy,
the place was probably a Mediterranean seaport town, whither
the boats of commerce would carry the first edition, and in
which perhaps there were many who understood something of
the Catalan patois and something of the pure Castilian.
The letter written by Colunibus to Luis de Santangel is,
then, the earliest printed announcement of the discovery of the
new lands in the Western Sea, and the channels of commimica-
tion were:
* Jndias, jndios, jsla, jnclinam, jnnumerables, jnpeto, jn, jndia mjel, jnpossibles,
jUustrissimas, are some of the instances of employing the consonant ; in the place of
the vowel t, and such employment may not be expected in a Spanish printing estab-
lishment, while it might occur in an Italian printing house.
' The introduction of the consonants v and ;\ thus no longer requiring the vowels
u and i to do double duty, is wrongly attributed to Nicolas Jenson, a Frenchman,
who set up the second typographical establishment in Venice. These characters
do not occiu", as is generally asserted, for the first time is the first edition of the
Lives of the Philosophers, by Diogenes Laertius, printed in 1475. The pointed v is
found in this book, but it is used indiscriminately for the consonant and for the
vowel f*. This double use is found much earlier. But it was many years after this,
when printers employed the small v in the middle of a word for the consonant
sound.
The Spanish Quarto Letter 45
First, A. The folio edition of two l6aves, printed in the
Spanish language, with many instances of Catalonianisms, a
tinique copy of which now reposes in the Lenox portion of the
New York Public Library, reproduced in exact f ac-simile in this
Work.
Second, B, The quarto edition of four leaves printed in the
Spanish language, containing some instances of the Catalan
dialect, but largely corrected from that into the good Castilian
tongue, a unique copy of which is in the Ambrosian Library in
Milan, Italy, and reproduced in exact f ac-simile for the first time
in this Work.'
^ When Navarrete was preparing his Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos,
which he published in 1825, he made a manuscript copy of this letter of Columbus,
not from the original, which he never pretended to have seen, but from a copy which
Thomas Gonzalez had transcribed in 181 8: Navarrete published at the close of his
copy of the Columbus letter the following certificate:
**This is copied verbatim from the original docimient which exists in the royal
archives of Simancas in the collection of general correspondence of State No. i. In
testimony of which I append my signature hereto.
" Thomas Gonzalez.
'* [Dated] Simancas, December 28, 1818."
Thomas Gonzalez was one of the Council of Ferdinand VII., a Chancellor and
Canon of the Cathedral of Plasencia, and corresponding member of the Academy of
History.
In 1858, Seftor F. A. de Vamhagen published at Valencia a pamphlet entitled
Primera Epistola del Almirante Don Cristobal Colon, after a text which he had foimd
at the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca. Neither the Gonzalez nor Vamhagen copy pretended
to be in the hand of Columbus, and therefore neither can be called original.
It is one of these editions, probably the folio, which the great book collector,
Ferdinand Coltmibus, the younger son of the Admiral, included in the list of the
books in his library, under the title, Leitera Enviada al Escribano de Radon d 1493: en
Catalan. This copy is no longer in the Columbian Library at Seville.
CHAPTER LXIV
THE COSCO LATIN TRANSLATIONS
The purest Castilian never could have disseminated the
message of the discovery. This office could have been per-
formed alone by that universal medium of mental exchange, —
the Latin language. And thus it came about that one of the
letters of Columbus, written on board the Nina, was translated
into Latin, and at once, certainly within a few months, was
printed in eight separate editions. This was the letter written to
Gabriel Sanchez,' the Crown Treasurer, and dated Lisbon,
March 14, 1493. The letter to Sanchez, like that to Santangel,
was eagerly seized by the courtiers and foreign representatives
who desired details of the news, and doubtless more than one
copy was made of the interesting document. In some way
Leandro de Cosco, whose name suggests a Catalan origin, ob-
tained a copy, and translated it into Latin, finishing the transla-
tion on April 29, 1493/ The manuscript of this translation was
sent to Rome and fell into the hands of Bernardo or Leonardo
de Carminis or de Corbaria, the Bishop of Monte-Peloso, who
made an epigram which is inserted in all the editions of this
letter. As all these editions are undated, so far as giving the
month or day is concerned, there is a great field for individual
judgment on the part of bibliographers in establishing the
priority of the first reprint. One edition bears the date of the
year, 1493, and the name of the printer. The press from which
issued three others, those printed in Paris, is easily identified.
* In several of the Latin editions the name is printed Raphael Sanchez.
* Navarrete, vol. i., p. 179, gives the date in his rendering of the Latin letter into
Spanish as April 25, 1493, notwithstanding that on the opposite page he prints the
first page of the Latin edition, in which it cleariy says that the translation was Ab
Hispano idiomaie in Latinum convertit: Tertio Kalendas Man, MCCCCXCIIIy Pon-
tificatus Alex VI, Anno I. The third of the kalends of May is the twenty-ninth day
of April. This error is retained in the French translation of Navarrete, published in
Paris, 1828.
46
The Cosco Latin Translations 47
No one has done more to place these eight editions of the Latin
letter in their proper bibliographical procession than that in-
defatigable and erudite scholar, Henry Harrisse. In his Notes
on Columbus ' he undertook to classify them in their order of
printing, giving good f ac-simile specimens of what he considered
the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth editions. This order of ar-
rangement was changed somewhat in his latest essay on the
subject, published in 1894, in which he described eight editions,
placing the Bale edition at the end of the list. An original
example of five of these eight editions is now owned in America
and accessible to the student; the three editions printed at Paris
by Guyot Marchant, and the edition printed at Antwerp with
the types of Thierry Martens, are represented by fac-similes.
The struggle for supremacy is the fiercest over the editions
which appear to have been printed in Rome. The other edi-
tions are not contestants for the honour of priority. The argu-
ments used by Harrisse have moved us to accept the following
— **C *' — as the Editio Princeps:
** C. — Epiftola Chriftofori Colom ^ : ctii §tas noftra multu debet : de
Infulis Indi§ fupra Gangem nuper inuentis. Ad quas perqui-
rendas octauo antea menfe auspicijs z §re inuictiffimi Feman-
di Hifpaniarum Regis miffus fuerat : ad Magnificum dnm Ra-
phaelem Sanxis: eiufdem fereniffimi Regis Tefaurariu miffa:
quam nobilis ac litteratus vir Aliander de Cofco ab Hifpano
ideomate in latintun conuertit: tertio Kal's Maij M.cccc.xciij.
Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno Primo."
[Seefac-simileon page 48.]
This volume, printed throughout in Gothic characters, is a
small quarto in size, and consists of four leaves, each full page
having thirty-four lines. ^ The epigram composed by the
Bishop of Monte-Peloso is fotmd on the verso of the last leaf.
The type appears to be that employed by Stephanus Plannck,
* This work was privately printed in New York in 1866 in an edition of ninety-
nine copies. The best bibliographical account is in his Bibliographia Colombina, or
"LettredeChristopheColomb . . . Bibliographic de la Version Latine," privately
printed at Paris in 1894, in an edition of ten copies. The same account is included
in his Opera Minora, Christophe Colontb et les Acad&miciens Espagnols, Paris, 1894,
pp. 61-101.
* If we are right in regaiding this as the first of the Latin editions, then this is
the first time that the illustrious name of Christopher Columbus, the Discoverer, ever
appeared in full in print. It was the first blast from the bugle of Fame's herald,
announcing to the world a new name destined evermore to be upon the lips of man.
3 There is a copy in the Lenox Library (from which our fac-simile is taken) .
48 Christopher Columbus
Kndododaiio am<»iiii^«irpfcfi9.i pv inoictifrtini /cmam
|baden»89R):i6:dufiirmieraiifrunt txgli&Xdiamiu mifu
quamnoUto ^cUttantm vfr Bliandcrde^co ab'Oflpana
fdeonuteiRl«tfiiiimcpiiiiertfr:tmfo)M&0Mt42^acC'iEdi/>
IponttfkawaicicandiiaQctiJiitidlMma^
QtliMifmfiilcq^rfiwtifntffimfip^^
^niflt gratim tflM fbie ld<K baa C9nftftuf darait: qiif te
n^iuifulq^ffiintoxnottrefciiiKK
noneaim 3Dla»iMcmiodiepoft(^i9adnp0diri^^
mfnlbtteitppo'tiqmi tunMwiSumt^fgdttlltmotxgttKlltrq
pz(conioyic6ntotpqiUi0C)Mift0C0fia«lfcentetKniitiepof<
fi#onmiWR])f:pifnipp«i^dfiii SKdoatoifenomm impoi
ruf»3}iitamtii9ai«iUotani9dixm6$(jdcmn»alt«ep^
quamp nemo how.k iiom.np9oi'(Oi||yealig itifuUm Qantt^
iDaH|<C6dttpcioni9*aKatff ^mtaim^ aUamtj^ftbdl^m*
ftIiam5obdiim>i(it<l»it^ ivfCt-Cvrnpanvm
fneam.injRuani qoSdWoiif 3bbjii3vaparf dfij appvlfmuetiK
ytadug littimocci(<riynn w fog aBqiwmiiliim ptpcdrirtanwp
(amtiM)gnSntdloiiq7atoftnriniiem:tttioninfuIam:feiIconti
tKntcm<Zbaiii0|»odiid«Rdleatdfda1ift:tmUatft
mnl acti09Pi(idMnt fitrrfpfdwvfugam'l^zogmlicbarrltntt
cidfltfniaiiefllfqniiiKVitcmviHfliirtiefniiatti^^
iieeadSqwicfoiiaudrtatfagoyjpfefiigatqopttbSttcrrie
«tttiii(in;[pMhatlaoMa:fldAiilntiw9<^^ cdtcndcm
Edition "C"
The Cosco Latin Translations 49
a native of Padua, who established a press at Rome, where he
printed from 1479 to 1498 many important books. There are
three important arguments pointing to the priority of this edition.
First. King Ferdinand alone is mentioned as the monarch
under whose auspices the discovery was undertaken, while Isa-
bella ruled conjointly with him at the time. In some other
editions this omission is corrected. The assumption is fair, as
far as the matter appears on its face, that an edition which
makes a glaring omission such as this, is prior in its time of
publication to an edition which corrects the omission, and which
presents the names of the King and Queen together.
Second, The title declares that the letter was sent to the
Treasurer of the King, Raphael Sanxis. The name of the Treas-
urer was Gabriel Sanchez, and this was corrected in some other edi-
tions. Again we say, imless some good reason be given to the con-
trary, it is a natural inference that an edition of a book whichgives
to a man a wrong name, and which name is found corrected in
some other edition of that book, is prior to the corrected edition.
Third. The translation of the letter from the Spanish into Lat-
in is said to have been made by Aliander de Cosco, which name
in other editions appears correctly as Leander de Cosco.' Once
more we say that, imless there is good reason for the contrary, an
edition of a book which gives in the title-page a wrongly spelled
name to the person making the translation, was printed previous
to an edition of the same book correcting the spelling of his name.
**-D. — De Inltilis inuentis
"Epiftola Criftoferi Colom (cui etas noftra
multfi debet : de Infulis in man Indico nup
inugtis. Ad quas perqtiirendas octauo antea
menfe: atifpicijs et ere Intaictiffimi Femandi
Hifpaniarum Regis Miffus fuerat) ad Mag-
nifictim diim Raphaelez Sanxis: eiufdS £ere-
niffimi Regis The{aurari^ miffa. quam nobi
lis ac litterat? vir Aliander d Cofco: ab Hif-
pano ydeomate in latin^ conuertit: tercio kFs
Maij M.cccc.xciij. Pontificatus Alexandri
Sexti Anno Prime* *
Harrisse recorded eleven copies in 1894, and one or two more have been discovered
since that date.
' Ferdinand Coltimbus, in his catalogue, calls him Leonardus de Cosco:
Christophori Colon Epistola de Inventione Indiarum ex Hispano in Laiinum Tra^
ducta per Leonardum de Cosco.
(Catalogue de la Columbine Registrum B, Col. 369.)
VOL. II.— 4.
50 Christopher Columbus
The volume is printed in Gothic characters, is a small octavo in
form, consisting of ten leaves, with twenty-seven lines to a full
page. We think it is from the press of Johannes Froben of Bsile.
There are eight woodcuts, two of which are repeated, as follows :
A single escutcheon of Castile and Leon, with the words
Regnu Hyspanie on the recto of the first leaf.
A vessel, with the words Oceanica Classis on the verso of the
first leaf.
A number of men landing, and the words Insula Hyspana on
the verso of the second leaf.
A rude attempt to draw a map, with the words: Ferndda,
Ysabelkiy Hyspana, Salvatorie, Conceptdres, Marie, and a caravel
on the verso of the third leaf.'
A vessel, with the words Oceanica Classis on the recto of the
fifth leaf.
A fort in the process of construction, and the words Insula
Hyspana on the verso of the seventh leaf.
A full-length portrait of Ferdinand, holding the escutcheon
of Castile and Leon in his right hand and that of Granada hang-
ing from his left arm, having a standard in his left hand, with
the words Ferndd' Rex Hyspana on the recto of the tenth leaf.
The coat-of-arms of the city of Granada, with the word
Granata overhead and in a horizontal, although not in a per-
fectly straight, line, on the verso of the tenth leaf.
It will thus be seen that the two titles of C and D are alike
in all except a few particulars. There is an unimportant cor-
rection in Dy where Thesaurariu ^ is given for Tesaurariu, The
Christian name of Coltmibus is spelled as if it was Cristoferus in-
stead of Christoforus. After the first three words of the title
there are introduced parentheses, vastly improving the con-
struction of the long sentence. The ordinal tertius is written
tercio ^ instead of tertio. The vowel i is changed into y ^ in the
noun idioma. The diphthong c^ is changed into e. The last
two letters are omitted from the adverb nuper. Certain forms
* Signor Bossi, in his Vita di Colombo, conjectures that this map was drawn by
Columbus himself. Columbus probably never saw these drawings, much less is it
probable that he made them himself.
^ This is the only one of the six editions which gives the spelling in this form.
3 In the text the form tertio is used in the expression, iricesimo tertio die.
* The word idus in the date, the last line but one of the letter, is here written
ydus.
The Cosco Latin Translations
51
St
o*
3
fi^ 3 a j^ o ^ 3 *^
52 Christopher Columbus
of the pronoun is are written with h where that letter does not
have the weight of a consonant. In the subscriptum the first
name of the Admiral is Cristoforus.
A correction, however, which is important, and which shows
a geographical discrimination, is that which omits in the title
the words supra Gangem and substitutes the phrase in mari
Indico. If the newly fotmd islands were in a region geographi-
cally described as supra Gangem, they were in India, and India
was a known country. Therefore the islands were part of
known lands, and might well be included in the domain of the
Great Khan. If, however, they were in the Mare Indicum,
they were in discoverable and conquerable territory. The word
India as a geographical designation has always been more or less
vague, but we think that at the time of the Columbian discovery-
it was accepted as covering China and Indo-China. In the
work Liber Junioris Philosophic a work originally composed in
Greek in the fourth century, India was divided into India Major
and India Minor. The latter included Sind and the western
coast, exclusive of Malabar. India Major extended from Mala-
bar indefinitely eastward. Afterwards writers added a third
part, called India Tertia, said by Friar Jordanus to be Zanzibar.
In a manuscript map by Guido Pisanus, made in 1 1 18, the three
Indies are shown. According to Conti, India was divided into
three parts as follows:
1. Including Mekran and Sind from Persia to the Indus.
2. From the Indus to the Ganges.
3. Beyond the Ganges, including Indo-China and China.
Ptolemy divides the land between the Indus and the eastern
ocean as India Intra and India Extra, the river Ganges being the
geographical substantive governed by the prepositions intra
and extra. The phrase supra Gangem described this same terri-
torial division in the time of Columbus as that distinguished by
Ptolemy vmder the words India Extra. The printer of the *'Z?"
edition would not have made such a change in the title if he had
not regarded the words supra Gangem unsatisfactory in de-
scribing the location of the new lands, and so he adopted
the very expression of the Admiral himself in the first Cosco^
letter, — In Mare Indicu Perueni: Vbi Plurimas Insulas
Innumeris Habitatas Hominibi Repperi. The omission of Queen
Isabella's name and the use of Raphael Sanxis for Gabriel
The Cosco Latin Translations 53
Sanchez and of Aliander for Leander will be observed in both
editions.
It would be difficult to decide as to the priority of these two
editions if we depended on the title or text, but the presence of
woodcuts in **D*' is sufficient to justify us in considering it a sub-
sequent issue. When a fifteenth-century printer once secured
illustrations for a book, he was not likely to publish another
edition and omit such an attractive form of embellishment. He
was even given to make use of his woodcuts in other works
where the text and the illustrations were utterly incongruous.
In the edition imder consideration the printer seems to have
utilised a woodcut of the coat-of-arms of Granada with its eight
inclosed pomegranates which he had by him in his shop, and
which he thought would set oflE the last page of the little book.
It was suggested probably by the preceding picture of King
Ferdinand, associating with his triumph in the discovery of new
lands his other trixmiph of the conquest of Granada. The
natural inference would be that the edition' was printed in
Granada. No printing-press, it is confidently believed, was
established in that city until 1496.' The only known perfect
copy of this **D" is in the Lenox Library* Of the four other
copies known, one is in the Grenville Library of the British
Museum lacking the tenth leaf, one in the Carter-Brown Library
at Providence, one in the Royal Library at Mtmich, and one in
the University Library at Bale, all three lacking the first and
tenth leaves. There was once a copy in the Brera Library at
* Meinard Ungut and Johannes Pegnitzer, both of Nuremberg, printed at Granada,
on April 29, 1496, Primer Volume de la Vida de Nuestra SeHor, by Cardinal Xim6nds,
with notes by Ferdinand de Talavera, first Archbishop of Granada.
Meinard Ungut and Stanislaus Polonus had established a press at Seville as
early as 149 1 , and in the Author's collection are two works from this press, both printed
in the year 1497. No other work printed at Granada in the fifteenth century is
known, and it is evident that Ungut did not tarry there after printing this one book.
A similar, but not the identical woodcut, mentioned as occurring on the recto
of page 10 of the Epistola, is fotmd in another edition printed at Bdle in 1494 by
Johannes Bergman de Olpe, who set up his press there in that same year. His first
book was, perhaps, Verardus' Bethicce et GranaUB Ohsidio, Victoria et Triumphus. But
the important point is that the last woodcut, that containing the shield and its eight
pomegranates and the word Granada, is not found in this Epistola, the Verardus, or
any other book of that period.
' This example is known in Etu-opean bibliography as the Libri copy. It be-
longed once to Richard Heber, and when his library was sold at Paris in October, 1836,
it brought ninety-seven francs. It afterwards came into the possession of Gugliehno
Libri, at the sale of whose books at London in 1849 it was bought by the late James
Lenox.
54 Christopher Columbus
Milan, but it is not there now, and Mr. Harrisse has identified
it with the Grenville copy. The librarian of the University
Library at Bale reported to Mr. Harrisse that the copy in that
library was bound with other tracts in an early binding with
clasps, which had come from the Brotherhood of Chartreuse at
Bale, who in turn had received it from John and Jerome Froben.
On the fly-leaf in the handwriting of Georgius Carpentarius, once
the librarian of the order, is the following notice :
Sum fratrum Carthusianorum in Minori Basilea Donatus
illis ab Honestis viris Magistro Joanne Frohenio et Hieronymo
filio ejus Civihus ac Typographis Basiliensihus,
Now Johannes Froben, or Frobenius, a native of Hamelburg,
but at this time a citizen of BSle, had himself established a press
at Bale in 1491, and was a very important printer in that Swiss
capital, into which printing had been introduced as early as
1474. In a preceding note allusion has been made to a work by
Carolus Verardus ' on the siege of Granada. This was a drama
written in prose,' entitled:
In Laudem Serenissimi Ferdinandi Hispaniarum Regis,
BethiccB ' et Regni GranatcB, Obsidio, Victoria et TriumphuSy et
de Insults in Mari Indico Nuper Inventis.
Although imited in the title, the two works are of course
distinct, the ** de insulis" being a reprint of the letter of Colum-
bus. This edition of Verardus is a small octavo of thirty-six
leaves, having on the verso of leaf 29 the numerals 1.4.9.4. and
the typographical device Nihil Sine Causa, followed by the let-
ters 7. J5., the printer *s mark of Johannes Bergman de Olpe. In
this edition of the letter are found some of the woodcuts em-
ployed in **D, " differing somewhat as to cutting.^ The association
of an edition of the letter with an imdoubted work of Johannes
' Carolus Verardus, a native of Cesena, had composed in Rome a small work on
the History of Southern Spain, which he had finished before April 21, 1492, and which
issued from the press of Eucharius Silber in Rome, March 7, 1493.
^ Southern Spain, including Andalusia and Granada, was called Baetica, from the
river Baetis, the present Guadalquivir.
3 The woodcuts which are wanting in this edition are the two which in the D
are found on the recto and verso of the tenth folio. As this last leaf is only foimd in
the Lenox Library, Harrisse at one time argued that the Verardus edition was not
taken from the latter, and rather insinuated that the Lenox copy might have been
embellished rather than perfected by the introduction of an extra leaf. This view,
however, he rejected in his essay of 1894, in which he accepted the authenticity of
the tenth leaf in the Lenox copy.
The Cosco Latin Translations 55
Aieoctaitodntefttiienlrn^iikitotm
1>e(irabetlXfiwiiai|r tleSttiniirudfue^ ad ififtgnfftiM
<8ab)iekm9anciii0CO2ittidll(rmi(ritiK)f tUgumSCcwi^dHii
int(TkiquinobiIi09cIirtfiwu0virlrfanderdc(rorcoab1>tr^^
no fdiomate in latinimrcdumit tmf 0 haTe 07aii« ID'CCCO j:dif
ponttftcatue Bicyandri &cjrti Snno primes
Qtloniam fuicrpre piouintfe rem f^erffctam meXcmmm
ftiifTc grafum tibi fbze fdoibae conftirut erarare: que tt
vnf ufcttiafq^ rri in boc noftro irinere gefte in uentecp ad/
inoneanc:3Dicefimormio diepof^^^Sadibuedifcefli inmare
3ndjcti peruenf :Fbi plurimae infutae innamole babiratae bo/
minibudrrpperi:quaruni omnium piofelicifTtn-oTvegc noftro
ineconto cdebtato 7 vcxWlie cjcrentts conrradicmte nr mine poO
fcfTionemaccepiipzimecpearumdtut 6aluat02iencmcn impo/
ftti-cuiue frtttie auirilto tarn ad banc $ ad cererae alias pmie/
nimue (El^m ^^ndi (Suanabanin rocanrSharu etiam rnam
quancpnouo nomine nuncupaui:qufppratia infuiam Sanoe
CDarieC'onceprioniealiam f efhandmam* aliam IDdabrilamt
aliam '3oanam«i fic de reliqnie appellari t ulfi -(Cum piinntm tfi
earn tnfulam quam dudum^oanam rocari diri appnlimne: iiu
jrraeine Itttueocddentem rerfue aItquanmlt]mp70ce(rt:ranK9
cam magnam nullo r^perto fine inoeni:rr non inrulo: ftd conti
nentnn (Q>arai pzouindam dTe crediderim: nulla tn ridene op
pida muntdpiaue in maritimie fita confmib^p2eter aliquoe vU
COST pied ja ru(iica;cumquo:|^ tncolie (oqnt nequtbam-quarcft
mul ac no0 ridcbanr furripiebantfiigam • t^rogrediebar v\tr»
C]dfliman9 aliqna me vtbnn PiKafue Inuentnm^iDenicp ridene
gf ionge admodum piogrefTis nibil noui emergebat:! bmoi ria
noe ad Septenrrionem deferebattq^ ipfe fiigere ejtoptabatterrid
ccmimrq;nabatb:oma:adBttftruntcpcratini3oto cdttnderct
Edition **£"
56 Christopher Columbus
Bergman de Olpe and the re-employment of some of the wood-
cuts (if, indeed, some of them are identically the same, since
assuredly one is not), induced Mr. Harrisse in his Christophe
Colomh to ascribe the illustrated edition of the letter **£>*' to that
Bale press. It seems to us that the testimony of the Carthusian
librarian in the manuscript note written in the copy of the letter
which was presented to the library of his order indicated that
the gift not only came from men who were printers, but that it
was at the same time a specimen of their press, — that is, of the
press of the father, Johannes Froben, and with whom at the
time of the gift the son was associated. A printer is more likely
to deposit in a public library the fruit of his own hand rather
than that of a rival press. The class of works published by the
Bale printers, and particularly by Johannes Froben, shows that
there was a probable communication between this city of a
Swiss canton and the Eternal City on the other side of the Alps.
There was nothing strange, but rather natural, in a University
town receiving an early copy of the letter, and, to the glory of
that seat of learning, giving to the news a wider circulation
through the reproductive power of the printing-press.
" £.» — Epiftola Chriftofori Colom: cui etas noftra mtdtu debet: de
Inftdis Indie fupra Gangem nuper inugtis. Ad quas perquiren-
das octauo antea menfe aufpiciis z ere intiictiffemox Fern5,di z
Helifabet Hifpaniax Regu miffus fuerat : ad magnificum dflm
Gabrielem Sanchis eorundg fereniffimox Regtim Tefaurariu
miffa: qua nobilis ac litteratus vir Leander de Cofco ab Hifpa
no idiomate in latinum c6uertit tertio kal's Maii. M.cccc.xciii.
Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno primo." '
This is a quarto volume of four leaves, having thirty-three
lines to a full page, and printed in Gothic characters. The title
is corrected, and the imdertaking is declared to have been under
the auspices of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. The name
of the Crown Treasurer is given as Gabriel Sanchis, and the
» Harrisse, in his Notes on Columbus, printed in New York in 1866, recognised
this as the third edition. When he came to publish his Bibliotheca Americana Vetus-
tissima, he changed his views and placed this fourth, and in his 1894 essay he placed
it second in the list. Applying the rules already laid down for testing priority in
typographical productions, we prefer to maintain the sequence as here given.
* Major calls this the first edition, and it is also given first place by the late J. R.
Bartlett, who catalogued the Carter-Brown Library in Providence, which possesses a
copy. It is represented by more copies than any other edition, nineteen being
recorded by Mr. Harrisse in 1894. A copy is in the Lenox Library.
The Cosco Latin Translations
57
^fu to^tijBc fiipm ggnactn iitiixr imiatejH QOMW^Mm
flS5 octauoiintcft ntcnfc mfplcii^crc ftiofcrtfTimorifm ftrnmm
»rif:?cniaDcrptf paniayitccai miffim fiimit^fld jF^flfittflru ^Sm
gaTngott ganctxg:cc:undcii^ fgrgniflimttutii ^^attw ^fft|M
rariirmtno^Sua y ncrofuflBcJittttflom^riiLliandcr dc £ofco ab
It^ifpano idiomatc tn larinu coumit-tcrriplKflkn flC>ftq>flD>ca:^
yC'ti)>l|bontiricfttog aicr^W^ri gf jrri anno Tfbriitio*^
itioniani fii^epttpiouittdcTanjXTftMmmtccnflt
cumnt fijiiTc(.ratutil)ifo:cfdo:Da0CofHfof erararf
que (€miiifcttfi}%Fditibbc ncftro (rfncreQHtcl
ItKntcq; adnioncanrsZricdiniorcrtfodlu^^ i6A
Jdibu^difcclTi in marc "Jndicn pcrucnirvUpIuHmaa
f nfiila 3 Ml iTumi f B hi bi tataa boiti(nibu6 rq)pcri;quanim ornfifc'
ump:ofoc\m(fimo^€^€no(ltopi€comot€kh2^toavcxilliBmS
fid contradiccntc ncminc polTcOioncnt acccpf.-p:(mccB carttm di^
ui @alttato:td noincn impoTuf xuf us frctud mxMo ram ad Mnc:
$ ad ccterad alia dpcruaunmd«£am t^cro ^ndi £!ttanabaniti vo
cant*aiiarunt ctia vnam qoancg noiio nomine nuncupanf^lDa^
pc aliS infubm ^ancte dbaneXonccpt<onfd*alfii f cmattdinimi
alia ID^rabcllam*alfma ^cjanam • ^ (k dc rcUquiB a(»ellarf iufTy
jCmnprimum its earn ^nfulam quamdudum Ooanai'Ocarfdtjrf
(t.*tam^ eam magna nullo rcpcito ftnt fnueni*vt iton infularfed
contanattcnt jCbataf p:oufndam c(Tc crcdiderim: nulla tii ridcM
cpi^a munfeipiaue in marttimi^ (tea con Anib^ pxtcr aliquos v(
co0'rpKdiarumcaxumquo);inco1idIoqti{ nequibi qoareftmnl
acnod videbantfurr^lcbant fu^im* '^(^^io^cAittiarifltrzttjcitHy
mana aliqua me nbem Wllafue inucntumm*Z3|i(rH(e vidcecplo^
^admodii joprtfRsnkhd nouicmcrgictetM bmoi vbnoaad fcp
tentrioneni de(ntbat^ <}> ipfe fugeit croptabirtctiia ct^
bat teuina: ad ^nUnmps crat in votocotfilcre: nccminna rcn^
tt flagicannb^ rucccdcMt • coftitui alioana opcriri furcdfua: t ftc
ntrocedena ad po:tu qucnda qucm (tgnaitCQitn fum reucifusnm
dc duos bofcs ex noftris in terram miR qui IniidMgarait diet nc
Iftcr iQ ca p»>uinda vrbcfue aliqoc RK per ms dies Ibul^^
Onuenenltvcinnumcros populos'ibmtatiolti^parnastaniai
n abrqs vHo regintmc:quap:optcr rrdicnif tt« 3ntcrm ego iam tn^
tcllcirera a abufdam ^ndfsquos IWdem fiiiTccpcrSqiio to
Edition '* F "
58 Christopher Columbus
name of the translator is given as Leander de Cosco instead ot
Aliander de Cosco. This is regarded as a corrected edition from
the Roman press of Stephanus Plannck, the printer of C.
**F. — Epiftola Chriftofori Colom: ctii etas noftra multum debet : de
Infulis Indie fupra Gangem nuper inu§tis. Ad quas perquiren
das octauo antea menfe aufpiciis z ere inuictiffimorum Femandi
ac Helifabet Hifpaniax Regu miffus fuerat : ad Magnificu dnm
Gabrielem Sanches: eorundem fereniffimorum Regum Tefau-
rariu miffa : Qua generof us ac litteratus vir Leander de Cof co ab
Hifpano idiomate in latinfl couertit: tertio Kalefi Maij M.cccc.
xc.iij. Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno Primo."
The colophon, which comes after the epigram by the Bishop
of Monte-Peloso, reads:
•* Impreffit Rome Eucharius Argenteus Anno diii. M.cccc.xciij "
It is a quarto of three leaves, printed with Gothic characters,
and having forty lines to a f till page. This is the first dated edi-
tion, and the first with the name of the printer.^
** G. — € Epiftola de infulis re
pertis de nouo. Impreffa
parifius in capo gaillardi "
Two copies are known of this edition, one in the University
Library at Gottingen and the other in the Royal Library at Ttirin.*
It is a quarto of four leaves, thirty-nine lines to a full page. The
title indicates that it is from the press of Guyot Marchant,^
' Eucharius Silber, or Franck, was a German, a native of Herbipoli (Wurtz-
burg), and he began printing in Rome in the year 1481, issuing many books between
that date and the year 1509, the last year in which we find his name in a book. The
German name, Silber, was translated by him sometimes into its Greek form, Argyrios,
but more commonly into its Latin form, Argenteus. It is a name for ever to be con-
nected with the history of Columbus, since Silber was the first printer, over his own
name, to promulgate the glorious news of the discovery.
There are copies in the Ambrosian Library, at Milan ; in the Grenville collection
forming part of the British Museum; in the Lenox and John Carter-Brown libraries,
and in several other collections. Nine copies are recorded by Harrisse.
* It was reproduced in fac-simile under the title, Letiera di Cristoforo Colombo
Riprodotta a Fac-Simile da Vincenzo Promts, dalV esemplare della Biblioteca di S. M.
Stamperia Reals di Torino (1879).
3 Guyot, or Guy Marchant, began printing at Paris in the year i486, and pro-
duced many books between that date and the close of the century. In the Author's
collection of incunabula is an edition of Petrus Aliacus's Tractatus Exponibilium, in
The Cosco Latin Translations 59
lom: ttAtmffymaar>d»eaj>c'lntmtM(crvpz9 6mf cm
Doperdiiieiitfo. 2ldqiiM(>eri|iiMilMdctaito«itcaitio^^
DeCoicoab i>a)>aiioideoiiuitetotocinficoiiiimteterciofcni
uotUlfttfcetnepKNitit
itfiietvsdleliittliB^fldmoiiekXricenocmfo Dfeppft^^
MbtwiTtfcemtemarefndfefiperaeaii^ploiifm^
nomertelMMatafl bcSbwnppert qiMriobn^o f<d|dmiM
intoepofldlkMiiactfpft pitimm tmimHi&amojnncni
iiapofubcaitt9frtm99uiMo attAt^^aAatenBatuptr
iKifiiint8*£itero3ndfi5itanaban(n'9ocSt«2UarCctiivium
^9iioiioiiom(tieii(kupao<* CofppeoUnnfnfalani Sicte
21>aHe CScepttoife dlimi fenumAnam. aUmt 13 Yrtdwltatt.
«l<0m3obaMiii«ccacDeitUqutoappdIariNliuCitipiimun
todLMMamq^iMdumJobsMmvocari^apfHiUnnieHiM
fTMctooUrtiraoccfdQicemvcrrooallqulailttmpjocdlfetamqy
<flmmMiiinttUorepmo fine fnneofevc Ron tefitlaimrcdcotiB
ncEctn Cbatatp^oitfodflmdrecKdidertimiiitnatnvitleM
piddnuiiUdpfoue ftmiaririiBteflracatiifcM»|MrtifraMquo«^
coe tpttdlarnfti^: cQ qooit fiicoUBlo(|ii(iieqiiftMm(iBarefib:
mulacaosvfdebltron'^HdMnrfu^am. t^togredteborvltra:
CjcfftfiiMiieaUaitamevrbaRTaiaroefiiiiottam. Den<<pv(de»
9l6ge0dmodiip2O2reiriidn(ci)ttiioii( emergd^oc •KbniMvte
luwfidrept^trtonemtle&rcbat: gfif^efasereevofttbtmter
iteetcmiYsiMbatbaitiMK 4d 2lolbfi«erac<ii^»<)iocoiitlderet
iKcin<naetaitifl(ig<tMNwriwccdebic«(6lUni(«lioeRdop»
f<HflKCdriie:aficraroce4ie«4pMtiiqiiendi4iia9rigMM
t9mfiimivsa1)t8STiidc«M>»bo{(t<i(iioflrfe»teiTiimAq^
Edition " G "
I
60 Christopher Columbus
whose printing establishment was at Paris in the Champ-
Gaillard, in the Grand H6tel de Navarre. We place it first
among the three editions of Marchant because it indicates an in-
correct, or at least an incomplete, condition. The title is in-
elegant, ending in an adverbial phrase, and no woodcut appears.
It would seem as if the printer had taken off an impression which
did not satisfy him, and in some way a proof has been preserved,
where even the perfected edition lives in but one more example.
**//. — C Epiftola de infulis de
nouo repertis. Impreffa
parifius in c§po gaillardi "
The above is found on the recto of leaf i.
** Epiftola Chriftofori Co
lorn : cui etas nf a multu debet : de Infulis indie f upra Gangem
nuper inuentis : Ad quas perquirSdas octauo antea menfe au
fpicijs z ere inuictiffimi Femandi Hifpaniarum Regis miflus
fuerat: ad magnificu dii^ Raphaelem Sanxis: eiufdg ferenifTi
mi Regis Tefaurariu miffa: qua nobilis ac Iratus vir Aliader
de Cofco ab Hifpano ideomate in latinu conuertit: tercio kl's
Maij. M.cccc.xciij. Pdtificattis Alexadri. vi. Anno primo."
This title is on the recto of leaf 2, marked at the bottom as
aii. It has also twenty-seven lines of the text.
This is a quarto of four leaves, thirty-nine lines to a full page.
The verso of the first leaf contains the famous epigram composed
by the Bishop of Monte-Peloso, together with a woodcut repre-
senting shepherds watching their flocks while an angel descends
bearing a message on a scroll. This is from the press of Guyot
Marchant at Paris.*
which Marchant signs himself in Latinised form, Guido Mercator. It issued from his
press on October 15, 1494. It possesses two points of interest for the student: first,
it contains the same woodcuts found in /; and, second, it is by the same author whose
Tractatus de Itnagine Mundi was owned by Colimibus himself and which book is said
to have accompanied him on his first voyage. As many have attached importance
to the influence which this book had upon Columbus in forming, or, at least, confirm-
ing him in his projects, it may be said that Petrus Aliacus, or Pierre d'Ailly, as he was
called in French, Bishop of Cambrai, in his book only brought together the ideas of
others concerning the form of the earth, giving the notions of Aristotle, Strabo,
Seneca, Plato, Roger Bacon, and others.
' The only two copies known of this are in the National Library at Paris and the
Carter-Brown Library at Providence. A fac-simile is in the Lenox Library.
The Cosco Latin Translations 6i
XD(ri}«XD. cccc*]Kf^. •pai8cattt$aiejfldrt.Tl.aiino|»«i»f
uomSfurcepceptontn
a dcifperfeciKLmeccmrecutafttflreg^
lKi09WtiUe]taraittaiietewmfai6iftprdto bfciw
fttem8eftetottacq?adm<weat:XriccnotcrctoO(cpofttf^
I>ftu80frceffi6imcrctod<c0pertiatf:vb(plunm«atof^
immcrfebabftataebonmerepperi: au«illc*n|wofeUa^^
t\c«enfop?cconi6i»Ub:a»'twjcfllfee]rt€ffe
tnthcpoinremonSaccept: p^imecp eara oimni iSaludto^ienanie
tmpofiritcufttdfreniedutdto taadbac^adcereraealiasper
ocnimue. jSS vero3fuU5itanabafUnTOcac.^Uai^etfavtt^
qua<pfiooottomtitenficupaii<« XXulppeattaminfulam Sacte
ZDarteCocepttoniaaltonfemandtnanu aUamlDfrabellanu
aIi^3obanam«c(ricocrcUqitfoappcUar(fu(nu X^Udp^tmuin
Inea tnftsUmquS wdttitt 3obaiiam^ocariov<appuItmua:Ais
ittaeitoUtmdocddeiitemveriUdaUquattdim tattun
cam maananuUoreperto fine tmtenis ^tion tofttl^
ii2tcmCbaca(p2ott&idam efTe credMeitm tttiUatft videmop^
ptdamotu'ctptote mmartctmie^ltacofiiubttapseterdUquoavi
cM'rp2edtontlt(ca:cif qoof fticolfeloqulnequtbamquarefi^
imdacno«vJdebdtrttrrtpfebant(u0am« t^tosmlicMrvltra:
q^l^admod9p:o0itiru0titebaitotti onergebai: abmoitAi
noaadfeptitrioneinDeferebat: q^ ^fefitgereeicaptabaiietcr
mctemitsiiabatb2oiiia:adlUiiR^e^^
ftectmmtgvenrtfIapiittbii0ruccedeMt»col^
ftn fticccflita: er rrcmrocedf^a^po^qoeiida qiiemiigfMie
Edition "H"
62 Christopher Columbus
**/. — Epiftola de infulis noui
ter repertis Impreffa parifius In campo gaillardi."
The above is on the recto of the first leaf, below which is a
woodcut of two men making shoes, and the printer's name.^
"Epiftola Chriftofori Co
lorn : ctii etas nra multu debet : de Infulis indie fupra Gangem
nuper inuentis: Ad quas perquiredas octauo antea menfe au
fpicijs z ere intuctiffimi Femandi Hifpaniarum Regis miflus
fuerat: ad magnificu dn3 Raphaelem Sanxis: eiufde ferenifli
mi Regis Tefaurariu mifia : qui, nobilis ac If atus vir Aliader
de Cofco ab Hifpano ideomate in latinu conuertit: tercio kl's
Maij. M.cccc.xciij. Potificattis Alexadri. vi. Anno primo.'*
The title is on the recto of the second leaf.
This edition is a quarto of four leaves, with thirty-nine lines
to a full page. The text is almost an exact reproduction of H,
except that the first title reads Noviter Repertis instead of De
Nouo Repertis, and it lacks the subscriptum:
Chriftofortis Colom Oceane Clafjis Prefectus.
If this edition differed from G and H only in wanting the sub-
scriptum, we would feel obliged to put it before them in the mat-
ter of priority on the grotmd that it omitted something which
was supplied in their issues, but this possesses not only the wood-
cut of the '* Angel and the Shepherds,*' but the peculiar typo-
graphical mark of the printer which occtirs on the recto of the
first leaf.^
"7- — ^ Epiftola Criftophori Colom: cui §tas noftra mtiltii debet:
de Infulis Indi§ fupra Gangem nuper inuStis. Ad quas p
quiredas octauo antea mgfe aufpicijs ^ §re inuictiffimi Fer
' There are only two copies known of this edition, — ^both in the Bodleian Library
at Oxford, one given by Archbishop Laud, the other bequeathed by Francis Douce
in 1834. There is a fac-simile in the Lenox Library.
* The mark of Guyot Marchant consists of two joined hands, above which are the
two musical notes, sol, la, and the two words:
Fides.
Ficit.
Thus requiring the preposition, sub, to show it was under Fides. The whole then
makes the motto, Sola Fides Sufficit, taken from the hymn, Pange lingua. Beneath
the mark is a representation of St. Cr^pin and St. Cr^pinien.
If the printer had possessed a woodcut of his typographical mark, he certainly
would have introduced it into the first two editions. Moreover, the post-classical use
of the adverb, noviter, is better than the phrase de novo. The corrections and addi-
tions are steps of improvement in publication, and are sure marks of a subsequent
edition.
The Cosco Latin Translations 63
wtpttimmxia* ^dqoMpenpttekimocuacmtummeaa
fefd^«(re(milafflM5ernaiidi'i3irp«iiteiim fKegtMOtm
^ntt:adnMflimcat>j^1l4{H>admemyte«taU?rerenin
iKi^tMXamneamaikquincbaiBUlhtMytr VOSidtr
MCmcodb 1>a)Mmofdeoiinte<nl«cMloonttmit:terc<o ktt
WaH^XD. tcecvMf "potiScanw %ltfSdrt.^%naopm»t
uomirurceptep2outn
q ^rtperfeci»meronreciita(tofirearatfitanfo»fd^^
ftMmttlle|mtfte9fldinone«;XncenQt«rc(0 9fepolta> <6a
*^*^?5'*»«»*^*«'«fipcroeirt: vWplttrimw tofu^ ftis
mimcrt8b9bftata0bo^u0Kpperi: (iu««(«n|»ofeltfrano
^^n^McconioceWjMtoi wcOlw ejrtflte c5tradfcetcne«
tomepoffdnoiiMcceim p»meq» earit otitfiH Qibiatotianome
unporit<:cufittfinetii9«ijcdto ra adbac&adc^eal(a«pcr
uenftmw. £« wro3iutt<6a«iwb«ninvoc«.3lltorif etiimwi
^q^nouoQomfnenficiipfliif. OiUppeaUamAtTuUitii SScte
jparfeCoceptionwaltomfemandiiuim. aUaml:>vfabe»am.
BUam3oban«ro^etriic&c WiqatoappcUariteflV. Cuapiimum
5f SI**!^^*" ^??**" ^oboiMin xocan Qijc(appuUma»:iu«
meiwUmtaocadentemvCTftiaaUquatttlampwceJrc camqi
cwjmwnanuUorepeitofiiw ittuenc vtiwn infalamrfedcotb
i»«emCbataipjoutociamdnfcredf<leiiin:iuiUatfividen8op«
ptdamnitfaptauf m marittnua Rta cofbUbuapjctrraUauoe ti
^i!^^!15?'^"V^<i"''i'«?"«Ni«n«iufl)amquaren*
2S?i^^!?**^'"!IIP***^**^ P^ogrediebarvtaw
tfmmimBi^m\n^xi]Mwim«ntmm, bento^idea
Edition "/"
64 Christopher Columbus
nandi hifpaniaa Regis mifltis fuerat : ad Magnificii dfim
Raphaels Sanxis; eiufdem fereniffimi Regis Telaurariu
miffa: quam. nobilis ac litteratus vir Aliander de Cofco ab
Hifpano idiomate in latinii c6uertit: tertio kal's Maij. M.
cccc.xciij. Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno primo."
In the Royal Library at Brussels is a tinique example of this
edition. It is a quarto of four leaves, and a full page has thirty-
eight lines. Prof. A. F. Van Iseghem in his Biographie de
Thierry Martens, Alost, 1852, assigns this book to the press of
Thierri Martens, or Theodoricus Martini, at Antwerp. This
man was one of the foremost printers of the Low Cotmtries.
He was a native of Alost in Flanders, about four leagues to the
west of Brussels, and established the first and only fifteenth-
century press in that city as early as 1473. He was the intimate
friend of Adrianus Barlandus, Martinus Dorpius, and many other
famous scholars of his day, among them being Erasmus, who
composed a noted epitaph in honotir of his friend when he died
in 1534. Erasmus in this epitaph' fixes his age as beyond
eighty years. Thus he was scarcely twenty when he introduced
the art of printing into Flanders. He printed in Greek various
works of Aristotle, Aristophanes, Lucien, Euripides, Demos-
thenes, Isocrates, Plato, Theocritus, Xenophon, and a portion of
Homer. It was fitting that so great a man should reproduce in
his press, so well dedicated to the spread of knowledge, the letter
of Coltmibus and circulate it throughout the Low Coimtries.*
* This epitaph is as follows:
*' Hie Thedoricus jaceo, prognatus Alosto;
Ars erat impressis scripta referre Typis,
Fratribus, Uxori, Soboli, Notisque superstes,
Octavam vegetus Praeterii Decadem.
Anchora sacra manet, gratae notissima Pubi:
Christe, precor, nunc sis Anchora sacra mihi."
The allusion to the anchor was suggested by the tjrpographicjil device employed
by him. Martens used two of these devices: the one a shield suspended from a tree
and supported by two lions, bearing in a circle surmounted by a triple cross the
initial letters of his name, T. M., with a star above; the other in his later works, a
double anchor surrounded by Greek and Latin words, below which we read:
Ne TempestcUum vis Auferat^ Ancora Sacra quo Mentem Figas, est Jacienda Tibi,
* Prof. Van Iseghem identifies the type, particularly in the use of the peculiar
gothic I and the Roman C, I, and V, with that of the Gemma Vocabulorum printed by
Martens at Antwerp in 1494. Prom an example of this book in our collection we
judge the tjrpe in the two books to be identical.
The Cosco Latin Translations 65
tKjnMBjndifftsputSanatfn fiupcrimiAie.iBdqiui^e
quirddM occacioamea m^fcaufiNciie Tm ifmictiffi^
Hands teljMfiiai: tUgfe miflUs ruerafroa CD0gfufifcu wtn
niimuvum4Mbaw ac UcmoiM v^MUmda oe Cofco 0b
t>ilip0iioidioiiiaretotacintt.c5iiertic:CK^
ci)0c«ici«.1>oitfi(iaiii9iUcnMidn 890 Anno
jCOontf^bflxpifiHiindffvm
Sraotm tfln foic woiboBCittimegmiitipfif cevntuftu^
tafivrrf iabocfio(trottifiere0)tft|^ itiiimflm attnotieanc;;
TrwOmomao xAepottiB 6adibu0 oObem fn mare Jjnit]
cuQttdiirvbi pturimad tfiftilos infiumerie babitarao mm«
qibus rcppeniciusru ommu pto f^lictfrifiso Kege nf o ptft^
i»io cckbidto t vcpttie erienfte coniradiccnce nemtne pof
fdiTt0ncacapt!puiiijf<e c&^mm B^lmtouB nomi impofiti
cniuo frerauj:itto ta ad banc:$ ad ceccraa aliaa guentm'^-^
JEam i?€n> 3f ndi Qmnah&nin vocanr* 2ttum €ciam i?nam
fl^ru^noito nontinenunatpam. Qitippe atiam inrtiUtii
Sanai CPane Canccption ja.aliam §ieriiariditmm»aliafTi
l^yTabellam-oltam lobanat fit be rvli£|ui0 appclUn iuifu
OMmpamum,meafnifiIii(flm'qijamtmda Johanamvo
on! oqnappuUmae t iurta eiua Units ocddefitcni vafii«
aUqiiamulum p:occ(li : camcB eammagnam nulla rcpeno
luic im«iii.-vi non inliOam^&d cofittitfnrcm £ batai jmin
tiamrtSronedid^iminuUa lamcn vtfddia eoptda municl
piauclit fnariif midfimcdhfiftibue pift^r aliquot viayitt
Waumuimxamt^itm tTUdtmiooitf ncquibam-«are
Ontilac iToa vid<banrftrf*!pbafttftigam. l>K^rcdid?or
Jliw:e3cifUimiw alt^udf mt j^bcm vTtlafto muciitunir^
omic& jidfM » tongt *tniddu jpsttrtiia bibil nom emer
0»ii:xbumrmcKli vta noa adScpcentnortcm Oifcfcbarz
^ ipc tiigcrE€jroptabain;remfl dtcnun rtgnabtt lnfinw:ad
Mmmnm cm m t9ta»nwitdcrc:n« mrnnatwn fcoi
ttniitNWfticttdcbaiiuaiiiutul altoanoii,apcr4rt fkaciTus:
Edition *7"
66 Christopher Columbus
**K. — De Infulis nuper inuentis "
This edition is found as an addition to the work of Carolus
Verardus, In Laudem Ferdinandi Regis, It occupies the last
seven and a half leaves of the book. Commencing on the verso
of signattire dd"", it gives the title in two lines:
'* De Infulis nuper in
mari Indico repertis "
A woodcut reproduced from edition D is below the title-
There are twenty-eight lines in a full page. On the recto of the
second leaf, dd"^, is the title in one line and in Gothic type,
while the explanatory title is directly below in ten lines of Roman
type. On the title-page of the first part is a full-length portrait
of King Ferdinand, but very different from that in D, The
two cuts were not from the same drawing. That in K is much
the more spirited of the two in drawing, and the plate was
more clearly cut. As the Verardus book, of which it forms a
part, was printed by Johannes Bergman de Olpe at BSle, this
must be assigned to the same press. There are copies in Har-
vard College, in the Lenox Library, in the Carter-Brown
Library, in the Grenville Library of the British Museum, and
in many other collections.
CHAPTER LXV
THE LETTER IN ITALIAN AND GERMAN
The earliest known edition of Dati's Italian metrical version
of the Columbus Letter, translated from Leander de Cosco s
Latin version, was printed at Rome, and is dated June 15, 1493.
It has no title, but its colophon reads as follows:
**L. — Finita la ftoria della inuentione delle nuoue infule di Channaria in
diane tracte dtina piftola di Xpofano cholonbo e per meffer Giuliano
dati tradutta di latino in uerfi uulgari a laude dela celeftial chortee a
cofolatione della xpiana religione e a preghiera del magnifico chaua
Here meffer Giouan filippo de ligniamine domeftico familiare dello il
luftriffimo Re di Spagna xpianiffimo a. xv. de giunio M.cccc.xciii.
Rome."
This edition is a small quarto in form, is printed in Roman
letter, and consists of four leaves. The recto of the first leaf
contains a large emblematic woodcut, which represents King
Ferdinand on the throne in Spain, viewing the natives of the
New World on an island, who are marching in true lock-step,
as it were, to the command of the King's outstretched hand.
The caravels of Columbus are seen floating on the great
unknown waters, while the castles of Spain are represented on
the opposite shore; the whole scene is encircled by a fanciful
border and coat-of-arms. The poem fills the remaining seven
pages.
The sixty-eight stanzas are printed in coltmms of five stanzas
each (or ten to the page) , with the exception of the last page,
which has eight stanzas equally arranged, and followed by the
colophon, below which is the following note in the handwriting
of Ferdinand Columbus:
** Este libro cost6 en Roma vn quatn por otubre de 1 5 1 2. Esta Registrado."
67
68 Christopher Columbus
The only known copy is in the Biblioteca Coliimbina at Se-
ville. Its discovery was announced in La Espana Moderna for
October 15, 1891, and by Mr. Harrisse in 1892. A fac-simile
was issued at Seville in 1892, from which otir description is
taken.
**M. — Quefta e la hyftoria della inuentioe delle diefe Hole di Cannaria In
diane extracte dtina Epiftola di Chriftofano Colombo ^ per meffer Giu
liano Dati traducta de latino in uerfi uulgari a laude e gloria dela cele
ftiale corre Z aconfolatione della chriftiana religi6e z apreghiera del ma
gnifico Caualier mifer Giouanfilippo Delignamine domeftico familia
re dello facratiffimo Re di fpagna Chriftianiffimo a di. xxv. doctobre.
M.cccclxxxxiii.
[In the end] Joannes dictus Florentinus."
** This is the history of the discovery of the islands of Canary in the In-
dies, taken from a letter of Christopher Colimibus translated from the Latin
into the common tongue by Monsieur Giulio Dati to the honour and glory
of the heavenly Court and for the consolation of the Christian religion and
at the request [with the permission] of the honourable Monsieur Giovanni
Felippo del Legnamine of the household of the most sacred and most
Christian King of Spain, on October 25, 1493. [At the end.] John, called
'The Florentine.' '' '
This is a quarto of fotir unnumbered leaves, with double
columns on a page, printed in Gothic characters. The first leaf
of the verso contains sixteen octaves (stanzas), leaves i and 2
contain thirty-six octaves, while there are fifteen on the
fourth leaf. The present copy is unique and imperfect, pos-
sessing only the first and fourth leaves. It is in the British
Museum.^
* Proctor assigns this to the press of Johannes Petri de Moguntia at Florence.
Of the twenty-five printers in this city during the fifteenth century this one jilone had
Johannes for his Christian name. He published // Philocolo di Boccacci, and at the
end one reads, "Magister Petri de Moguntie Scripsit hoc opus Florentiae die XII
Novembris MCCCCLXXII." No other book bears his name until 1490, when he
printed Cavalca Pungi Lingua in connection with Laurentius Matthaei de Morgianis.
(There is a copy in the Author's collection of incunabula.) It is believed by the best
bibliographers that either the date of the Boccaccio omits two XX's, or that the refer-
ence is to its date of copjring. In no other book is he called Florentinus. He some-
times subscribed himself Johannes, or Giovanni Thodesco da Magansa.
* This copy belonged to the Marquis Costabili of Ferrara, and when his library
Letter in Italian and German 69
'*N. — La lettera dellifole che ha trouato nuouamente il Re difpagna. "
The above title is fotind on the recto of the first leaf. The
colophon, which is also fotind in the first edition of the work,
reads as follows:
** Finita laftoria della iuStione del
le nuoue ifole di canaria idiane trac
te duna piftola dixpof ano ^ col5bo &
p meffer Gitiliano dati tradocta di la
tino 1 uersi uulgari allaude della ce
leftiale corte & aconfolatione della
chriftiana religione & apghiera del
magnifico caualiere meffer Gioua-
filippo del ignamine » domeftico fa-
miliare dello illtiftriffimo Re difpa
gna xpianiffimo a di .xxvi. docto-
bre. 14.93-
Florentie."
This is a third edition, issuing from the press, according to
the colophon, on the day after the issue of the second edition. The
text of this edition is in Roman tjrpe. It is a quarto of four un-
numbered leaves, with two coltimns on each page, containing
sixty-eight stanzas, differing in spelling and in text from the
preceding edition. The title of this edition is above an elaborate
woodcut, representing in the left foregrotmd King Ferdinand
seated upon his throne on land intended to represent Europe,
while in the background are three caravels approaching islands,
upon which appear natives and their habitations.
This copy is unique and perfect. It is preserved in the
British Museum.^
Harrisse, in his Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, quotes
an interesting stanza from this poem, which we venture to re-
produce, together with his free translation :
was sold at Paris in February and March in the year 1858, the British Museum pur-
chased it at the ridiculous sum of six and thirty francs. An exact fac-simile on paper
is in the Lenox Library.
' This stands for Christofano Colombo.
* Gio FiHppo djil Legnamine had been physician to Pope Sixtus IV. He had
corrected books for the press of Ulric Hahn of Rome, and other important printers.
3 This unique copy was purchased at the Libri sale in Paris by the British Museum
for 1700 francs. There are exact fac-similes on vellum and on paper in the Lenox
Library.
70 Christopher Columbus
*' Hor vo tomar almio primo tract ato
dellifole trovate incognite a te
in qfto anno preCente qfto e ftato
nel millequ at ro cento no vat rate,
lino che XPofan colobo ehiamato,
che e ftato in corte der perfecto Re
ha molte volte quefta ftimolato,
El Re ch' cerchi acrefcere il ino ftato/'
*' Back to my theme, O listener, turn vv-ith me
And hear of islands all unknown to thee.
Islands whereof the grand discovery
Chanced in this year of fourteen ninety-three,
One Christopher Colombo, whose resort
Was ever in the ICing Ferdinand's Court.
Bent himself still to rouse and stimulate
T!ie King to swell the borders of his State/'
This Giuliano Dati must rank as the first poet t^; occupy him-
self with an American subject. He was bom at Florence in
1445, and when he died in 1524 was Bishop of St. Leone tn
Calabria. He was a poet, but an alert ]3oet, a true Laureate,
seizing themes of immediate interest for the employment of his
verse. In 1494. he pubhshed from the press of Eucharius Silber
at Rome a poetical composition on
Calctdasione DelV EcHssi iit Sole e Luna.
He also wrote in Italian verse an account,
Dihivio Airu€nuto in Roma L\Anno 1449,
He published in rima ottava/ at Rome, a continuation of his
* The ottava rima of Giuliano Dati is only a paraphrase in Italian of the Latin
letter. U is in s:xty*cight stanzas, the first fourteen of which are iii praise of vanons
men and things, among which, and as really bclonginfj to Ijoth classes, is Ak'xaiider
5oTgia.
"Ma chi poteffi leg^ere nd ftiturn
duno Alex^dro magno papa ft:xto
della fua creation e ilmodo purrj
grato a ciafcuo an<?flfO mai molcfto,
& del primanno f\io il magno niuro
che nd glipuo neJInno effcr infefto
fexto alexadro pappa borgia ifpano
jufto nel giudicare & tucto hnmano."
*' But m the future men shall read the fame
Of Alexander. Sixth of that great name :
Of iiis election, pure of every guile,
Hailed by the world with an appro%'ing smile»
Walled about from his iiriSt papal year
With general love and reverential ft-ar-
Benign to alU Pope, Borgia, son of Spain, ^^
In judgment righteous, and in heart humane.
i
Letter in Italian and German 71
Indian poem entitled:
// Secondo Cantare delV Indian ** Delli Huomini e D5ne et Animali
Irrationali Mostruosi — in Roma Lanno Tertio Dalexandro Sexto." ^
**0. — Ifole Trouate Nouamente Per
El Re di Spagna."
This edition, printed at Florence, is dated October 26, 1495.
It is in four leaves, and a unique copy is in the Bibliotheca
Trivulziana at Milan. It is noticed by Cancellieri in his
Dissertazioni, page 153.
'*P. — La lettera dellisole che ha trouato nuouamente el Re dispagna."
This edition, so like the preceding, was also printed at Flor-
ence, under the same date of October 26, 1495. It is in four
leaves. The only known copy is in a private library in New
York.
Q. — Eyn jchon hiibfch lefen von etlichen infzlen
die do in kurtzen zyten funden jynd durch de
kunig von hijpania. vnd jagt vo grofzen wun
derlichen dingen die in de felb^ injzlen jynd.
This is the first German edition of the letter. It is a small
quarto, printed in Gothic tjrpe, consisting of eight leaves, the
last blank, ^ with thirty lines in a fuU page. The above title is
on the recto of the first leaf, and is over a woodcut, in a plain
border, a representation of the Saviour being questioned by the
Pharisees.* This woodcut is repeated on the verso of the
seventh leaf.
On the recto of the seventh leaf is the colophon:
Getruckt zu strafzburg vff gruneck vd meister Bartlomejz kujtler ym iar.
M.CCCCxcvii. vff sant Jeronymus tag,s
' These five words compose the title. The remaining explanation of the sub-
ject, **The men and women, the wild animals and monsters," is taken from the colo-
phon. It is noticed by Hain, No. 5964, who assigns it to the press of Johannes Be-
sicken, a former Bk\e printer. Harrisse thinks it is difficult to connect B^le and
Rome or B^e and Italy. We do not take this view. This Johannes Besicken had
partners who went backward and forward between Bdle, Rome, and Naples.
' This wotild be in the year 1494, since Alexander VI. began his pontificate in
1492. It is worthy of notice that Dati constmies some of his choicest lines in his
Colimibian poem in eulogising the Borgian Pope.
3 The copy described by Hain in his Repertorium Bibliographicum, No. 5493, con-
sisted of only seven leaves. The text ends on the recto of the seventh leaf, with the
woodcut repeated on the verso as in the Lenox [formerly the Libri] copy. The Lenox
copy contains the original eighth (blank) leaf, with contemporary MS. notes.
4 Harrisse interprets this picture as *' L'arrestation de J^sus-Christ dans le
jardin." {Christophe Colombo vol. ii., p. 36, note 4.)
5 This would be September 30, 1497.
72 Christopher Columbus
There are copies of this edition in the British Musetim ' and in
the Huth Library, in the Royal Library at Munich, and in the
Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries in America.
The reader, in patiently following this bibliographical excur-
sion into the field where were reproduced the different printed
editions of the ** Letters of Columbus " annotmcing the discovery
and describing the first voyage, has learned something of the in-
terest taken by the world in this event. Books may be printed
in the first instance as voluntary contributions to the public
store, without a desire for their birth and without support for
their existence. But books are not reprinted except in response
to public desire and public interest. We know of no other work
which in the short space of ten or twelve months at the close of
the fifteenth centtuy passed through thirteen editions and from
the presses of five of the great States of Europe. The most strik-
ing expression of popular interest is exhibited in the Roman and
Florentine editions of Giuliano Dati's metrical version of the
letter. Stately Latin was for the scholar. The rima ottava
was for the common people. While the Admiral was making
his way back to La Navidad, threading his way among the islands
of the Caribbean Sea, the people of Florence were listening to the
story of the exploit of Columbus, "of the islands lately foimd,"
and of their strange inhabitants. This story was told in run-
ning verse, and the verse was stmg upon the streets of that old
Etruscan city. The Florentines were a people who bought and
sold and got gain, and in the tale there was a sotmd of gold and
an odour of spices.
' Proctor, in his Index to the Early Printed Books in the British Museum, quotes
this under No. 755. He assigns several other books to the press of Barth. Kustler,
but in each instance the name of the printer is wanting. This is the only book by
this printer known to us in which he put his name. He may have been a patron of
printing and not a printer.
«o^30^S;^'>;s?.'^:i:ci*ii
t»i
bo to :b^
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I
CHAPTER LXVI
THE SPREADING OF THE NEWS
The first accx^unt of the discovery to appear in any other
form than that of the Letter is found in the 1 503 edition of Ber-
gomas's Chronicle. It is a recognition of the event as worthy of
taking its place in a published historical work.' It is no more
than a reproduction in a narrative form of that letter, with some
additions from the speeches of the Spanish Ambassadors. Ber-
gomas gives the ntimber of islands named by Columbus, but
* Many were the casual and tmimportant references to Columbus and the accom-
plishment of his design. The allusion to the discovery and to the Las Indias Retnota
foimd in Los Tratados del Doctor Alonzo Ortis, printed at Seville in 1493, is only pass-
ing praise to Ferdinand and Isabella.
The Nuremberg Chronicle cannot be cited as containing any reference to the new
discovery. The alleged discovery was by Martin Behaim of Nuremberg, and by
Jacobus Camus, a native of Portugal, for whom it was claimed that they crossed the
Equinoctial line and sailed to a place where, when they faced the east at noon, their
shadows fell to the right, and that in this region they discovered lands. The account
is a spurious interpolation, as Harrisse points out, being inserted by a different hand
in the originjd Latin manuscript, which is still preserved at Nuremberg. The Nurem-
berg Chronicle, one of the great picture-books of the fifteenth century, is interesting
enough without regarding this passage as preserving the relation of a genuine dis-
covery. The curious reader will find the passage on the verso of folio CCXC. Some
writers, without having read the context, have reported that the figure on the recto
of folio XII, the figure representing Homines habentes labium inferius ita magnum ut
ioiam faciem contegant labio dormientes, was really seen by Behaim in the lands dis-
covered by him, and that afterwards people with the convenient lip receptacle were
found in South America. The Nuremberg Chronicle to-day is one of the most common
of fifteenth-century books, and probably there are thirty or more copies in America.
Therefore, like the first folio Shakespeare, it cannot be called rare.
The reference to the discovery in Zachary Lileo's book, printed at Florence,
April 7, 1496, is likewise only passing.
The anonymous German book, No. 20 in Harrisse's Bibliotheca Americana Vetus-
tissima, is undated and seems to have been printed subsequent to the year 1504.
The Stultifera Navis was translated into French and published at Paris by Jean
Philippes and Geoffry de Mamef in 1497. Columbus is not mentioned, and the allu-
sion to the discovery is only passing, but, because of its extreme rarity, we give in
fac-simile the page on which the reader will find the passage. An example is pre-
served in the National Library in Paris, and it is through the courtesy of its directors
73
74 Christopher Columbus
records only foiir instead of five, omitting the island of Juana.
Where Columbus says there were six or eight species of palm
trees, Bergomas is able to be more definite, and to say there were
that we were enabled to secure this reproduction. The reference is to the seven-
teenth line on the left-hand column.
The work entitled Stultifera Navis is worthy of passing notice. It was a satire
upon the follies of the age, composed and first printed in German by Sebastian Brandt,
a native of Strasburg. The first edition was printed at BILle in 1494. with the German
title Narrenschyff. It was several times reprinted in German at Nuremberg, Reut-
lingen, and Strasburg, in the fifteenth century. It was translated into Latin by
Jacobus Locher and printed for the first time in that form at B41e by Johannes Berg-
man de Olpe, on the Kal. Augusti, 1497. This was reprinted at Augsburg by Jon.
Schensperger, Kal. Aprilis, 1497. As the printer Schensperger gives praise to the
printer Olpe, we take nis edition to be subsequent. The year ended with March, and
there may have been, as with the Lyons edition, an error in the year. There was
printed at Lyons, by Jacobus Zachoni de Romano, an edition dated June 28, 1488.
That this date is an error is apparent from the date of Locher's letter, which is 1497,
and also from the fact that the edition carries the news of an event which occurred in
1492. It is because of this item of news that we are interested in these Latin and
French editions. We find on the verso of folio Ixvi in our example of the Lyons edi-
tion, this passage:
** Prestita cofmographi luftrat docimienta Strabonis:
Intactiim to to nil finit orbe quidem.
Quid geometer enim tantas in pectore curas
Concipis: incaffum_circtdus ifta terit.
Plinius errauit, quauis spectabilis auctor:
Errores varios & ptolomeus habet.
In uanu fiquide multorum corda laborant:
Rebus in incertis quos ita fudor agit.
Antea que fuerat prifcis incognita tellus:
Exposita est octdis & manifefta patet.
Helperie occidue rex Ferdinandus: in alto
iEquorae nuc gentes repperit innimieras.*'
Any edition, then, carrying this passage, whether it be in Latin or in French,
must have a prominent place in an American library.
An edition of the cosmography of Pomponius Mela, arranged by Franciscus
Nuflez de la Yerva, and printed at Salamanca in Spain in the year 1498, contains this
allusion:
" Extra iftas duas extremas plurima inueniutur, nam uerfus occidens fereniffimus
hifpaniarum rex FerdinSdus & Helifabeth terra habitata diftatS ab occideti p XLV
gradus iienerut. . . ."
(Harrisse, No. 8, Bib. Am. Vet. Additions.)
As to the Sabellicus, — 1498, — there is no allusion to the discovery. It is only in
the Enneades, printed at Venice in the year 1504, that the account of the discoveries
is foimd. We give a very full description of this important relation, but it is evi-
dent that it must take its place after the present work of Bergomas.
In a little tract on an introduction to Cosmography, by Antonius Nebrissensis and
(although undated) assigned to the year 1498 by Harrisse, is a passing allusion to the
Antipodes:
** P^ reliquo huic noftro hemispherio e regioe oppofito quod incolut autichthores:
nihil certi nobis a maioribus nostris traditum est. ."
The reader need not be told that this can hardly be construed into a reference to
Columbus and his discoveries.
In the Preface to the Coronica de Aragon, by Gaubert Fabricius de Vagad, printed
iigtneStffteeiteamfiM^
Ibttnfnd )Deufotui)fU6Que)tftfttiisf(t(i:ef
^iitifoi) mice voufut potfatce
IDefofdencequeteS^
^ 0tei) ^ouftemenf etttenS^
/Qeoutmoineqiri fecotti|io(a
<5canSe6 ecreut:e tf f pofa
ZMom^ ^fifftrouctewt^fomee
^cnteffotb ft fojB tat^ aftm
Skmfatttfatrep&tequeceufjpcf
59pfe4ff. IDetopne&u^auoicmetxp
* ain3(ttSato6oiirffei)Saft>
pfuete $f quenoefcoieiKfaft)
e^-rixi' pout: accepter tout fiinccttati)
C'ila tettequtfuttncogitue
CcdcneCfQ 2De8pafce6que$(»t)nauo(ta>0ttaie
/ntmefasmagefiee
S fouet f comStet) qjot ouott effee
^8 tempe Swt) foits ejire appatoeue
^ tnomtetumt e^ effe (ceue
dmtemofefiaaoifSecueut:
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S (pantos jaettcaSotfaSeforrop
■^ ^auatttfecSmanSiieieri^
f$iir mer neoittmoiltts fontaflaflfts
^ jsettequofi mnumetaSfes
CiDeceliif<|K<tte9eiifte|iicfbf'
C^ldtim'd (uecques fe fo^
iDoct(ippo{rine5tfputa
Poutwquepttfletfepaffa^
iDefbreSoittqinereputa
^laife e(ii:e efcotc^e tfpttto
^^^^.^^imgfoffofpetiSottfrufhf^iiiitMAis
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taearotf
CCpitaii^fofftmtcefienatute
^f|ant0effon^ fa (owiettnit
IDenHm(Siteo6^adoi)
iSeSoufimtfou^ fapacefbi)
2D( 6onne fo^ fo^fSeftc
pienSceefRceetcpo^fn;
podettceet aomtemnftie
jIDmorctaAjsrcmtfiftte
lDetopeu|)ef(titpfofieut6i%
^t rnnft fe mof que (ti piie
2Defh:eefcotc^co»99rt0C^euremi
jpoet'fplit
nobtwot*
JfoocmKi*
jSeuflee fouf ertmote afiufe
fu^ comme pfluiirefbf mwfc
Hfotpe Source (epfieftiff
^Duitemtfleijcewaftie
^ttetccitaafaStfpnfe
SDantpecStBfopcdiiafiiBift
Fac-simile of The Paris Edition [1497] of the StuUifera Navis.
75
76 Christopher Columbus
seven. The island of women is called Mateniena, showing that
the chronicler had taken his account from the Cosco Latin
translation.
On the recto of folio a, above a woodcut in which are some
emblems of a Chtu'ch dignitary, we read:
'*Notiiffime hyftoria» omniu repercuffio
nes notiiter a Reuerendiffimo patre Ja
cobophilippo Bergom§fe/ ordinis He
remitarum edite: que Supplementum
fupplementi Cronicarii nuncupantur.
Incipiendo ab exordio mundi/ vfcp in
Annum salutis noftre. Mcccccij.
** Cum gratia Z priuilegio/'
at Zaragoza, September 12, 1499, is a passage in which there is a brief reference to
otro mundo: que nueuamente descubre la gente animosa y td valiente de EspaHa. Coltun-
bus is not mentioned, however.
The following book, printed in 1503, carries a passage of some interest:
" Libro en 3[ efta copiladas algunas biillas de nfo muy fancto padre c6cebidas en
fauor de la jurifdicion real de fus altezas & todas las pragmaticas q eftan fechas para
la buena gouemaciS del reyna imprimido por mMado de Juan ramirez efcriuano del
cCsejo del rev & de la reyna nueftros fenores: el qual fue taflado par fus altezas & por
los Ignores del fu confejo a tin caftellano de oro cada volimien con priuilegio que fus
altezas dier6 por fu carta real q[ por tiempo de cinco aftos cdtados defde primero dia
de deziembre defte prefente afio de mill cc qmnientos & tres fafta fer complidos nin-
guno otro fin fu poder lo pueda imprimir en el reyno ni fuera del ni vfiderlo fo pena de
cinquenta mill mfs: la mitad para la camera: & la otra mi tad para el dicho Juan
ramirez & de perder lo Jj ouiere imprimido o v§dido o imprimiere o vgdiere o touiere
pa vSder c6 otro tato pa el dicho Jua ramirez."
"Book in which is compiled some Bulls of our most Holy Father, conceived in
favour of the Royal jurisdiction of their Highnesses, and all the Royal ordinances
which are made for the good government of the Queen, printed by the order of Juan
Ramirez, Clerk of the Council of the King and Queen, our Lords: which was valued
by their Highnesses and by the Lords of their Council at one gold castellano for each
volume: with the privilege which their Royal Highnesses gave by their Royal order,
that for the time 01 five years coimted from the first day of December of this present
year 1503 imtil the five years are completed, no other person without their authority
can print this book in their Kingdom nor outside it, nor sell it, under penalty of a
fine of fifty thousand maravedis: half for the Treasury and the other halt for the said
Juan Ramirez and of losing what shall have been printed or sold, or what shall be
printed or sold or shall be ready tp sell, as likewise belonging to the said Juan Ramirez."
Colophon (according to Mendez and Clemencin) :
'*Fue impreffa efta obra en la villa de Alcala de henares por Lanzalao Polono
imprimidor de libros a cofta de Johan Ramirez efcribano del Confejo del Rey e de la
Reyna nueftros Sefiores a quien fus Altezas mandaron tener cayo de la imprimir:
acabofle a diez e feis dias del mes de Noviembre de mill e quinientos e tres afios."
"This book was printed in the town of Alcala de Henares by Lanzalao Polono,
a printer of books; at the expense of Johan Ramirez, Clerk of the Council of the King
and Queen, our Lords, whom their Highnesses ordered to take charge of the printing;
finished November 16, 1503.**
On the verso of folio CXVIII and the recto of CXIX is the ordinance of June 22,
1497, informing Columbus that criminals of both sexes are allowed to serve in the
mines of Espafiola and other islands for one half the term of their sentence. This
ordinance is printed in full in the Book of Privileges.
The Spreading of the News n
[Folio 451, verso:]
** Explicit Supplementum Chronicarum Diligenter Et
Accurate Reuiftim Atque Correctii. Venetiis Im
preffu3 Per Albertinii De Lidona Vercell6
fern. RegnS. Leonardo Loredano Ve
netiarum Principe. A Natixii —
tate Chrifti. M.ccccc.
iii. Die. iiii.Maii.
Cu3 Gratia Et
Prixiilegio.**
The book ' is folio in form, and is simply a new edition of Ber-
gomas's C/tr(?ntc/e brotight down tx> the year 1502. It contains
the first printed account of the discovery to appear in a history
or chronicle, and was evidently taken from one of the Cosco
Latin editions. On the verso of folio 441, the last five lines,
running through to the eighteenth line on the verso of 442, is
fotmd the account of the discovery.
There is a copy of this edition, as well as of that printed in
1 506, in the Lenox Library and in the collection of the Author.
CDeeaaftoorpmaximisfnraHstetiKtoe^ . ^^^^ ,1.. ^
!«. «Hyrp^oI«hocanno:poftcapiaGranara« dusimplamabinchtu '"^'^^IrS* il
^^ hely&bethregilnispchriftophoniwcoIoiiifo|£ clams iinpatoref^^^ H
l*>^oofiinlndttc«raotbciott«afiCOpt«fi»i^^ ^
* Jacolms Phihppus Bergamus, of the distinguished Foresti family, was bom in
Bergamo in 1434. In 1485 he published at Brixia a Treatise on Illustrious Women.
His great work, the Supplementum Chronicarum, was first published in 1483, and was
printed in Venice by Bemardinus de Benaliis, himself a native of Bergamo. It is
brought down to the year 1482. In the Brixia edition of his work, De Mulieribus
Claris, the Supplementarum Chronicarum again appears, but it remained for the edi-
tion reprinted at Venice by Bemardinus de Benaliis in i486 to issue the work with
illustrations, consisting for the most part of woodcuts representing cities, some of
which are made to do duty several times. The work was reprinted in Florence, trans-
lated into Italian, in 1488; and in Venice in 1490 and 1492. In 1506 there was an
edition giving for the second time an account of the Columbian discovery. Ber-
gamus, the author, died in the year 15 18, in the monastery of the Augustines in Ber-
gamo, of which Order he had been a member.
,0 Anno UBER SEXTVSDEQMVS 442 Fcckiicol
ndi Chnft* ^^
flcc5 Afexandram pro pracftaoda ex more pontifici obcdientiarfua in orarionc contc^ ferdina
ftari funr.Ferdmadus igittir capra Bcrica ^uincia;ne fui militcs ftre nmflimi ocio mar^ da hiT^
ccrennChrfltoforum colunabum fuac daflis Impcratorcra cum plurimis miliribus fta p%no
cim ex GadJbus xnfulis uerfus oricntem adnauigare iu(rir:ut onent i oftenderet quas ui la
res haberent occidruiiQgi ex ipfis locis foIuens:infra raodicum fpacium in indica ma- chrifto
re ptofpero nauigio peruenere:di in fupradidas infulas penienir Jn quibus numerO' ho^ for^ no
mfnuro moltitudinem reperiem:earam infuhtum ipfe claflTis impator pro fois regib^ r^t
pofreiTtone pacifice accepit.Er fupradidis nominibus eas appellauic* Vltimam ira^ in hyrpa^
fularo hyfp3gnoIam:cum applicoilTet iiid^ns ipfius roagntudinem permaximam : cam anolei
non infulamifed ut conrinencem cachay prouinctam eft arbitraras Jn ipfis aut marir t^ f^]2t
mis lictoribusutcp confinibus afleruit k nulla uidifTe oppidarfed uicos per paucos : & msgni
ruflicana pr2dia;qao^ incole cum primum ipfius milites uideruncrfuga fe ftirripierur* tudtoe
Eoq? in loco:cum impator nihil nouiinueniflfet retrocedens: ad quendam portum rc^ portos
diic.Ec indecxruisnnlicesquofdam milites ftrenuos emitens:ioflritexplorare:Gqaas pYrimi
nrbes in mediterraneis inuenirent«Qui tandem QC iftiHnumeros inuenerunt popiilos:5e flatnia
paruas habita(iones.He;e igitur infiilae omnes cum fint f erradflimae hyipagnola Iqge magna
plustf n primis porcus habe£:q reliquam orbis chriftiani:flomina in ea tarn uafta : quae mSm
admirationemindacuntJbic;^ conrpiduntur montes excelfi:arboribus frondenctbos tnaeni
cdnfiti coelam ungentibus:qaae areicunt nung:d; tales(ut ipfe impator ait)eiant qoa^ atMfs
les de menfe maio apod bifpanos fum mdere foiitus:hartnii Arborum pars ad roaturita muifx
tem alia ad fecunditacem tendit iecondum carumdem Arbonsm qualitatemabicj aues 30^ ^
cantus perfonabant de menie Nouembrio^Septem diuerfitatis palmae fiint:quas uidere rentes
ftupor edtpinustpompa: Nuces a noftris diuerfa funt^planicies magna : Vairum copia ^uerfi
maq^naiMinere metalloram mftmte.Gens ilia numerum non capit/Uem ipla hy^(pania ^^^
jnfola magnas hibet ualles:ingentemcp planidem feradflimam habec non minus af^ palma^
mentorum ^ hommum oAii accomodatam*Aquarum9:quae Aurom tenentniuldseft ^^
aoftus^Et 10 arboribos reperiuntur friKftns diaerfi generis^Ai omata 0009 V^^^^^ pl°^ tnetal^
maiHoius autem infulae & aliaram qoas uidi mares 6C foeminae oudi (onttMoUecam ta |onim
men aliqaae:pudenda fronde quadam Bombice contexta oellannFerri 61 omnis generis mtoqe
armorum fum expertesmatura opcime difpofiti proceres & formofi:(ed timore qoodaj q^ ^gi
jncredibili Temper agunranHoc genus Armonun pecoUartefhoidelicet pennae AUmra earom
ramitaribasbacuIoruminfi»aninn]r«Vr%irat me tales uiri conipexemnt falatera Qear^
ftatim pedibus fibi procurarunt* Mifi inqolc iifros qui eos comiefUrent mloqoeientars ^^^^^
tiorrarentar<;^ln publicum toimatlmpradibanttnecloqi^^ propiik afoma
guios nos cemebantr^to curioSlis lerga dabant^Et ut cos in amorem alliccre poucro ^ i,^
roolta ti% elargitus fiimtfed nee natmeromtnec amoris uiccs rependebant. Verum poft< mjo^s
quamtlnioremponieruntninnifioriiciorcsfQpraidqcredipotelYerganos faftifunn ^^^^
Ita 9 onmia cfFundunttK profandont^Fideles admodum Ttmt. Au^ pro uitro comuu ^j^
bant;$ apud eos oitro nihil eft praeciofius*Dedit9 eh ide^ impcrator chriftoforus plo jpf^,,;
rima:quae iecum detulerat dona»Cnm eos autem quadam beniuolentia conciliaflfenDc fi^^f^
multiseosperflgnarcifcitatuseft.AfFivmabantfenun^ homines ueftitosuidifle: nee fpfyg^
it huiufmodi naues (eu triremes^Quordam autem idem imperatonuiolenter rapuicroc Xntiu
hirpinicumidiomaeosdoceret:8Cip6Deiprorum informare^tunTantamdenlcyipfi Iqiq^^
Silueftres homines erga chrlfttanos poft^modum contraxerunt beniuolentiaroiot unde fy^^(
cumcp uodbos magnis conclamarent 6t dicerent: uenlte uenite omnes:quia 6t etherex qvL^f^
Sntes ad nos defcendcnintrntfinrar autembi infulani quibufdam Scaphis ad nau^h eorum
m unico ligno confedistquae funt curfii uclodflfimo.Cum quibos (lias exerccnt mcc njoi^
eaturasrReffert idem impcrator eifdem in regionibus duas fore infulas feu prouincsas ^^
qoarum alteram Anam uocant:cuius Acole omnes caudati nafcuntur Jn fnuda ipfa by q^ik^
ipagnolanpfe impctaror in quodam oportuniore locon'n quadam oilla permaxima;cQf ^^im
Natiuitardomini nomen impofiierat^culiarem pofleinonem pro Regtbos Hyrpatda ^^
rum accepit:3; arcem quandam monitifiimam ibidem aedificaoittquam Bt onmiarmo axj^M
turn genere:at<]oe oiris necefl[arii»iininiuit« Quibus 6C Garauellam unam 6t pro aliis ^^ ^
conratiendis tam in arte:quam in caetcrisperitiflimosdimifit artifices* Qijicueftigio gi^
com dofdcm Inflilae Rege QL caeteds naximam contraxit amidtiamtEafdem enim gen ^^
GG 2
78
The Spreading of the News
79
atiniil&iiDS
USER
SCXTVS0EC3MVS
te% mote ftrino drgetifcsmd qoandam pollidoiem vdtim redegit.
Cln'eiTdem qocxp fnfulis:qut((;p ani tantum coniugi conquie(cit: ptxtet pilnceps col
aigintt habere If C€t»
^*^ CCharis autem infuli fie jppellaca: habet quaddam hominam genm fetodOtrnqim:
? "^ quKtarne hamana uefcuntun Alias enim infulas trajideiices:quaccumc;p habrif poflanl
^ furripiuntrhi focmineo more longos defFerunt carnesn'pfls etiaiti in iudicii r^onibas
alia quardam eft infula mateniena feu marinien appellafarin qua folura fceminat fine oi
ri$ habicanr.Qua; quidem foemfnx nullum fui (^xusopus excrcefedicuntnt«Vtuntnt
etenim quibufd^m Arcubus 6C Speculis rouniuntq^ fe laioinis eneis in bcUo* Cum his
oeluf i aroazonibus coheunt indi infulani tempore ueri5#
CIn his Iraqi guatruor prardidis infulisndem chriftoforos iroperaror Regis chlOs ma:
I ximam Auit Dim inuenifle conteftatus fuit«Sed eiiam Aromaca cuiufcum^ generistui
^ dtUcet Ma(lids:piperis!AIoes:6C hebenum lignumuc Reobarbarum:at€p maxima Bom
bicis capia inuenirur«Ea igitur inclitus Rex hifpanus diuino munere;pe! fuum impera
°l ^ torem pr^edidum conrecucus cft;xque hadenus mortalium aliquorum oirrs mim'me.
^^^ attingere potuere«Hoc qutdem:ipfe imperai or fe uidiiTe 8C perliu^rafltuK: pofleffiontm
P^ pro Puis R^egibus accepifle:quadam foa Epiflola conceftatus eft* Ar^ ocaioies Rcgii pS
tif ^^^^ ^kMndro affirmarunc ita efle*
Quiftf
It
lanis
ifuh
Dies
car
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lana
oftiu
or
Annd
Mudf
** ABOUT FOUR VERY LARGE ISLANDS RECENTLY DISCOVERED IN INDIA BEYOND
THE [old] world
In this year [1492] after the conquest of Granada and the occupation
of it by the renowned Sovereigns Ferdinand and Isabella, four very large
islands, namely; San Salvador, Santa Maria de la Concepcion, Ferdinand,
and Espanola, beyond the world [known up to this time] were discovered
and taken into possession by Christopher Columbus, a very sagacious and
energetic man, the commander of this expedition. Ambassadors also in
their addresses the year aforesaid testified to Pope Alexander of his great and
unfailing devotion to the Pontiff. Therefore, after the province of Betica
had been subdued, fearing that his well-disciplined veterans would soon
become demoralised by idleness, Ferdinand ordered Christopher Columbus,
as commander of the expedition, with a large body of troops, to sail at once
from Cadiz to the islands lying to the westward [facing towards the east]
that he might show the East what resources [military strengths] were pos-
sessed by the West. Sailing from that port with a favourable wind, after a
short voyage they reached the Indian Sea, and came to the above-men-
tioned islands. They were found to be inhabited by a numerous population,
and the Admiral took peaceable possession of them in the name of the
King and Queen.
He also gave them the above-mentioned names. The last of these
8o Christopher Columbus
islands is Espafiola. When he had landed and had seen the great size of it,
he believed that it was not an island, but mainland, and some part of
Cathay.
He also says that he saw no large towns either on the coast or in the
neighbourhood of it; only a few villages and farm buildings. The dwellers
in these fled as soon as they saw the soldiers. Since he had found there
nothing of importance [nothing new], the Admiral returned to a certain
harbour. From there he sent out a detachment of picked men [certain
active soldiers], with orders to search and see if they could find any towns
inland. These at length found an innumerable population, but living only
in small huts. Now while all these islands have great natural resources,
Espanola is by far the most productive of all.
They were astonished to find harbours as good and rivers as large as
those of the old world.
Lofty mouritains also were seen, covered with dense forests which seem
to touch the sky; the leaves of which never wither, and (as the Admiral
himself says), ** are such as I am accustomed to see in Spain in the month of
May." Here was green fruit on some of these trees, and ripe fruit on others,
according to each kind of tree.
Birds were singing, although it was the month of November. They
found seven varieties of palms, the sight of which filled them with wonder;
pines and fruits. The nuts are different from ours. Grapes are abundant,
and there are inexhaustible mines of metals. The inhabitants cannot be
numbered.
There are, moreover, in the Spanish island great valleys and a spacious
plain of rich land suited both for grazing and tillage [for the support of
both cattle and mankind]. There is gold in the sand of the streams.
The water of the streams is pure.
And on the trees are found divers kinds of fruit, and a great variety of
spices. The inhabitants of these islands and of the others which I have
seen go naked, both men and women; but some of the women wear aprons
[cover the pudenda] woven of a certain vegetable fibre. They have no iron
and no weapons of any kind. The people are well-built, tall and hand-
some, but invariably timid to an incredible degree. They have this pecu-
liar kind of armour, namely, birds* feathers fashioned at the extremity of
sharpened sticks.
As soon therefore as the men saw the gleam of our weapons and armour,
they at once sought for safety in flight. I sent out men to meet them, to
talk with and encourage them. They came out in companies in sight of
the messengers, but would not speak with them; and when they saw our
men approaching too near, they were frightened and fled. And I gave
them many gifts, in order, if possible, to give them confidence. But they
did not respond either by the exchange of gifts or by becoming friendly.
But when at length their fear had abated, they became incredibly liberal
in their dealings with us. They brought forth everything that they pos-
sessed, and manifested the utmost confidence. They traded gold for glass,
The Spreading of the News 8i
for with them nothing is of more value than glass. The Admiral also gave
them many gifts which he had brought with him. Now when he had gained
their confidence by this evidence of his good will he asked them many ques-
tions by means of signs. They said that they had never before seen men
who wore clothing, nor boats and ships like ours. The Admiral made
prisoners of some of them, in order to teach them the Spanish language and
that our men might be taught theirs. At length the men who were con-
cealed in the woods conceived such a degree of good will towards us, that
they shouted '*Come, all come; for a race of beings from the sky have
come down to us." These islanders also use a kind of canoe made of a
single log, which is very fast on the water, and in which they transport
their produce from place to place.
The Admiral also says that there are two islands or districts in those
parts, one of which is called Anas, and the inhabitants of which are bom
with tails.
The Admiral also found a very large town in an excellent situation on
the islands of Espanola, which he named Nativity, and took it as the per-
sonal possession of the King and Queen of Spain.
Here he built a very strong fort, provided with every kind of defences,
and left a suitable garrison in it. To these islands he also sent one caravel
and some of his best artisans to build others both in this stronghold and in
other places. And he very soon became on terms of very great friendship
with the chief of that island, and those of other islands. For he brought
their people who were living after the manner of wild beasts to a more
civilised mode of life.
In these islands each man is contented with one wife; but the chief is
permitted to have twenty. The island called Charis is inhabited by a very
fierce and savage race, who feed on human flesh. For they cross over to
other islands and plunder the inhabitants of everjrthing that they possess.
They let their hair grow long after the manner of women.
In these same regions of India there is also a certain island called Ma-
teniena or Matinie in which women only live, without men. These
women are said to occupy themselves with no employment which usually
belongs to their sex. They make use of bows and arrows, and protect
themselves with bronze coats of mail in war. As is the custom of the
Amazons, the islanders of the Indies come to mate with them in the spring
of the year.
In these four islands named above, Christopher, the Admiral of the
squadron, declares that he found a great quantity of gold.
He foxmd also spices of every kind; that is to say, mastic, pepper, and
aloes; ebony and rhubarb, and a very great abundance of cotton.
These things then the renowned King of Spain accomplished by the
grace of God, through the agency of his above-named Admiral. Until this
time the power of no mortal has been able to accomplish so much. These
new regions also the Admiral himself saw and explored and took possession
of in the names of his King and Queen. He has declared this in a certain
82 Christopher Columbus
letter. And the Ambassadors of the King and Queen also have declared
to Pope Alexander that these things are so.** '
In the year 1506, on February 17, there issued from the
press of Johannes Besicken at Rome, Maffei Raphcelis Volaterrani
Commentariorum Urbanorum octo et triginta Libri, It is printed
in three parts. The first is devoted to Geographia, the second
to Anthropologia, and the third to Philologia. On the verso of
folio clxix, and terminating the first Part, is a reference to the
discovery under the Spanish Sovereigns, which is said to have
been made by Christopher Columbus saiHng from the straits of
Cadiz in the year 1496. It is of no interest to us beyond the
fact that the Columbian discovery finds itself, although very im-
perfectly, recorded in this geographical work. Moreover, the
date here given for the discovery had a part in confusing some
writers as to the time of that e\ent. The author had read
Sabellicus, from whom he must have taken his allusion to
Daira.^
^ We may advise the collector of Americana to secure this edition of Bergomas's
Chronicle while the world is yet in ignorance of its bibliographical value. The Author
found his copy for a few dollars.
* An error for Parya made by Sabellicus.
ragnma*
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tur^. FlI^S GAEOGRAPHIAE.
Fac-sitnile of Maffeus Volaterranus, Rome, 1506.
83
CHAPTER LXVII
THE TITLE TO THE NEW INDIES
As Coltimbus required the countenance of Princes to hold
his discoveries, so those Princes required the seal of the Roman
Pontiff not absolutely to possess but to maintain in peace their
sovereignty in the New World.' There were two Spanish Am-
* The attitude of the Church ought not to be misunderstood. Its exercise of uni-
versal temporal dominion was no longer recognised or urged. Its confessed kingdom
was spiritual. If it still spoke the temporal tongue, the obsolete words were inter-
preted spirittially or as a figure of speech. The expression used in nearly all Bulls,
Motu propria nan ad vestram vel alterius pro nobis super hoc nobis oblatce petitionis
instantiam, is a mere form and without significance. As a matter of fact, it was at
the particular instance of the Spanish Sovereigns that the Pope was now acting.
Many Christian nations regarded the Church as peculiarly fitted for the exercise of
judicial functions. Where could there be found a more acceptable arbiter than one
who adjudicated by the consent of the parties at issue? It is the essence of author-
ity. Spain and Portugal, two of the nations most devoted to the Roman Church,
carried to its Head their individual interests and their international differences.
Spain was not \mmindful of her own independent sovereignty. She acknowledged
no temporal control by the Pope over herself. No nation was more jealous of its
rights. Only twenty years before this, she had thrust away from her coffers the
hand of Rome, and that, too, when the object was purely ecclesiastical. The Cortes
had protested against the appointment by Rome of foreign priests beneficed upon
their people, and the King notified the Court of Rome that no further provision would
be made for foreigners. Rome has been falsely charged with arrogating to herself at
the end of the fifteenth century absolute temporal dominion, and of deliberately
dividing and parcelling the new regions of the world in Africa and Asia between two
favoured nations. Neither of these counts will hold. In isstiing the four Bulls the
Pope was acting as arbiter, and whatever division of territory there was afterward
between Spain and Portugal was their joint act.
When forms of speech become common they lose much of their significance.
Down where the continent of North America is thinking of breaking away from its
sister on the south, where the lands of Nicaragua become low and swampy, not many
years ago was a tribe half-Indian and half-negroe, dignified by the name of Moscos,
or the Mosquito Nation. This nation once had title, or pretended to have title, to much
of that strip of territory along which the proposed canal would have to pass. In-
deed, when, years ago, Great Britain seized the Atlantic port of Nicaragua, the reason
given was the '* re-establishment of Mosquito rights and authorities." There was a
breechless Mosquito chief who went by the name of Robert Charles Frederick. This
84
The Title to the New Indies 85
bassadors representing their Sovereigns at the Court of Rome,
Bemardin de Carvajal and Ruiz de Medina. To these men
letters were immediately forwarded by the Sovereigns instruct-
ing them to commtmicate the discovery to the Pope and to
obtain from him the location of the new lands/ This power of
chief transferred, on January 24, 1839, whatever title he possessed to a man by the
name of Shepherd » whose nationality was in dispute, and the Mosquito Bull b^gan
thus:
" We, Robert Charles Frederick, King of the Mosquito Nation, of our special grace
and of our certain knowledge and free motion have given and granted oy these presents,
sealed with otu" seal, and do give and grant tin to the said Samuel Shepherd . . ."
Should the United States come into possession of the said strip of land, this
deed, or a copy attested by Great Britain, may be fotind among its titular curiosities.
' There does not seem to have been any special embassy sent to Rome for this
ptupose.
Bemardin de Carvajal was born at Palencia about 1456. He was made Bishop of
Carthagene, and afterward was named Cardinal of Plasencia, in Spain, by Pope
Alexander VI. He was a brother of Garcia Lopez Carvajal, a correspondent of Peter
Martyr. In Epistle No. 155 (edition 1530), written to Garcia, Peter Martyr greatly
extols the Cardinal. Epistle No. 161 is addressed to him personally from under date
of Jime II, 1495, ^^^ so also is Epistle No. 169, from Burgos, October 5, 1496; but, on
November 30, 1496, there appears to have been some misimderstanding, for in a
letter (Epistle No. 170) to Pomponius Laetus, imder that date, Peter Martyr writes
from Burgos:
** It is a law of nature that the smaller fish, unless they escape from the larger, will
be devotu-ed by them. Bernard Carvajal, an illustrious Spaniard, just crowned with
the Cardinal's pltune, moved by jealousy, thus throws himself in the way. He seeks
from me by his own letter that whatever from this time on I write to my friends I
shall send him likewise. It is not proper for me to refuse so powerfid a personage.
He has agreed to communicate to tnee and to our friends, the Bishops of Braga and
Pamplona, whatever thing I shall write to him. He is a learned man, a man orna-
mented with the highest virtues. He will not lie."
However, this same Cardinal had a way of advancing his interests. He held
place, sometimes near the Papal throne and sometimes at an enforced distance,
through the pontificates of Alexander VI., who had made him Cardinal, Pius III.,
Julius II., and Leo X.
Cardinal Bemardin de Carvajal was at the Court of Rome since December, 1484.
He was deprived of his oifice and excommimicated by Julius II. in 15 1 1 , when he took
part with the Emperor and with the King, Loms XII., against him. The monarchs
called the Cotmcil at Pisa, which was opened September i , 1 5 1 1 , and Bemardin de
Carvajal, Cardinal of Santa Croce, was chosen to preside. Most of the prominent
Cardinals, fearing naturally to take sides against the Pope, were absent ; but enough
Archbishops, Bishops, imd Abbots were present to make an imposing array. The
Pope excommunicated Cardinal de Carvajal, and placed both Pisa and Florence
under an interdict, the former city being subject to Florence, and the latter therefore
held responsible for its delinquencies.
When Pope Leo X., on October 11, 152 1, conferred upon England's King, Henry
VIII., the title, Fidei Defensor, — Defender of the Faith, — the name of Bemardin Car-
vajal, Cardinal of Spain, appears as witness, the first signatiire directly imder that of
the Pope himself. The original Bull was mutilated by fire in the year 1731 , but it is
still preserved in the British Museum.
The same Bemardin de Carvajal delivered an oration on Wednesday, June 19.
1493, o" ^h^ *^^^ from Isaiah xi. : " Vitidus & Leo simil morabimtur: & puer paruulus
minabit eos": ("The calf and the lion shall lie down together and a little boy shall
watch them." This was at once issued in a printed form. It is a small quarto
86 Christopher Columbus
the Pope to issue donations and to confirm the rights of kings
and princes was as old as the first Councils of the Church when
at Aries and Nice the Emperor Constantine and Sylvester, the
Bishop of Rome, agreed as to some of the rights, powers, and
privileges possessed by the Church and the Hierarchy.' No
Princes ever were more profuse in their professions of loyalty
to the Church than Ferdinand and Isabella. They fully earned
the title of Catholic Kings bestowed upon them, by informal
application, in these very donations.^ Herrera makes their
of eight unnumbered leaves. In the verso of the sixth leaf, at the sixteenth line,
one reads:
'* Subegit quo<5 fub eis XPs forttinatas infulas, quask fertilate mirabilS effe conftat.
Ofldit 8c nup ali^ incognitas verfus Indos qu§ maxime ac plene orb?mundi ffciofis
existimant: & XPo p regios Ttemuntios brevi pariturae credunl."
'* And Christ subjugated under them the Fortunate Islands whose fertility has
been discovered to be something wonderful. And He has given them lately other
islands tmknown toward the Indies which may be regarded exceedingly and fully
among the most precious things in the world. And it is believed that they will shortly
be acquired for Christ by the Royal Agents."
This is the earliest reference to the new discovery made in any oration or sermon,
and is important as showing that there existed even at the very first reception of the
news a distinction between Cathay and the Indies on the one hand, and the region in
which the discoveries actually lay, that is, toward the Indies.
This quarto is assigned by Hain, No. 4545, to the press of Stephanus Plannck;
and by Panzer, Denis, and other bibliographers to the press of Besicken or Silber.
Proctor, we think correctly, assigns it to the press of Plannck. The copy in the
British Museum is No. 3715 in Proctor's Index. Henry Harrisse bought for a few
francs a fine example of this rare book.
' The donation of all Italy by Constantine to Sylvester has been denied by many.
The Prefecture of Italy had consisted of three dioceses, — Italy, Illyricum, and West
Africa. The diocese of Italy comprised two viceroys, the one under the Vicar of
Rome, the other under the Vicar of Italy, with a residence at Milan. In the spring
of the year 324 Constantine was said to have been baptised by the PontiflE, and fotu*
days afterward to have placed the whole of Italy tmder the control of Sylvester I. as
a reward for the favour conferred upon him by the Church. The instnmient of dona-
tion is by many regarded as not genuine. Twelve copies of this instnunent were
once in existence, — no two of them alike. It appears from two constitutions issued
by him that in the spring of 324 he was at Thessalonica, and not at Rome. Most of
the old writers report that Constantine was baptised at Nicomedia, when he lay at the
point of death. We presume that those who hold to the donation would have West
Africa go with Italy, and the islands in the Ocean-sea go with West Africa.
' There is doubt respecting the exact time when the Spanish Sovereigns first
received this title. Ger6nimo Zurita and some other Spanish historians give the
close of the year 1496 as the date of the grant. In a letter (Epistle 158, edition of
1530, where it is^ wrongly dated MCCCCXCVIII) written to the Archbishop of Gran-
ada, and dated from Alcala, February 13, 1495. Peter Martyr says that he proposes
thereafter to call his Sovereigns by that title, since it had been bestowed upon them
by the Pope Alexander VI. for their services already performed in conquering the
infidels and propagating the faith. While in the two Bulls, beginning Inter Cetera, of
May 3 and 4, 1493, the Sovereigns are designated as Catholic Kings, they are not so
called in either the Bull Eximiw Devotionis of May 3 (4), 1493, or the Bull issued Sep-
tember 26, 1493. In the document issued by Alexander VI. imder date of June 25,
1493, appointing Father Bernardo Boil to ecclesiastical duties in Espaflola, allusion is
The Title to the New Indies 87
Majesties intimate in a letter to the Pope that their title to
the new-found territory had been pronounced by great scholars
good and sufficient, yet as dutiful children of the Church, they
did not propose to advance farther in the matter tmtil their
rights should be confirmed by his Holiness. There is nothing
but the unsupported statement of Herrera for this unusual self-
assertion on the part of the Spanish Sovereigns, and it is not
likely they ever expressed themselves in such a manner.' Her-
rera declares that the Ambassadors were to say to the Pope that
the discoveries had been made without encroaching on the
rights of Portugal, and that Columbus had been particularly
charged by the Sovereigns not to come within one hundred
leagues of the Mine of Gold or of Guinea or of any other port
belonging to the Portuguese. Upon the receipt of the letter
from the Spanish Sovereigns, a Bull was issued under date of
May 3, 1493. This was followed by a supplementary doctiment,
also in the nature of a Bull, dated May 4, 1493, ^-nd on the same
day a third was issued, all three relating to the same subject
and all defining the donation to the Spanish Sovereigns. Na-
varrete published Bulls I. and H. in the year 1825. Bull No.
ni. was first published in Solorzano's De Indiarum Jure.^ We
may regard the Bulls published by Solorzano as authentic
made in the preamble to the Catholic Kings; but, later, when he speaks directly of
his most dear son Ferdinand and his most dear daughter Helizabeth, the King and
Queen of Castile and Leon, of Aragon and Granada, they are not called the Catholic
Kings. On the other hand, in the Bull issued November i6, 1501, we read, Alexander
Episcopus, serous servorum Dei, Carissimo in Christi Filio Ferdinando Regi ei Caris-
sime in Christo Filice Helizabeth Regine Hispaniarunt Catholicis, Salutem et Apostoli-
cam Benedictionem. Here is a clear use of a titidar expression in an address.
' Harrisse attributes, on the strength of Burchard, a tone of haughty censure for
the Pope on the part of Lopez de Haro, speaking the sentiments of Ferdinand and
Isabella, on the occasion of taking the oath of filial obedience on the Floral Field at
Rome, June 12, 1493. The reference to certain of the Papal States harbouring the
Moors seems hardly capable of being construed into reproach, and the allusion to the
offices may relate to the grievance Spain long entertained in forcing on that country
foreign priests. We apprehend Alexander VL discovered nothing impertinent or
defiant in the oration of De Haro. Surely there is nothing to suggest aught but filial
obedience in the sermon delivered by Bernardin de Carvajal a week later. If this
latter oration voiced the sentiments of the Spanish Sovereigns, they were humble,
obedient, and grateful children of the Church.
' Johannes de Solorzano Pereira — Disputationem de Indiarum Jure Sive de Justa
Indiarum Occidentalium Inquisitione et Retentione.
Tribus Libris comprehensam. Matriti (Madrid). 1629-1639, folio, 2 vols.
(See vol. i., p. 612.)
This work was reprinted at Lyons in 1672, folio, 2 vols., and a new edition was
issued at Madrid in 1777, folio, 2 vols.
88 Christopher Columbus
and as accurately reproduced in his work. The author distinctly
declares of No. II., Hactenus Alexander VL Cujus Bulla Origin-
alis in Regiis Archivis Servatur. If this statement is correct,
the original Bull No. II., known as the Bull Inter Cetera, and
probably the others, just as they came from the Vatican, were
as late as 1629 preserved in the royal archives of Spain ' or in
the archives of the Royal Council of the Indies. There are
four Papal instnmients or Bulls relating .to the first discovery,
of interest to the student. These are generally called the Co-
Itmibian Bulls, and they are distinguished, as was the custom
with like instrtiments, by their opening words.'
There have been few publications which have puzzled
scholars more than these Bulls, three of which were issued
within twenty-four hours of each other, all pertaining to the
same subject, and to all appearances perfectly capable of being
incorporated in a single document. The originals of these
Bulls no longer exist. As we propose to examine the authorities
for these Bulls and afterward to describe them, it will be well
first briefly to identify them.
No. I. is the Bull Inter Cetera, dated May 3 (Quinto Nonas
Maii), 1493-
' In his work, Politica Indiana, first printed at Madrid in 1648, in folio, — it being
only a corrected or enlarged translation of his first work, — Solorzano speaks of the
Bull being in the Archivos del Real Consejo de las Indias. •
^ These Papal Biills are commonly distinguished in history by the opening words
of their text immediately after the form of salutation. Thus the Bull of May 3 and
the first one of May 4 are known as the Bulls Inter Cetera, while the third Bull is to
be distinguished as the Bull Eximue Devotionis. Bull No. 4, dated September 26,
1493. is known as the Bidl Dudum Siquidem.
The name Bull, or Bulla. — a bubble, — was given to the official piece of lead or
capsule of wax, roimd or oval in shape, which marked the authority of Pope, Em-
peror, or Lord. To each of the Papal Bulls was attached a leaden bulla, hanging
from the parchment document in threads of red and saffron-coloured silk. The docu-
ment was then sealed with a seal of coloured wax, placed in a wooden box, suspended
by a ribband of green silk and bearing the sign and signature of a certain apostolic
notary. Such, indeed, was the Bull No. II. as described in the Book of Privileges of
Columbus, and such imdoubtedly were the first and the third docimients, or Bulls
No. I. and No. III. A Bull was sometimes familiarly called codex sub plumbo. A
Bull might have a seal of gold instead of lead, as was the case when Charles IV., in
1356, issued his golden Bull.
A Brief was a Papal doctmient issued generally \mder less important circvmi-
stances, and without a leaden seal. Instead of beginning with the Pope*s name and
Episcopus servus servorum, etc., it generally began, Perpetuam rei mentoriam. The
Bull was dated Anno incarnaiionis Dominica, and the Brief, Anno a nativitate Domini.
Pagina refers to the actual document itself. It may contain only a paragraph,
or it may include any nvmiber of folios.
The Title to the New Indies 89
No. 11. is the Bull Inter Cetera,^ dated May 4 (Quarto Nonas
Maii), 1493.
No. III. is the Bull EximicB Devotionis, dated, according to
Solorzano, May 4, 1493 (May 3, Quinto Nonas Maii, in Vatican
Register).
No. IV. is the Bull Dudum Siqutdem, dated September 26
(6 Kal. Oct.), 1493.
Bulls I., II., and III. are of especial interest. These were
issued at Rome May 3 and May 4, 1493, within twenty-four
hours of each other, and delivered to a niessenger who imme-
diately set out for Barcelona, Spain, and who must have arrived
by May 28, 1493, on which day, as we shall soon see, the Sover-
eigns seem to have read their title and to have understood their
rights and powers. DupUcates of these Bulls were kept, or the
original drafts were retained from which the finished documents
were made. These were filed away or retained, as in our County
Clerk offices, until such time as the clerks in the Vatican could
copy them into the Register. The Papal Registers, or Letter
Books, preserved in the Secret Archives of the Holy See, at the
Vatican Palace in Rome, consist of not less than twelve thou-
sand folio voltimes, written partly on parchment and partly on
paper. What are known as the Lateran Registers include some
twenty- three hundred voltmies, in which are inscribed the Bulls
and Letters of the Popes from the time of Martinus V. to the
reign of Gregory XVI., that is to say, from the year 141 7 to
1 831.' Presumably, where there was no urgency, the Bulls or
Letters would be copied into the Registers before their de-
livery, but we imagine the process of copying was so slow that
it was easier to make duplicates at the time, and then, at the
* Not only are there certain forms and expressions which are common to ahnost
all Bulls, but we have foimd a number issued by the predecessors of Alexander VI.,
which, like these imder discussion, begin, after the us\ial form of salutation, with
Inter Cetera, Eximue Devotionis, and Dudum Siquidem. The Bull issued by Alexander
VI. to the Spanish Sovereigns on November i6, 1 501, commences Eximice Devotionis,
* Seven thousand four hundred volumes are devoted to recording the petitions
and requests of potentates and individuals between the year 1352 and 1831. Two
thousand volumes contain the Bulls and Letters of the Popes from the year 1 198 to 1600.
Such doctunents or registers as might belong to a period prior to the end of the twelfth
century are forever lost. The Avignon period (i3i6-i4i7)is contained in 350 vol-
umes. The liberality of Pope Leo XIII.. himself a scholar, has opened the classified
records of the Vatican to students. The reader does not need to be told that there
are still vast, unexplored fields of documents which one day will be accessible and
which will illtuninate history.
90 Christopher Columbus
convenience of the clerks, to transcribe them in the volumes.
In the year 1893 ^r. J. C. Hey wood of Rome, Italy, issued from
the Vatican Press a book of fac-similes of important documents
relating to the history of America. The following is its title:
DOCUMENTA SELECTA
E
TABULARIO SECRETO VATICANO
QUAE
ROMANORUM PONTIFICUM
ERGA AMERICAE POPULOS
CURAM AC STUDIA
TUM ANTE TUM PAULLO POST INSULAS
A Christophoro Columbo Repertas
TESTANTUR
Phototypia Descripta
TYPIS VATICAN IS
VIGINTI QUINQUE EXEMPLARIA
ITA SUNT ADORNATA
UT ILLUSTRIORIBUS TANTUM BIBLIOTHECIS
DISTRIBUERENTUR
1893
The Title to the New Indies 9^
Bulls I., II., and III. are photographed in this book from
the original Registers in the Vatican, and we have reproduced
them here in exact fac-simile. Bull IV. is not on record in the
Vatican. Bulls 11. , III., and IV. are found printed for the first
time in a work entitled Disputationem de Indiarvm Ivre, by
Johannes de Solorzano Pereira,' printed at Madrid in 1629. It
is in two folio volumes from the press of Franciscus Martinez,
but only the first volume concerns us. Bull II. will be found
on pages 608, 609, and 610; Btill III. on pages 612 and 613;
Bull IV. on 613 and 614.
In the year 1825 Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete pub-
lished at Madrid his Coleccion de Los Viages y Descubrimientos.
In voluma ii. of this Coleccion are published Bulls I. and II.
Bull I. is taken from
Copia Antigua en el Real Archivo de Simancas entre las Bullas
sueltasy LegajOy num 4, corregida de mano del Bachiller Salmeron,
que tuvo cargo de las escriiuras latinos del Patronato Real en
tiempo de los Reyes Catdlicos y del Emperador,
It is plain, then, that Navarrete could not find the original
Bull No. I., with its leaden seal and silk threads. Bull II. is
given by Navarrete, who says in parentheses (** Original en el
Archivo de Indias en Seville '')• Navarrete then proceeds to
give a Spanish translation, Segun la Publicd Don Juan de Solor-
zano en su Politica Indiana. If we asstmie that the Spanish
historian Navarrete, instead of copying his text from Solorzano,
really had before him the original which he says was then (1825)
in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, it is the last account we
have of this famous original, and scholars have searched for it
in vain.
Directly after Bull II., Solorzano publishes Bull III., in-
troducing it into print for the first time. He says of this Bull,
Eodem ipso die edita, qua superior, Catholicis regibus ea omnia
privilegia condedit, etc. The Bull issued above is the Inter
Cetera Bull of May 4, and this Bull III. is dated in Solorzano
(Quarto Nonas Maii, or May 4, 1493. It is plain then that Solor-
zano made no error or slip of the pen when he gave the date as
May 4, since he says it was issued the same day as No. II., and
it is very probable that the original Bull read Quarto Nonas Maii,
and not Quinto Nonas Maii, May 3, as in the Vatican Register.
' Known in bibliography simply as Solorzano.
92 Christopher Columbus
Solorzano then proceeds to give Bull IV., dated September
26, or Sexto Kalend. Octobris 1493, The original of Bull IV. is
not to be found, nor is it recorded in the Vatican Registers. It
is, however, generally accepted as genuine, and we give it here
in its proper place, as we find it in Solorzano. That author does
not take into account Bull I., issued May 3, perhaps regard-
ing it, as some later writers have regarded it, as simply a draft of
the principal Bull., issued the following day, and to which it
bears so great a resemblance. We may, then, go back for our
authority to two sources, — the Vatican Registers and the Spanish
historian, Juan Solorzano. The former, 'other things being
equal, would take authoritative precedence over the latter.
The one is a secret but official register; the other is an open but
authorised record. Solorzano began his investigations under
the instructions and authority of the grandson of the Emperor
Charles V., the pious Philip, and continued and finished his
labours under Philip IV. When ready for the press, his book
had to pass both the censorship of the ecclesiastical powers,
receiving their permission to pass out into the world embodied
in type, and the scrutiny of the Council of the Indies and the
Royal Licentiates. These powers do not vouch for the correct-
ness of the documents found within the covers of the work, but
they give a certain substantial stamp to the good faith and
honour of the author.
CHAPTER LXVIII
THE FIRST PAPAL BULL
BULL I
In reproducing the fac-similes of Bulls I., II., and III., we
have followed, not the order adopted by Heywood, but the
actual order preserved in the Vatican Registers.
Bull I., Inter Cetera, dated Quinto Nonas Maii (May 3) is
recorded as follows:
Bull I., Register Vaticanis, Tom. 775 — begins on verso of folio 42
continues recto **
" verso "
" recto "
" verso "
" recto "
concludes " verso **
43
43
44
44
45
45
Bull II., Inter Cetera, dated Quarto Nonas Maii (May 4),
1493, is thus recorded:
Bull XL, Register Vaticanis, Tom. 777, begins on recto of folio 192.
continues verso 192.
•* ** *' ** " " concludes " verso " " 193.
Btdl III., EximicB Devotionis, dated Quinto Nonas Maii (May
3), 1493, is thus recorded:
Bull III., Register Vaticanis, Tom. 879, begins on recto of folio 234.
** ** ** ** ** '* concludes on recto of folio 235.
There is a third source of authority for one of these Papal
instruments. Bull II., the second of the Btdls Inter Cetera, dated
Quarto Nonas Maii, May 4, 1493. This is found in the Codex,
or Book of Privileges, compiled by Columbus himself. The
93
94 Christopher Columbus
Codex, or book containing the rights, powers, and privileges of
the Admiral, was prepared in his own house in the city of Se-
ville, on Wednesday, January 5, 1502. Among the documents
inserted in the book was a certified copy of a transcript of Bull
II. This transcript was made in the house of Peter Garsie,
Bishop of Barcelona, on Friday, July 19, 1493, ^^^ the Bishop
certifies that it was made directly from the original:
** To you and to each of you we make known by these presents that we
have had in our hands, held, handled, seen and diligently inspected the
Apostolic Letters of our most Holy Father and Lord in Christ, the Lord
Alexander the Sixth, by Divine Providence, Pope, with his true Bull of
lead hanging therefrom in threads of red and saffron coloured silk, in the
manner of the Roman Court, &c, &c."
This Barcelona transcript was again copied in the city of
Seville, on December 30, 1501 (wrongly dated in the Codex,
1502), tmder the eye and by the authority of Pero Ruys Mon-
tana, Apostolic Notary. It was this second copy, the transcript
of the transcript, which the Admiral had with him at his house
on the fifth day of January in the year 1502. The first tran-
script, and the second as well, will be found to depend for au-
thority on the clause found in most important Bulls:
** Verum, qma, difficile f oret presentes litteras ad singulas quaeque loca in
quibus expediens fuerit deferri, voliunus, ac motu et scientia similibus
decemibus, quod illarum transumptis, manu publici, notarii inde rogati
subscriptis et sigillo alicujus personae in ecclesiastica dignitate constitutae,
seu curiae ecclesiasticae, munitis, ea prorsus fides in judicio et extra ac alias
ubilibet adhibeatur, quae presentibus adhiberetur, si essent exhibitae vel
ostense.**
'*But since it would be very difficult that these letters should be pub-
lished in all those places in which it would be expedient to carry them, we
wish and by like motion and knowledge we decree that copies of these sub-
scribed by the hand of a public notary and by the seal of some person
holding ecclesiastical dignity or by the seal of the ecclesiastical court, the
same faith in places of judgment and beyond and in other places shall be
accorded them, as would be accorded these [originals] if they should be
exhibited or shown.**
The transcript discloses that D. Galletus was the scribe who
wrote out the original Bull to which was aflfixed the leaden seal
and silken threads. This is the same scribe whose name is
appended to Bulls II. and III., but as these differ in chirography,
The First Papal Bull 95
it is not easy to determine in whose hand was the original Bull
11. to the Sovereigns. It has the signatures of both L. Amer-
inus and L. Podochatarus, either one or both of whom collated
the original with the Vatican record. However this may be,
notwithstanding the Apostolic Notary's testimony to the cor-
rectness of the transcript with the original, there are a htmdred
discrepancies, all tmimportant, but which show that either the
transcript did not agree with the original or that the original
was not correctly copied on the Vatican Register. Both ex-
planations are likely to be true.
The presence of this Bull in the Codex, or the Book of Priv-
ileges, of Columbus may lead the reader to conclude that it is the
only important promulgation of the Pope, and where there
seems to be a conflict between it and another or others, it should
have preference because of incorporation among the doctmients
and papers considered by Christopher Coltmibus as securing him
his rights and privileges. The reason Columbus had it intro-
duced here, we imagine, is simply that in it the Pope alluded to
him as Christophorus Columbus, a man worthy and much to he
commended and well -fitted for so great an undertaking. This
passage appears in no other Bull, and in the Paris example of
the Codex some hand has drawn imdemeath these commend-
atory words a mark in red ink. Indeed, Coltmibus himself did
not accept the limitations of its most important provision.
Therefore, in our opinion, the presence of this particular Bull in
the Codex has no significance beyond the Papal recognition of
his merit and services, and his own desire to perpetuate for
posterity these laudatory words.
Bull I., dated May 3, and the first to be recorded in the
Vatican Register — volume 775, folios 42-45 — opens with the
Pope's declaration that among other things acceptable to God,
the most important were the spreading of the Catholic religion,
the salvation of souls, and the subjection of barbarous nations
and their introduction into the true faith ; then recognising the
CathoUc Sovereigns as Catholic Kings, he recites the purpose
existing in their minds for some time before the conquest of
Granada of searching for and discovering some remote and un-
known islands and lands not hitherto foimd by others in order to
induce the inhabitants thereof to profess the Catholic faith, but
96 Christopher Columbus
which purpose was delayed in its execution by the conquest of
Granada; the conquest of Granada being accomplished, the
Spanish Sovereigns are declared to have despatched Christopher
Columbus to find these remote lands, in a sea in which no one
had hitherto navigated; and that through Divine aid, he did
find certain most remote islands and continental lands in west-
ern regions toward the Indies, which no one had before found,
and in which there were many inhabitants going naked but
fitted for conversion; the said Columbus had caused a strong-
hold to be built, leaving in it Christians who were to guard it
and search for other remote islands and lands; and in the islands
already discovered are gold, spices, and other precious things;
all these things, particularly the spreading of the Catholic faith,
induced the Pope to give, concede, and assign to the Spanish
Sovereigns all and singular the lands and islands discovered and
to be discovered by their messengers which were not or might
not be under the dominion of any Christian ruler; the Sover-
eigns were ordered to send to the said lands good, learned, and
competent men; no one of whatsoever rank, degree, or quality
was to go to the said islands and lands after that they should
have been discovered and taken into possession, for trading pur-
poses or for any other purpose, without the authority of the
Spanish Sovereigns; it is then declared that since the Portu-
guese kings had obtained grants, privileges, and concessions in
parts of Africa, Guinea, and the Mine of Gold, and had discov-
ered and acquired other islands, the Spanish Sovereigns were to
enjoy the same privileges as assuredly as if they were all ex-
pressed and inserted in the present Bull and the Pope extended
and enlarged these privileges to them; this was followed by the
Non Obstante clause which appears in nearly all Papal letters;
and this in turn by the equally customary authority to make
copies of the Bull for convenient reference.
This we believe to be a fair r^sum^ of the doctmient. Some
have regarded this as an tmpromulgated instrument, the matter
in the succeeding Bull, Inter Cetera, being considered as covering
the same ground and as being more definite in its terms. Some,
on the other hand, regard this as the definitive doctmient to
which the others were emendatory. Whatever its after-influ-
ence or status, there can be no doubt that this was a formal
Papal utterance. The registers in all probability were not
The First Papal Bull 97
written up until long after the original documents had been
issued, and then from duplicates which to-day are either lost or
exist in imknown comers of the vast repository of books and
documents in the Vatican. K this Bull had never been promtd-
gated, it would never have been entered on the Register. If it
was rendered null and void by some subsequent utterance, that
utterance must have issued the same day, or the following day,
in Bulls II. and III., and the short interval would have been
ample to prevent its entering the official record. It has all the
indications of a formal document. Indeed, of the two docu-
ments. Inter Cetera Bull I. is more elegantly and careftdly
entered, with more signs of formality than Bull 11. Besides the
signature on the sinister margin opposite its opening sentence
of L. Podochatarus, the Pontificar Secretary , it bears four at-
testing signatures, that of the scribe, N. Casanovi ; the collator,
A. de Campania, and the witnesses, B. Capatinus and D. .
Bull II. was entered with only the signature of its scribe, D.
Galletus, and its collator, L. Amerinus The scribe records that
it was attested by either himself or Amerinus on behalf of the
Reverend in Christ, A. Moccialis. It is true that when the
Spanish Sovereigns received Bull II. it bore more signatures
than appear on the Register, but so likewise did Bull I., or any
Bull which was formally inscribed on parchment. We are only
speaking of the formalities of entry, and the appearance of the
original Vatican Registry indicates that of the two, Bull I. was
more ftilly, carefully, and formally entered than Bull II. But
that it was formally promulgated is evident from the language
of Bull III., in which it is said that certain matters, prout in
nostris inde confectis litteris plenius continetur, — as is contained
more fully in our Bulls heretofore issued. We conceive a littera
confecta to be a doctiment finished and complete, and therefore,
signed, sealed, and delivered. In this case, of course, it was not yet
in the hands of its destined recipients, but to all intents and
purposes it was promulgated and was possessed of legal life.
As we shall presently point out, it is our belief that Bull III. was
subsequent in its issue to both the Bulls we have here numbered
I. and II., but in any event it was subsequent to Bull I., and
therefore referred to it as an existing, living document.'
' The plural form, litterce, was often used in its collective sense, referring to the
contents of a single doctiment, but generally as preinsertce or prcesentes litter <b, as ad
98 Christopher Columbus
We notice, first, that Alexander VI. knew that the Spanish
Sovereigns for some time before the conquest of Granada had
entertained the purpose of searching for ** remote islands and
lands remote and unknown/' This must have been interesting
intelligence to Coltmibus. If the Admiral believed this, how
cruel must have seemed the despair of his waiting and the cold
deferring of his hopes! The Pope knows nothing of the grand
idea of Christopher Columbus, of the conception of his purpose,
of the never faltering fidelity to that project. The credit of the
discovery all goes to the Sovereigns. Sic vos non voids! The
Pope declares that the lands for which the Sovereigns were
contemplating a search were imknown lands, therefore they
were not the lands to which Marco Polo went, the lands Paolo
Toscanelli described, the lands for which Columbus himself said
he was searching. But the title to these lands already dis-
covered was bestowed upon the Spanish Sovereigns, and they
were to have such other lands as their messengers might dis-
cover when those messengers or captains had discovered them.
They were to have title to the lands already discovered per
nuncios vestros or to be discovered in the future per nuncios vestros.
What is this but title by discovery? Grotius himself never
made so plain, so beautiful an exposition of this law now pro-
mulgated from the seat of St. Peter. That there may be no
doubt as to the limitations of the grant, when a clause is inserted
to secure the possession and complete enjoyment of these lands to
Spain, all persons of whatever degree or station, except those
holding authority from the Sovereigns, are forbidden to go od in-
sulas et terras prceditas postquam per vestros nuntios seu ad id missos
inventcB et receptee fuerint, — to the said islands and lands after
that they shall have been discovered and after that they shall have been
possessed by your messengers or by those sent for that purpose. Not
only by the express terms of this grant were the lands to be dis-
covered first, but to secure the benefits of the discovery, they
must be possessed, that is to say, occupied. An international
siios prcBsentes litter ce exhiberentur. Still, there are instances where the word litter (B is
used for a Papal document itself without a qualifjring phrase: but here again the
instances happen to be found in Briefs rather than in Bulls. We have at hand a vol-
ume printed in the year 1490, containing a collection of Papal documents issued from
the pontificate of Eugenius III. in 11 45 to the year 1490 in the interests of a certain
religious Order, in which subjects referred to as in letteris include grants, privileges,
and prohibitions promulgated in several separate previous Bulls. The phrase, m
confectis letteris, certainly suggests two or more separate documents.
The First Papal Bull 99
court of to-day could not make a more just award. That his
Holiness had in mind the occupation or actual possession as
pre-requisite to the validity of title is suggested by his reference
to the fortress at La Navidad, which he imderstood to be a set-
tlement and headquarters for expeditions searching for other
lands. The Sovereigns were to have their possessions con-
firmed to them in the same way and with the same largeness as
those held by the Portuguese in the regions of Africa, Guinea,
and the Mine of Gold had been confirmed to them. In all the
provisions of this Bull the reader will find no limitations of terri-
tory, no demarcation line, no division of the world. While the
lands discovered by Columbus are said to be in the Western
regions toward the Indies, the lands to which title was guaranteed,
so far as the expression of any limitation is concerned, might lie
anywhere in the wide world, provided no other Christian prince
held them in dominion. By inference, the lands to be discov-
ered in the future shotdd be in the direction and somewhat in
the neighbourhood of the lands already discovered and occupied,
that is, in the Western regions and toward the Indies; yet this is
not stated in the grant. But the important point to which the
reader's attention is particularly directed is the enunciation by
what was then the highest earthly authority of the doctrine of
title by right of discovery and occupation. Discovery was not
of itself sufficient. The lands discovered must be occupied.
The title to the new islands and lands in the Western regions
rested on discovery and on occupation. The new lands were
not a gift from the Pope except in the language of the ritual.
The Pope simply annotmced his award based upon an actual
performance and dependent upon future performances by those
to whom the award was made.'
^ This Bull I., as it stands and stripped of its mediaeval phraseology, is a mag-
nificent document, an enlightened utterance securing for an active nation the fruits
of its enterprise and preserving for another nation the enjoyment of its acquired rights.
Nor was this doctrine new. In the grants to the King and Prince of Portugal, made
many years previous, they were to have title to lands when invenientur et acquirentur.
Inmiediate possession came with discovery, but acquirer e conveys an idea of obtaining
something beyond that already in possession.
CHAPTER LXIX
THE SECOND PAPAL BULL
BULL II
On the following day, May 4, 1493, the Pope issued a second
Bull, also beginning with the words Inter Cetera, and which was
largely copied from the one preceding. This is known in his-
tory as the Demarcation Bull. It traverses in its early part the
same grotmd as Bull L, except that Christopher Columbus is
called a worthy man, much to be commended and -fitted for so great
an undertaking, words which seem adequate for a faithful sailor
in the forecastle, but scarcely warm enough for a Pinz6n or a
De la Cosa. The lands actually discovered are called islands
and continental lands, and are described as in the Ocean-sea, and
not as per partes occidentals ut dicitur versus Indios, as in the
first Bull. Then is inserted the clause giving, granting, and
assigning to the Sovereigns and their heirs and successors, —
** . . . omnes insulas et terras firmas invent as et inveniendas, detect as et
detegendas, versus occidentem et meridiem, fabricando et constituendo
unam lineam a polo artico, scilicet septentrione, ad polum antarticum,
scilicet meridiem sive terrae firmae et insulae inventae et inveniendae sint
versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcumque partem : quae linea distet a
qualibet insularum quae vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azores et Cabo-
Verde centum leucis versus occidentem et meridiem, ita quod omnes insulae
et terrae firmae repertae reperiendae, detectae et detegendiae, a praefata linea
versus occidentem et meridiem per aliud regem aut principiem christianum
non f uerint actualiter possessae usque ad diemnativitatisdomininostri Yhesu
Christi proximae praeteritiun in quo incipit Annus praesens MCCCCLXXXX
tertius, quando fuerunt per nuntios et capitanes vestros inventae eliquae
praedictarum insularum . . . ''
** . . .all the islands and continental lands found and to be found, dis-
covered and to be discovered, toward the west and south, establishing
and constituting a line from the Arctic Pole, that is to say, from the North,
The Second Papal Bull loi
to the Antarctic Pole, that is to say, to the South, including the continental
lands and islands found and to be found which are toward India or toward
whatsoever part it may be, which line may be distant from whatever one you
may wish of the islands commonly known as the Azores and Cape Verde
one hundred leagues toward the West and South ; and so we do give and
assign by the terms of this present Bull all the islands and continental
lands foimd and to be found, discovered and to be discovered from the
same line toward the West and South, not actually possessed by any other
King or Christian Prince/ even to the day of the Nativity of our Lord
Jesus Christ last past, from which begins the present year 1493 » when
some of the aforesaid islands have been found by your messengers and
captains . . ."
The Btill then preserves the Jus Qucesitum of any Christian
Prince who, under previous donations, grants, and assignments,
actualiter prcefatis insulas aut terras firmas possederit usque ad
prcedictum diem Nativttatis Domini Nostri Yhesu Christi. This
last passage, inserted purposely at this point in this Bull where
the main passage is merely a quotation from Bull I., is of the
utmost importance to our interpretation of this document, and
to it we will presently revert. The order is then repeated for
the sending of pious and skilled persons to the new lands for the
conversion of the inhabitants. Next, all persons of whatsoever
condition or rank, are strictly prohibited from going without the
special Hcence of the Spanish Sovereigns, —
** . . . ad insulas et terras firmas in vent as et inveniendas, detectas et
detegendas versus occidentem et meridiem, fabricando et constituendo
lineam a polo artico ad poliun antarticiun, sive terrae firmae et insulae in-
ventae et inveniendae sint versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcimique
partem, quae vtilgariter nuncupantur de los Azores et Cabo Verde centum
leucis versus occidentem et meridiem, ut praefertur . . ."
*' . . . to the islands and continental lands found and to be found, dis-
covered and to be discovered, toward the west and south, establishing
and constituting a line from the Arctic Pole to the Antarctic Pole whether
the continental lands and islands found and to be found are toward India
or toward any other or toward whatsoever part, which line may be dis-
tant from whichever you may wish of these islands which are commonly
called the Azores and Cape Verde, one himdred leagues toward the West
and South, as aforesaid . . ."
The prohibitive clause no longer contains the provision
found in the first Bull that persons are forbidden going to the
islands, —
I02 Christopher Columbus
*'praeditas postquam per vestros nuntios seu ad id missos inventae et
receptae fuerint": "after that they shall be found and occupied by your
messengers or by those sent for that purpose."
Here, then, is the injustice done Portugal, and which we
believe was one of the causes of the issuing the same day of
Bull III., which in a measure corrected the injustice. In Bull
I., Portugal was not obliged to have actually been in possession
and occupation of all the territory to which she believed herself
entitled under the Papal grants, and the Spanish Sovereigns
were only protected in their discoveries after that they were in
actual possession and occupation. In this second Bull the
Portuguese are to be protected only when in actual possession
and occupation prior to December 25, 1492, and the Spanish
Sovereigns were protected from encroachment even on lands
not yet actually found, possessed, or occupied by them, and
this last immunity is accentuated by the omission of the vital
words found in Bull I. Alexander VI. was a Spaniard. He had
been a successful lawyer before the elevation of his uncle, Calix-
tus III., to the Chair invited him to ecclesiastical honours. He
knew the use of words and, observing the clerical insertion of
certain phrases which hampered Spain but protected Portugal,
it would seem he changed in his second Bull these passages so
that Portugal was no longer justly protected and Spain had
larger liberty. In the first Bull Portugal was protected against
Spanish princes, sailors, merchants, wherever her discoveries
had been made. In the second Bull she was compelled prac-
tically to have colonised any islands in that territory prior to
Christmas Day in the year 1492. It was an ex-post-facto law at
best, since the Papal statute only was passed four months later,
on May 4, 1493. I^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ Spain was to have title only to
what she foimd and possessed and occupied, and what she in the
future should find, possess, and occupy. In the second Bull she
should have whatever she found, unless she beheld in those regions
a monument bearing date previous to December 25, 1492, and
which had been set up and was then surrounded with the homes
of colonists sent out by some Christian Prince (Portugal).
We are aware that Richard Eden, who first put this Bull
into English in 1555/ and others since him, read quando fuerint
' As a matter of fact, Eden, in his English translation of the Decades of the Newe
Worlde Wrytten by Peter Martyr (London, 1555), quotes, on folio 167, the original
The Second Papal Bull 103
.... invenUB for quando ftterunt . . . inventce, as it actu-
ally is in Bull II. The word is written fueruty contracted from
fuerunt, the perfect indicative, and taken in connection with the
temporal adverb quando can have no other meaning than that
at that time some of the islands had been discovered by the
messengers of Spain, prior to December 25, 1492, referring to
the only late Spanish discovery, that made by Columbus. It
may well be expected that this Bull would not be acceptable to
Portugal. The most remarkable feature contained in the in-
strument is the so-called line of demarcation. It contained
within itself all reasonable elements of confusion. The islands
of the Azores, Cape Verde, and the islands of Cape Verde were
Portuguese possessions. Spain apparently was to select any
spot between these two points from which to begin to count
one hundred leagues, and the spot being selected, a line nmning
north and south was to be passed through it. And then what?
Absolutely nothing, — except by inference ! The inference is that
to the westward and southward of this line, Spain might make
her discoveries. The Spanish Sovereigns could not take land
west or south of this line that belonged to Christian princes, so,
by inference, they could take land west or south of this line if it
did not belong to Christian princes. But so far as defined
rights, privileges, and prohibitions are expressed, Spain might
cross the line to the eastward a thousand times. The line is
drawn, but it does not bar. This is said not to quibble, but to
indicate how loosely the doctmient was drawn. The most cer-
tain thing about it was the probability that it would raise doubt,
cause discussion, require interpretation, and demand repeal.
The act was defective. It failed to connect the clause of limita-
tion with the clause of donation. The Spanish Sovereigns were
particularly informed that their title to land which might be
discovered in the future was to be good no matter whether that
land lay ** toward India or toward another region or toward
whatsoever region*' it lay. A strict legal construction of this
passage, taken together with the failure to connect the two
clauses of gift and prohibition, would seem to clothe the Spanish
Bull in Latin, and gives correctly the perfect indicative, fuerunt, but translates it as
if it were the futiire-perfect indicative.
The collector must know that, in this edition of 1555, this Bull is dated on the
verso of folio 170, 1593 for 1493- Let him also look for a map, Brevis Exactaque
MoscovicB Descriptio, before folio 249. It is frequently lacking.
I04 Christopher Columbus
Sovereigns with authority to go to the coast of Africa or east-
ward to the region where lay the Moluccas, and nothing could
have prevented the possession of such lands, except a previous
actual occupation, a virtual colonisation by some Christian
prince.
But if the legal definitions are uncertain, the geographical
definitions are impossible. No sober terrestrial meridian could
be south and west of any steady piece of land. If it was drawn
from the Arctic Pole to the Antarctic Pole when it reached one
hundred leagues to the south of any g ven point, it would be a
dot, and not a line. We can invoke the ghostly aid of infer-
ence and say that the Sovereigns were to make discoveries and
hold possessions west and south after they had passed one
hundred leagues westward (but here again, southward must be
associated with its sister westward) of some selected land be-
tween Cape Verde and the most westerly of the Azores.'
The Spanish Sovereigns were permitted, according to the
strict letter of the docimient, to draw this line through any of the
islands of the Azores or through any of the Cape Verde Islands.
The expression from pole to pole means nothing more than a
straight line. Such a long-drawn line was admirably adapted for
purposes of measurement, but in this instance it had no applica-
tion north of the Azores or south of the islands of Cape Verde.
It was an attempt geographically to fix a term or botmd, not
necessarily and literally all the way from the Arctic Pole to the
Antarctic Pole, but wherever it was set up it must be on a line
which ran straight from pole to pole, — that and nothing more.
No one now can believe that the Pope intended to designate for
a possible starting-point Cape Verde on the coast of Africa, but
rather the islands off Cape Verde, and which were known as the
Cape Verde Islands. If the line was drawn from pole to pole
through Cape Verde, the beautiful Portuguese islands of Flores
and Corvo, at fourteen degrees to the westward, would have be-
longed to Spain, except, of course, for the defect in the Bull in not
legally connecting the clause constituting the line with the clause
granting a title to lands. The inconsistency of this is apparent.
What the Pope intended to permit was that the Spanish Sover-
eigns might consider available for their choice all the islands of
' The geographical description of the several islands in question, as given on
page 105, may aid us in this argument.
The Second Papal Bull
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io6 Christopher Columbus
the Azores and all the islands of Cape Verde, and then, having con-
sidered these all as candidates for a starting-point, they might
select any one of them they chose through which to draw a line
from pole to pole, to the westward and southward of which (by
inference, — ^but only by inference, remember) they might feel
themselves free to make discoveries. What island would the
Spanish Sovereigns be likely to select? Freedom of choice
gives to a child the biggest apple and to a king the largest terri-
tory. A sovereign thinks and plans and struggles for his king-
dom as a man does for himself or his family. The largest field,
the deepest stream, the farthest boundary, for these a monarch
and a pioneer will contend with equal eagerness. The Pope
expected that the Sovereigns would make this meridian line
pass through the most easterly of the Cape Verde Islands. Thus,
had the Sovereigns selected for their meridian the island of Boa
Vista of the Cape Verde group, lying in longitude 22^ 20' west of
Greenwich, or 4^ 46' west of Cape Verde, their one hundred
leagues to the westward would be counted before they reached
the meridian of the island of Flores, lying in longitude 31^ 16'
west of Greenwich, or 8^ 56' west of the meridian passing through
the island of Boa Vista. Therefore, assuming that Spain had
elected to make her eastern limitation as distant as possible
tmder the grant, in order to have the widest possible field for dis-
covery, she would have been entitled to a whole or a part of the
island of Flores, if this island was not actually colonised * at the
time. The Pope was not in possession of that exact geographical
^ It is difficult to establish the date when the most westerly islands of the Azores
group, Flores and Corvo, were colonised. A certain Fleming, Willem van der Haagen,
whose name the Portuguese kindly softened to Da Silveira, and which in English we
should possibly write Underwood, sometime about the year 1470, or a few years after
that date, was appointed by Dofta Maria de Vilhena, a Lisbon dame to whom they
were first conceded, to settle with a colony on both these islands. After a trial of
seven years, Da Silveira gave up his office and settled permanently on the island of
San Jorge. We do not know if his colony abandoned the island at that time.
In connection with the island of Corvo, the reader will find in early books refer-
ence to the story that on that island the first discoverers found a huge equestrian
statue. It is described as the figure of a man bareheaded, mounted on a gigantic
steed without a saddle, the man's left hand holding the horse's mane, his right ex-
tended and pointing prophetically to the west. The further information was given
that it stood on a slab of the same stone from which it was carved and bore an
inscription in an unknown language, and the early writers ascribed the entire composi-
tion to the Carthagenians or Phoenicians. This has been explained by a natural phe-
nomenon, and the somewhat forced resemblance is only the grotesque configuration
of a volcanic rock, and thus the mysterious statue, like the mysterious Pilot, never
pointed to Spaniard or Portuguese the pathway to discovery.
The Second Papal Bull
107
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io8 Christopher Columbus
knowledge which would have enabled him to establish the dis-
tance between two meridians, the one passing through the eastern
end of the Cape Verde group and the other passing through the
western end of the Azores group. But in a general way he be-
lieved that one himdred leagues would cover this distance.
Therefore, when he established his line, it was not for the ptir-
pose of creating a meridian west of the Azores, but, considering
the two groups of islands lying out in the Atlantic to the west of
Europe and Africa, belonging to that Christian Prince, the
King of Portugal, he believed he was simply confirming and re-
peating his admonition not to take territory belonging to Por-
tugal. We imagine he never thought of creating a line of
demarcation, other than would be created by defining the Por-
tuguese possessions in the Atlantic north of the Equinoctial line
and west of Europe and Africa. He thought his line of one hun-
dred leagues westward from the line the Spaniards were likely to
draw would include Portuguese possessions in the Azores and
Cape Verde Islands. The expression ** loo leagues west of any
islands of the Azores and Cape Verde" was only another form
of saying ''all the islands of the Azores and of Cape Verde." '
This interpretation will be found to be in accord with, first,
the fact that the Spanish Sovereigns never assumed that the
line of one himdred leagues drawn by the Pope began at the
westward of the Azores. In their letter to ODlumbus, dated
from Barcelona, May 28, 1493, ^^ Sovereigns say:
' There has been an attempt to show that Pope Alexander VI. made a contribu-
tion to science in fixing a line of demarcation one hundred leagues westward of the
Azores. Alexander von Himiboldt, we believe, first called attention to this appro-
priate division in the fixing of the line between the Old and New Worlds, but attrib-
uted its suggestion to the Discoverer. When Columbus, on his third voyage,
considered certain physical phenomena, he observed that, crossing toward the west
a line drawn from the north to the south, at a distance of one hxmdred leagues from
the islands of the Azores, the ships seemed to mount gently an upward grade, the sea
took on a new appearance, the air grew more soft and temperate, the needle in the
compass moved to the west, and the heavens above changed their astral pictures.
Truly, it would have been a proper and scientific line of demarcation, but, neverthe-
less, it never was made.
Of course, Colimibus was speaking of being one hundred leagues west of a line,
which, as it ran from pole to pole, ran through the Azores, but he himself never sailed
in a westerly direction from those islands. He returned that way from his first voy-
age, but not through kindly seas.
If science, at the close of the fifteenth century, knew any such secure and stable
botmdary, why was it not adopted at Tordesillas and 270 leagues counted westward
from its meridian instead of 370 leagues from a starting-point upon which geographers
and scientists could never quite agree ?
The Second Papal Bull 109
** E es nuestra merced 6 voluntad que hayades 6 tengades vos, 6 despues
de vuestros dias vuestros hijos 6 descendientes 6 subcesores, uno en pos de
otro, el dicho oficio de nuestro Almirante del dicho mar Oc^ano, que es
nuestro, que comienza por una ray a 6 linea que Nos habemos fecho marcar
que pasa desde las islas de los Azores d las islas de Cabo Verde, de Septen-
trion en Austro, de polo d polo; por manera, que todo lo que es allende de
la dicha linea al Occidente, es nuestro 6 nos pertenece. '*
'* And it is our will and pleasure that you shall have and hold, and
after your days, your sons and descendants and successors, one after the
other, the said office of our Admiral of the said Ocean-sea, which is ours,
whijch commences by a term or line which we have had marked, which
passes FROM the Azores Islands TO the Cape Verde Islands, from North
to South, from Pole to Pole, so that all which is beyond the said line to
the west, is ours and belongs tp us.**
If the Sovereigns believed there existed a barrier one hun-
dred leagues westward of the Azores, out in the Ocean-sea, to
the eastward of which they might not pass, they would have
been obliged, as obedient children of the Church, to make men-
tion of it. No such barrier did exist. If the Sovereigns had
understood that they were to draw, or that the Pope had drawn,
a line one himdred leagues westward from the Azores, they
would not have described it as nmning from the Azores to the
Cape Verde Islands, an easterly direction.
The Sovereigns had complied with the order of the Pope,
and had drawn the line, not one hundred leagues westward from
the most westerly of these islands of the Azores, but from (the
western end of) the Azores to (the most easterly of) the Cape
Verde Islands, thus including or intttiding to include all the
islands of both groups, and giving them the right of discovery
to the westward of this line. Thus the line drawn by the Sov-
ereigns corresponds with the line drawn by the Pope.
Second. Our interpretation will be foimd to accord with that
of Christopher Columbus himself. The Admiral employed legal
talent to pass upon his rights, and shortly before setting out on
his fourth voyage he copied in his own hand the opinion which
had been rendered him, and this will be foimd given in our
chapter on "The. Handwriting of Columbus." In this opinion
occurs the following passage :
*' Por vuestro privilegio y capitulation parece que S. A. os fizieron su
Almirante del mar Ogeano, el qual fizieron marcar por una raya que pasa
de las yslas del Cabo Verde aquelas de los A9ores de Polo d Polo" : "It
no Christopher Columbus
appears from your privilege and capitulation that their Highnesses made
you their Admiral of the Ocean-sea, which they caused to be marked by a
line which passes from the islands of Cape Verde to those of the Azores
from Pole to Pole."
Here the lawyers mention the eastern term or line first, but we
may read the passage thus: a line which passes from the first of
the Cape Verde Islands to and through the last of the Azores.
Even as it stands, alluding as it does to the line actually drawn
by the Spanish Sovereigns, the line is understood to include
within the easterly line and the westerly line of one hundred
leagues all the Portuguese possessions of the Azores and Cape
Verde Islands. Thus the Pope and the Sovereigns and the Ad-
miral all thoroughly understood the matter and no one of them
ever suspected that the distance of one himdred leagues was to
be measured in a westerly direction from the western coast of
the most westerly of the islands of the Azores.
In the Majorat created by Columbus February 22, 1498, we
read:
" Y plugo ... a Sus Altez2is de me hacer su Almirante en el mar
Oc^ano, allende de una ray a imaginaria que mandaron senalar sobre las
islas de Cabo Verde y aquellas de los Azores, ci^n leguas que pase de
Polo d Polo" : **And it pleased their Highnesses to appoint me their
Admiral of the Ocean-sea beyond an imaginary line which they ordered
to be drawn upon the islands of Cape Verde and those of the Azores, a
hundred leagues, which passes from Pole to Pole."
In the Testament and 'Codicil of Christopher Columbus, exe-
cuted May 19, 1506, he confirmed and included and repeated, in
the very words, this provision of a previous Will:
*' Ansf plugo d SS. AA. que yo hubiese en mi parte de las dichas Indias,
Islas 6 tierra-firme, que son al Poniente de una raya que mandaron marcar
sobre las Islas de los Azores y aquellas del Cabo Verde, cien leguas, la
cual pasa de Polo d Polo. . . . " : ** Thus it pleased their Highnesses that
I should have for my part of the said Indies, islands and continental lands,
which are situated to the west of a line which they ordered drawn upon
the islands of the Azores and those of Cape Verde, a himdred leagues,
which passes from pole to pole. . . . *'
The language in both these documents is describing the par-
ticular line which we have already h3ard the Sovereigns say
passes from the Azores Islands to the Cape Verde Islands. While
The Second Papal Bull m
the Sovereigns do not mention the distance drawn between the
two islands, Colnmbtis mentions it in both his Majorat and Codicil,
as do also his lawyers, and this line is one hundred leagues. To
draw a line — prestmiably a straight line — one hundred leagues
long, we must have two points, one from which we start and
one at which we complete the hundred leagues. In each in-
stance Columbus understood this line to be drawn upon or over
or above starting from the Cape Verde Islands, and running
upon, over, or above the last of the Azores, as in the Majorat, or
starting from the Azores, the line was drawn upon or over or
above the Azores until it rested upon or over or above the
Cape Verde Islands, as in the Testament, the line being
in both instances one himdred leagues long, and in each case
the islands between these two lines being the same. There
are really two lines to be considered in the Pope's Bull, — the
one nmning from pole to pole through the Cape Verde Islands,
and the other running from pole to pole one hundred leagues to
the westward and passing through the Azores. Between these
two lines were supposed to lie the Portuguese islands of the
Azores and Cape Verde. The Ocean- sea began to the west-
ward of these possessions, and from this place of beginning the
Sovereigns commenced to coimt their rights as given by the
Pope, and from the place of beginning the Admiral commenced
to count his privileges as given by the Sovereigns.
Third, Our interpretation makes it clear why in the Treaty of
Tordesillas, when a line of demarcation was established by
treaty, on June 7, 1494, no reference whatsoever is made to a
line of demarcation established by the Pope. If this had
existed, as it is represented in history to have existed, the Com-
missioners for Spain and Portugal would have recognised that
they were simply to extend a line of demarcation already fixed
at one himdred leagues, two hundred and seventy farther to
the westward, but such a line is utterly ignored and the busi-
ness is undertaken asii de novo.
The provision that the line should be distant from any island
of the Azores or from any of the Cape Verde Islands one hundred
leagues toward the south, was doubtless another attempt to
include all the Portuguese possessions in these two groups of
islands. But no two parallel lines, that is to say, running east
and west, drawn one hundred leagues apart, could be made to
112 Christopher Columbus
include within their limits the most northerly island of the Azores,
Corvo, and the most southerly of the Cape Verde Islands, Brava.
The two parallels on which lie these two islands are 25° 35' dis-
tant the one from the other. However this may be, there are
strong indications that both Spain and Portugal considered that
the former might go to the south and make discoveries in regions
the latter h^d long regarded as reserved for the Portuguese.
Portuguese diplomats were at Barcelona in the ensuing summer,
and it appears from the following passage in a letter written by
the Sovereigns to Coltmibus on September 5, 1493, ^^at they
feared just such southern explorations.'
**Y porque despues de la venida de los Portugueses en la platica que
con ellos se ha habido, algunos quieren decir que lo que estd en medio
desde la punta que los Portugueses llamaran de Buena Esperanza, que esti en
la rota que agora ellos llevan por la Mina del Oro 6 Gtiinea abajo fasta la
raya que vos dijistes que debia venir en la Bula del Papa, piensan que podrd
haber Islas y aun Tierra-firme, que segun en la parte del sol que esta se
creequeserdnmuy provechosasy masricasquetodaslasotras.'* . . .
** And as, since the coming of the Portuguese, in the discussions which
have been held with them, some seek to say that between the Cape which
the Portuguese call Good Hope, on the route which they follow in going to
the Mine of Gold and Guinea, down as far as the line which you said ought
to come in the Bull of the Pope, they think that there will be found islands
and continental lands, which from their situation under the sun may be
believed to be very profitable and richer than all the others. . . . — *'
The Admiral, from the letter, appears to have thought that
the Cape Verde Islands comprised the southern boundary line
of the Portuguese possessions in the Atlantic. The Sovereigns
seem to have adopted this same view, and then they repeat to
Columbus what some of their Portuguese visitors suggested,
that somewhere between this southern Portuguese boundary
line and the Cape of Good Hope might be foimd islands and
continental lands where the sim shone the most fiercely, the
earth held the most precious riches. If there were regions in
the south richer than Coliunbus had found in the west, then
Spain herself wanted them.
^ This entire letter will be found in the Appendix. It is interesting to catch the
tone of nervous excitement which is breathed in every line. The Sovereigns fear lest
some Portuguese vessel may sail away to the Western lands and make discoveries
before they do. At the same time they cunningly suggest that they may find even
richer lands to the south along the African coast, and that if this is likely, further
Papal concessions may be obtained.
CHAPTER LXX
THE THIRD PAPAL BULL
BULL III
The issuing of this second Inter Cetera Bull probably aroused
protests upon the part of Portugal. It has not, we believe, been
definitely ascertained that Portugal had at that moment special
Ambassadors at the Roman Court. Immediately upon the ac-
cession of Alexander VI. to the Chair, August 1 1 , 1492, Portugal,
like other Christian kingdoms, sent representatives to Rome to
congratulate the newly made Pope and to render an assurance
of obedience. This function was not always performed with
haste. King John II. had appointed for this duty Pedro da
Sylva, Grand-Commander of Aviz. It is doubtful if he reached
Rome imtil the following year, but the historian, Ruy de Pina,
tells us that Sylva was to meet at Rome Ferdinand d 'Almeida,
Bishop of Ceuta, and Diego de Sousa, Bishop of Porto, who were
already in that city. Harrisse assumes that these two ecclesi-
astics were resident Ambassadors from Portugal at the Court of
Rome, and were there in the spring of 1493 when the great dis-
covery had been reported in Europe and when the BuUs relative
thereto were issued. Certainly this second Bull contained mat-
ter to excite the Portuguese representatives. The first Bull,
that issued the previous day, had protected the interests of
Portugal. Her title to discoveries made and to be made was
secured to her. Spain could have nothing but what she actually
discovered and possessed. Portugal must have recognised that
her sister State was entitled to the fruits of her enterprise. Her
own rights being expressed and confumed in the same doctmient
which made the grant to Spain, seemed to her Ambassadors just
aad adequate. But now, suddenly, another Bull (II.) is issued,
VOL. n.— 8.
"3
114 Christopher Columbus
which, while apparently preserving her rights, throtigh the pro-
tection to other discoveries made by Christian Princes, and even
going so far as to fix a boundary line which fenced in for her the
islands of the Azores and Cape Verde, — to which no one had ever
entered claim, — in reality gave Spain rights in the regions of the
eastern Atlantic, of Africa, and of the Indies to the eastward
around the Cape of Gk)od Hope ; which released Spain from the
necessity of actually discovering, possessing, and colonising be-
fore she could claim possible territory, and which transferred
these heavy conditions to the back of Portugal. The mention
of a line one himdred leagues from somewhere and stretching
from pole to pole did not trouble Portugal. It meant no more
to her than that the Pope had preserved to her between two
straight lines, one hundred leagues apart, her islands of the
Azores and of Cape Verde. If the provisions of Bull I. were
liberal to Spain and just to Portugal, the provisions of BuU II.
made excessive and prodigal grants to Spain while they imtied
concessions and opened gates threatening infinite harm to the
cause of Portugal. Whose mariners first passed those dark and
forbidding headlands on the African coasts? Were they not
Portuguese sailors ? Because she had not taken the shortest way
to the East, was there to be no memory of Cape Bojador, of the
Mine of Guinea, of the Cape of Gk)od Hope? Did no one in
Rome remember the pious and virtuous Prince called the Navi-
gator? Was not King John a Christian King? If we are in-
voking the imagination to hear words of protest, it is because
there was an immediate action which can only be accotmted for
by a strong, vigorous dissent on the part of Portugal.
In the Court of Rome at the end of the fifteenth century
were gathered the most acute, alert, diplomatic intelligences in
the world. Not only the greater nations, like Prance, Germany,
and England, but the smaller States like Venice, Naples, and
Milan, each had its ambassador, ministers, or agents. Not only
were the political States represented, but the many religious
orders had their individual agents. For every public commis-
sioner, each government and each society had its secret in-
former. Moreover, the Papal Court was the religious, political,
social, and scientific centre of the world. Even commerce bore
its licences with the seal of the ring and trade flourished or de-
clined at the word of the Church. Portugal had no acknow-
The Third Papal Bull 115
ledged enemies. If she had acquired new possessions, they had
rot yet attracted the cupidity of other nations. Spain was in
the midst of intrigue, negotiations, and contentions. She was
at that very moment listening to the appeal of Naples that she
would enter into war against France. It was not strange, then,
tmder these circtimstances, that even if the ears of the Portu-
guese agents had been heavy, some friendly mouth should have
carried the purport of this document so imjust to the interests
of their nation. Accordingly, that same day. May 4, 1493, the
Pope issued another Bull, which we have ventured to call No.
III.
This Bull begins with a recognition by the Pope of the
affection and faith of the Spanish Sovereigns for the Church of
Rome — Ecclesia Romana — and their praiseworthy search for
remote and unknown lands and islands which made for the
glory of Gk)d and the propagation of the Empire of Christ; it
then records the fact that on this very day the Pope had given to
the said Spanish Sovereigns all the remote and unknown conti-
nental lands and islands toward the Western regions and the
Ocean-sea, found or to be found by the Spanish Sovereigns, or
by their messengers sent for that ptirpose, as is contained in his
Bulls heretofore issued in connection with his grants; it then
recites that the Kings of Portugal have received from the Apos-
tolic See divers privileges and grants, and have discovered and
acquired under similar charter other islands in the regions of
Africa, Guinea, and the Mine of Gold, and that this present Bull
confers on the Spanish Sovereigns the same gifts, privileges, ex-
emptions, liberties, powers, immunities, letters, and indulgences
as were granted the Kings of Portugal, the purport of which
grants are to be held as if expressed word for word in this present
Bull; it then introduces the usual non obstante clause, followed
by that providing for its further promulgation by means of
copies, and ends with the familiar warning against the infringe-
ment of the Charter under the penalty of the Indignation of St
Peter and St. Paul.
This Bull III. is dated on the Vatican Register Quinto Nonas
Maii, or May 3. In Solorzano's De Indiarum Jure, published in
1629, it is dated Quarto Nonas Maii, or May 4. But, as we have
seen, this Btdl was entered upon the Vatican Register subse-
quent to the other two Bulls. Bull I. is found in volume 775,
ii6 Christopher Columbus
Bull II. in volume 777, and Bull III. in volume 879. We be-
lieve that there were two copies of each Papal instrument, the
original written in full with its Bulla or seal, as the case might
be, and which was delivered to the person for whom it was
issued; the other was held imtil such time as it coxild be entered
permanently in the Register. When the entry received the
verification from the Papal Notary, the second or duplicate
copy became of no value, and went the way of unneeded papers.
This will account for the unrewarded search in the Vatican and
Lateran files. The duplicates were supposed to be copied into
the Register in the order in which they were issued, but this
order was not always maintained. It is difficxilt to believe
that part of volume 775, the whole of 776, and a large part of
777 could have been filled with documents. Bulls, Briefs, or
Letters, which were issued between our Bull I., May 3, and Bull
II., May 4. Much more is it unlikely that the contents of one
hundred and two volumes could have been issued on the same
day, May 4, between the publication of Bull II. and Bull III.
An examination of the volumes in the Vatican Register contain-
ing two of these Bulls discloses the fact that strict chronological
order was not followed in entering other documents in their im-
mediate neighbourhood:
In Volume 775, folios 38-39 are dated quarto-decimo Kl. Aprilis, 1492.
Sept. Idus Decembris, 1492.
Quinto Nonas Maii, 1493.
Quarto Kl. Jan., 1492.
Kal. Februarii, 1492.
Tertio Idus, Sept., 1492.
Secund. Nonas, Feb., 1492.
Quarto Nonas Maii, 1493.
Sexto-decimo Kal. Maii, 1493.
Decimo Sept. Kal. Apr., 1492.
But SO far as we have been able to ascertain, no Bull was
entered in the Register prior to some other Bull relating to the
same subject and part of the same transaction, which latter bore a
subsequent date. While two instruments, entirely disconnected
in subject-matter, might have unnatural sequence in their entry,
40-42
(Bull I.)
(i
42-45 "
<<
45-47 "
<<
47-48 "
<i
49-50 "
777,
186-189 "
it
190-191 "
(our Bull II.)
((
192-193 '*
193-194 "
195-196 **
The Third Papal Bull 117
«
instruments forming parts of a whole would be entered in what
appeared to the notaries or clerks their logical and' chrono-
logical order. Thus, in our opinion, Bull III., although wrongly-
dated, Quinto Nonas Man for Quarto Nonas Matty was regarded
as coming after Bulls I. and 11. , and accordingly was entered in
the Register subsequent to them. Solorzano was not in Rome,
and nowhere intimates that he ever saw the Papal Registers,
while he does intimate that the documents he saw and copied
were the originals then preserved in the Spanish Archives. So
far as we can determine from his book, he had no knowledge of
Bull I., but he dates Bull III. Quarto Nonas Man, and gives it
its proper place after Bull II., bearing the same date.
The second paragraph begins with the adverb Hodie, — hoc
die — on this day. It is employed here as a locative ablative. It
modifies and defines the action. " Hodie omnes et singulas terras
firmas et insulas . . . donavimus. . . .'' ** To-day [say the
Sovereigns] we have given [you] all and singular the conti-
nental lands and islands.'' If we turn to Bull I., issued on May
3, we find the Sovereigns saying:
''Omnes et singulas terras et insulas . . . donamus : We do give
you all and singular the lands and islands. . . .*'
In Bull II., issued May 4, we find the Sovereigns using the
same expression:
''Omnes et singulas insulas et terras firmas . . . donamus : We do
give you all and singular the islands and continental lands. '\
We have, then, a right to infer that Bull III. using the form do-
navimus is subsequent to both Bulls using the form donamus.
And we have the right to infer that Bull III. refers to a prior in-
strument which used the expression t€rrc^ firmcB instead of terrcB
alone, and Bull II., dated May 4, alone of the two Bulls I. and
II., uses in the donative clause the expression terrcB firmcBy or
continental lands. We are aware that Bull III. says that the
continental lands and islands given to-day lie versus partes occi-
dentales, and that the reader might therefore be inclined to re-
gard Bull III. as referring to Bull I. rather than Bull II., since
Bull I. speaks of the lands lying per partes occidentales and Bull
II. speaks of the lands as lying versus occidentem et meridiem.
But the fact remains that continental lands, in so many words,
ii8 Christopher Columbus
are granted in Bull 11., and not in Bull I. Moroever, a little
farther along in Bull III. we read:
'*. . . prout in nostris inde confectis litter is plenins continentur:
as are more fully contained in our Bulls heretofore issued."
The use of the word litterce here seems to us to cover two or
more documents. Bulls I. and II. enlarged on the purposes of
the Catholic Sovereigns in searching for new lands, on the fact of
the discovery, on the person making the discovery, on the rich
products revealed by the discovery, on the benefits to flow from
the discovery, — all these things were omitted or briefly touched
upon in the present Bull, because their repetition is unneces-
sary, they being contained in nostris inde confectis litteris.
The moral and legal effect of this third Bull would be to place
matters where they were prior to the issuing of Bull II. It is
just such a response as we might expect to the protestations of
Portugal. It restores the rights of Portugal and says to Spain,
** You are to have exactly the rights conferred upon Portugal, —
no more and no less. * \ Portugal knew her own rights, privileges,
immunities, and limitations, and by that token she could inter-
pret the rights, privileges, immimities, and limitations granted
by this instrument to Spain. It annoimced again the doctrine
of title by discovery and occupation. Actual temporal domin-
ion was essential for the holding of territory by any Christian
Prince, and Spain is to hold title imder like conditions. The
privilege to the Spanish Sovereigns in Bull II. of sailing *' toward
India or toward another region or toward whatsoever regions"
is withdrawn, and now the lands granted are versus partes occi-
dentales et mare oceanum, toward the Western regions and the
Ocean-sea. Portxigal is satisfied. But is Spain satisfied?
CHAPTER LXXI
THE FOURTH PAPAL BULL
BULL IV
The Spanish Sovereigns had sent their diplomatic agent,
Lope de Herrera, to the King of Porttigal, with the announce-
ment that they were fitting out an expedition for the occupation
and settlement of the land discovered. Rumours were thick in
Spain that the Portuguese were fitting out a fleet to make dis-
coveries and to maintain their rights in making discoveries in
the regions visited by the Spanish imder Columbus. When in-
terrogated by Lope de Herrera, John IL declared that the Por-
tuguese only wanted that each should have what belonged to
him, — "que cada imo tenga lo que le pertenece.*' He agreed,
however, to send ambassadors to Spain to discuss these matters,
and bound himself to suffer none of his ships to sail to the West-
em lands for at least sixty days after his representatives should
have reached Barcelona. Agreeable to his promise. King John
sent his ambassadors or special messengers. Dr. Pero Diaz and
Ruy de Pina, to treat with King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella.
These messengers arrived at Barcelona only on August 15, 1493.
The letter of the Sovereigns, dated September 5, 1493, to Colum-
bus, from which we have already quoted, advises the Admiral
of the arrival of these messengers and of the subject discussed.
This letter discloses two facts, — first, the Sovereigns have their
minds absorbed in the new expedition, and apparently have
apprehended the full purport of the Bulls, particularly of the
third. But all three lay before them ; the first confirming their
title to the new lands but guarding the interests of Portugal, the
second disregarding the rights of Portugal and conferring lavish
grants to the Catholic Sovereigns, and the third wiping out the
119
I20 Christopher Columbus
extravagant concessions to Spain and again recognising the
rights of Portugal. A reading of Bull II. opened the eyes of
Spain to the possibilities of territorial acquisition under its pro-
visions. They read Bull III. and beheld these possibilities van-
ishing. And when the Portuguese messengers came to Spain
and declared that there were possibilities of finding islands and
continental lands in the Atlantic between Cape Verde and the
Cape of Good Hope, lands richer than Guinea and the Mine of
Gold, those vanished possibilities proved a serious disappoint-
ment. But there was hope. The Admiral was urged to give
his opinion as to this probability, and the Sovereigns say, " If
the affair is such as they think here, the Bull may he corrected.''
What Bull? Not Bull II. of May 4, for if that instrument with
its lavish bestowments was still a living law in the feature
of its latitude for discoveries versus Indianiy aut versus aliam
quamcumque partem, it needed no amendment, correction, or
enlargement. But if there were to be Spanish discoveries
and Spanish acquisitions made toward that other part where
the Portuguese said they thought there were rich lands, then
the powers in Bull III. were insufficient. Therefore Bull III.
must be corrected. And this is precisely what was done.
The Sovereigns were at Barcelona and Columbus was at Cadiz
fitting out his ships for his second voyage. There was not
time for correspondence. The ** affair ' ' was sufficiently probable
to justify their communicating immediately with the Pope,
and on September 26, 1493, t^^ very day the Admiral with
his fleet of seventeen vessels bade farewell to his Spanish and
Venetian escorts which had accompanied him the day before
down the river, and set sail out into the imdreaded sea, Alex-
ander VI. at Rome issued his Bull Dudum Siquidem, which we
call Bull IV.
This new Bull begins by re-enacting the right to all and sin-
gular the islands and continental lands discovered or to be dis-
covered toward the west and south ; it then proceeds to notice
the contingency that some of the Spanish expeditions might go
to the south and find their way to India; and the Pope, wishing
to add to his favours shown the Sovereigns by yet other favours,
provides for this contingency by giving and granting all and
singular the islands and continental lands found or to be found,
discovered or to be discovered, which in sailing toward the west
The Fourth Papal Bull 121
or south may be or shall be or shall appear whether they are
actually in western or in southern regions, whether in the
eastern regions or in the regions of India; the Sovereigns are
permitted to take bodily possession of such lands and to defend
them against any opposing person and all persons without au-
thority from the Sovereigns are forbidden to navigate to these
regions, to fish there, or to search for lands; and these are to be
held notwithstanding grants and constitutions made to Kings
or Princes or Royal Infantes.
The usual non ohstantur clause is enlarged by the introduc-
tion of the word Infantes to cover the special case of Prince
Henry, under whom discoveries were made by the Portuguese,
and to whom and his King grants and charters were issued by
the Holy See. If Portugal raised a protesting voice when Bull
II. was issued, we can imagine her state when this new docu-
ment, Btdl IV., was promulgated.
This Bull, it should be said, has not been found upon the
Vatican Register, nor is the original known to be in existence,
but it is accepted as genuine by scholars and historians. The
original Bull was long on file in the Royal Archives at Simancas,'
and on August 30, 1554, it was translated into the Castilian
tongue by the Secretary, Diego Gracian de Aldrete. Solorzano
printed this Bull in the original Latin in his De Indiarum Jure,
published at Madrid in the year 1629, at which time the Bull
must still have been on file in the Archives. When Navarrete
published his Coleccion de los Viages y Descuhrimientos, at
Madrid, in 1825, he gave only the Spanish translation by the
Secretary Gracian, from which we infer that the original was not
available, as he gives both the Btdls Inter Cetera, Bulls I. and II.,
in the original Latin.*
The Portuguese Ambassadors returned to their own cotmtry
to receive further instructions from the King. The Spanish
Sovereigns, however, sent to him on November 2, 1493, two Am-
bassadors, Garcia Lopez de Carvajal, brother of Bemardin and a
* A few miles south-west of Valladolid, where Coltimbus breathed his last, is the
walled town of Simancas, in which stands the Archivo General del Reino, the reposi-
tory to-day of thirty million documents arranged in eighty thousand separate pack-
ages, and these do not include the Archives of the Indies, which, in the eighteenth
century, were removed to Seville.
* * Harrisse thinks that Solorzano translated the Spanish copy into Latin, because
his work was written wholly in that language.
122 Christopher Columbus
correspondent of Peter Martyr, and Pedro de Ayala, afterwards
Ambassador to England. It has been thought that dtiring this
embassy, a proposition was made by Portugal looking toward a
settlement of their differences, and practically outlining the plan
afterward adopted, but the scheme of King John seemed to be
directed toward a parallel line, as well as a meridian line, both
passing through the Canaries, the territory and sea east and
south thereof to be conceded to Portugal. Early in the follow-
ing spring, March 8, 1494, Commissioners were appointed by
King John to go to Barcelona and incorporate his views in a
formal treaty. The Spanish Ambassadors had then been re-
turned some time, as we find Peter Martyr addressing Garcia de
Carvajal at Plasencia early in February of that year. These
Portuguese Commissioners were three eminent men, Ruy de
Sousa, his son JoSo de Sousa, and Arias de Almadana. The
Spanish Court was moving from town to town, at Saragossa in
the beginning of the year 1494, passing from there to Tordesillas,
thence to Valladolid, and from Valladolid to Medina del Campo,
and it was to this last-mentioned town that the Portuguese mes-
sengers betook themselves for personal converse with the Sov-
ereigns. Finally, on June 5, 1494, three Commissioners were
named by the Spanish Sovereigns, Don Henrique Henriquez,
Principal Mayordomo, Don Gutierrez Cardenas, Comendador
Mayor, and Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, who were ordered to
meet with the three distinguished Portuguese Commissioners at
the neighbouring town of Tordesillas, and there to negotiate a
treaty. This was done, and there, on the seventh day of Jime
in the year 1494, through their agents, two European nations
mapped out for themselves two separate spheres of influence,
announcing then a doctrine, the modem name for which is
hinterland,^ a doctrine which divided the globe between them,
giving to the one what the other did not want and which justly
* The dcx:trine of hinterland is defined to be an international agreement between
two or more peoples by which there is fixed a topographical line of demarcation within
which one nation may exercise sovereignty to the exclusion of the other party or parties
to the agreement. The definition included the establishment of spheres of reciprocal
interest.
This doctrine, the first international law ever applied to the New World, did
belong emphatically to America, and must ever be regarded historically in reciting
the laws, international and municipal, which earliest governed. If there was a physical
line of demarcation, there was also a moral line, and this was binding only on such
peoples as were parties to the arrangement.
The Fourth Papal Bull 123
belonged to neither until it had first of all been found and pos-
sessed as unoccupied territory. No Pope made this division.
It was the agreement of two peoples only, and therefore binding
upon no other nations in all the world than the Kingdom of
Spain and the Kingdom of Portugal.
^n-t^lfrAh^ ^»»afcV»ArX»,. rliifiiMn^
J^y^'
124
CHAPTER LXXII
THE VATICAN REGISTER
BULL I
[ Transliteration]
''Alexander &c, carissimo in Christo filio Ferdinando regi et carissime
in Christo filie Helisabeth regine Castelle, Legionis, Aragonum et Granate
illustribus, salutem &c. Inter cetera divine maiestati beneplacita opera et
cordis nostri desiderabilia illud profecto potissimum existit, ut fides catho-
lica et Christiana religio nostris presertim temporibus exaltetur & ubilibet
amplietur et dilatetur, animarumque salus procuretur, ac Barbare nationes
deprimantur & ad fidem ipsam reducantur. Unde cum ad banc -sacram
Petri Sedem, divina favente dementia, meritis licet imparibus, evocati
fuerimus, cognoscentes vos tamquam veros catholicos reges et principes,
quales semper fuisse novimus, et a vobis preclara gesta toti pene iam orbi
notissima demonstrant, ne dum id exoptare, sed omni conatu, studio et
diligentia, nullis laboribus, nullis impensis nullisque parcendo periculis,
etiam propritim sanguinem effundendo, efficere, ac omnem animtim ves-
tnmi omnesque conatus ad hoc iam dudum dedicasse, quemadmodum
recuperatio regni Granate a tirannide Saracenorum hodiemis temporibus
per vos cimi tanta divini nominis gloria facta, testatur; digne ducimur
non immerito et debemus ilia vobis etiam sponte et favoribiliter concedere,
per que huiusmodi sanctum et laudabile ac immortali Deo acceptum pro-
positum in dies ferventiori animo, ad ipsius Dei honorem et imperii chris-
tiani propagationem
BULL I
[Translation]
"Alexander &c [the Bishop, servant of the servants of God] to our most
dear son in Christ, Ferdinand the King, and to our most dear daughter in
Christ, Helizabeth, Queen, illustrious [Princes] of Castile, Leon, Aragon
and Granada, greeting, &c [the apostolic blessing].
"Among other works acceptable to the Divine Majesty and desirable to
our hearts this especially appears the most powerful, that the Catholic faith
and the Christian religion, particularly in our times, shall be exalted and
everywhere increased and extended, whereby the salvation of souls may be
secured and barbarous nations subjugated and brought to the faith itself.
And whereas we are called to the Holy Seat of Peter with the divine
favour although with merits far inferior: and recognising you as true and
Catholic Kings and Princes, such as we have always known you, and as
your noble and most praiseworthy deeds have already shown to all the
world, and knowing that not merely you desired this but strove to accomplish
it with all your efforts, study and diligence, sparing no labours, expenses
or dangers even to the shedding of your own blood, dedicating your entire
mind and all yotir efforts to those things as by the recovery of the kingdom
of Granada from the tyranny of the Saracens in these very days testifying
with such glorious deeds to the Divine Name [and whereas], we regard you
as worthy and that we ought of our own free will graciously to grant you
the means by which more fervently you may be enabled to daily prosecute
a purpose so acceptable to Almighty God, to the honour of God himself
and the propagation
125
A^Hy**- »»a*^ 'V^ «^^ f^^A-r^./z-^wS;:;^
^0^t*,./i j»^»*>»vM.^ o/-i%i^,wC ^***«y^U^t p**'^^tN^__
126
The Vatican Register 127
prosequi valeatis. Sane accepimus quod vos, qui
dudum animo proposueratis aliquas terras et insulas remotas et incognitas
ac per alios hactenus non repertas querere et in venire, ut illarum incolas
et habitatores ad colendum redemptorem nostrum et fidem catholicam
profitendam reduceretis, hactenus in expugnatione et recuperatione ipsius
regnigranate plurimum occupati, huiusmodi sanctum et laudabile proposi-
tum vestrum ad optatum finem perducere nequivistis. sed tandem, sicut
domino placuit, regno predicto recuperato, volentes desiderium vestrum
adimplere, dilectum filium Christoforum Colon cum navigiis et hominibus
ad similia instructis, non sine maximis laboribus et periculis ac expensis
destinastis, ut terras remotas et incognitas huiusmodi per mare, ubi hacte-
nus navigatum non fuerat, diligenter inquirerent. qui tandem, divino
auxilio, facta extrema diligentia, per partes occidentals, ut dicitur, versus
Indos in mari Oceano navigantes, certas insulas remotissimas et etiam
terras iirmas, que per alios hactenus reperte non fuerant, invenerunt; in
quibus quamplurime gentes pacifice viventes et, ut asseritur, nudi ince-
dentes, nee camibus vescentes, inhabitant; et, ut prefati nuntii vestri
possunt opinari, gentes ipse in insulis et terris predictis habitantes credunt
unum deum creatorem in celis esse
of the Christian Empire. And as now we understand
that you have for a long time proposed to search and to find certain lands
and islands remote and unknown and up to this time not discovered by
others for the purpose of bringing their natives and inhabitants to the
worship of our Redeemer and to the profession of the Catholic faith, you
having been hitherto much occupied in storming and recovering the King-
dom of Granada, wherefore you were unable to conduct your holy and
praiseworthy purposes to a successful issue: but now at last since it has
pleased the Lord, the aforesaid Kingdom being recovered and wishing to
fulfil your desires, you have selected [our] beloved son Christopher Colum-
bus with ships and men equipped for such purposes, not without great
labours and dangers and expenses, that they might seek diligently lands
remote and unknown by the sea where hitherto it had not been navigated,
who by the help of God, diligent search being made, navigating in the
Ocean-sea in the western regions as it is said toward the Indies, found
certain most remote islands and also continental lands, which up to that
time had not been discovered by others, in which as it is asserted dwell
many nations, living peacefully, going naked and not eating flesh. And, so
far as your said messengers are able to judge, these people living in the
said islands and lands believe that there is in the heavens one God and
Creator
g/U^ i*fv%»>**^' — •- .^
/JVI
>»*•>%*
Uc^^^LL p^'p^ru^ #u^^L.^ ►^^Vo****^^^..^^^
TT7T\ir-
The Vatican Register 129
ac ad fidem catholicam amplexandum
et bonis moribus imbuendum satis apti videntur; spesque habetur quod,
si erudirentur, nomen salvatoris domini nostri Yhesu Christi in terris et
inqulis predictis facile induceretur. Ac prefatus Christoforus in una ex prin-
cipalibus insulis predictis iam unam tunim satis munitam, in qua certos
Christianos, qui secum iverant, in Custodiam, et ut alias insulas et terras
remotas et incognitas inquirerent, posuit, const rui et edificari fecit : in quibus
quidem insulis et terris iam repertis aurum, aromata et alie quamplurime
res pretiose diversi generis et diverse qualitatis repperiuntur : unde omni-
bus diligenter et presertim fidei catholico exaltatione et dilatatione Prout
decet catholicos reges et principes, consideratis, more progenitorum vestro-
rum clare memorie regum, terras et insulas predictas illartunque incolas
et habitatores vobis, divina favente dementia, subiicere et ad fidem
catholicam reducere.' Nos igitur huiusmodi vestrum sanctum & laudabile
propositum plurimtmi in domino commendantes, ac cupientes ut illud ad
debitum finem perducatur & ipsum nomen Salvatoris nostri in partibus illis
inducatur, hortamur vos plurimum in domino, et per Sacri lavacri sus-
ceptionem, qua mandatis apostolicis obligati estis, et viscera misericordie
domini nostri Yhesu Christi attente requirimus, ut cum expeditionem
huiusmodi omnino prosequi et assumere
and seem sufficiently fitted to be imbued with the Catholic faith
and good manners. And as hope is entertained that if they should be
taught, the name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ would be easily
introduced into the said lands and islands. And as the said Christopher
hath already constructed and caused to be erected a stronghold sufficiently
fortified in one of the principal aforesaid islands, in which he hath placed
certain Christians who had gone with him that they might guard the
same and that they might seek other islands and lands remote and un-
known, in which islands and lands already discovered are found gold
and spices and many other precious things of different kinds and of different
qualities. Wherefore all these things being diligently considered, and
particularly the uplifting and spreading of the Catholic faith, as is becom-
ing in Catholic Kings and Princes after the manner of your predecessors.
Kings of illustnous memory, and since you propose by divine favour to
subject to us and to lead to the Catholic faith the said lands and islands,
their natives and inhabitants: — therefore. We, commending your laudable
purpose in the Lord and desiring that this end may be accomplished and
that the very name of our Saviour may be promulgated in these parts,
we do exhort you much in our Lord and by the receiving of the sacred
baptism in which you are under apostolic obligation and by the bowels of
mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, we do strictly require you that when you
prosecute an expedition in this way
* In Bull IL, after reducere, the word proposuisiis is introduced, but it is not in
the Vatican copy of Bull L
Atv/V ^La^ fvt%o»y 1H^M»-^ et^KwU'V^c.*^ ^
130
The Vatican Register 131
prona mente ortodoxe fidei
zelo intendatis, populos in huiusmodi insulis degentes ad christianam
professionem suscipiendam inducere velitis et debeatis, nee pericula,
nee labores uUo unquam tempore vos deterreant, firma spe fiduciaque
conceptis quod Deus omnipotens conatus vestros feliciter prosequetur.
Et ut tanti negotii provintiam, apostolice gratie largitate donati, liberius et
audacius assumatis, motu proprio, non ad vestram vel alterius pro vobis
super hoc nobis oblate petitionis instantiam, sed de nostra mera liberalitate
et ex cert a Scientia ac de apostolice potest atis plenitudine, omnes et singulas
terras et insulas predictas, sic incognitas et hactenus per nuntios vestros
repertas et reperiendas in posterum, que sub Dominio actuali temporali
aliquorum dominorum christianorum constitute non sint, auctoritate omni-
potentis Dei nobis in beato Petro concessa ac Vicariatus Yhesu Christi,
qua fungimur in terris, ciun omnibus illarum dominiis, Civitatibus, castris,
locis et villis, iuribusque et ituisdictionibus ac pertinentiis universis, vobis
heredibusque et successoribus vestris, Castelle et Legionis regibus, in per-
petuiun, auctoritate apostolica, tenore presentium, donamus, concedimus
et assignamus, vosque ac heredes et successores prefatos de illis inves-
timus, illarumque dominos cimi plena, libera et omnimoda potestate, auc-
toritate et iurisdictione facimus, constituimus et deputamus; Decementes
nihilominus per
with a mind fixed on the orthodox
faith, you will endeavour to lead the people of these islands to receive the
Christian profession [and you ought not to let them], nor should dangers
or labours deter you at any time, firm in hope and fixed in faith that the
omnipotent God will happily conduct your eflorts : and when the Apostolic
favour being given you, that you may more freely and boldly undertake
so great a business, we of our own free will and not at your instance or on
the petition of any other person presented to us on your behalf, but of our
own pure liberality and of our infallible knowledge and in the plenitude of
our apostolic power, we do give, concede and assign in perpetuity by Apos-
tolic authority and by the terms of these presents, by the authority of
omnipotent God granted to us through Saint Peter and as the Vicar of
Jesus Christ whose we are on earth, all and singular, the said lands, and
islands unknown and up to this time discovered and to be discovered in
the future by your messengers, which are not under the actual temporal
dominion of any Christian Lords; with all their dominions, cities, camps,
places and farms, with all the rights and jurisdictions belonging thereto,
to you, your heirs and successors, Kings of Castile and Leon and we make,
constitute and depute you and your said heirs and successors lords of these
with full, free and absolute power, authority and jurisdiction; decreeing
nevertheless by
J'-^ ^euK<U^ /wji.w«^ -Jtv ««'»^ ^^y^^
I3»
The Vatican Register 133
htdusmodi donationem, concessionem, assignationem et investi-
turam nostram nuUi christiano principi ius quesitum, sublatum intelligi
posse aut auferri debere. Et insuper mandamus vobis, in virtute sancte
obediente, ut, sicut etiam pollicemini, et non dubitamus pro vestra maxima
devotione et regia magnanimitate vos esse facturos, ad terras et insulas
predictas viros probos et deum timentes, doctos, peritos et expertos ad
instruendum incolas et habitatores prefatos in fide catholica et bonis
moribus imbuendtmi, destinare debeatis, omnem debitam diligentiam in pre-
missis adhibentes. Ac qtiibuscumque personis etiam cuiuscimique dignita-
tis, status, gradus, ordinis vel conditioniis, sub excommunicationis late
sententie pena, quam eo ipso, si contrafecerint, incurrant, districtius inhi-
bemus ne ad insulas et terras predictas, postquam per vestros nuntios seu
ad id missos invente et recepte fuerint, pro mercibus habendis vel quavis
alia de causa accedere presumant absque vestra ac herediun et successorum
vestrorum predictorum licentia speciali. Et quia etiam nonnulli Portugal-
lie Reges in partibus. africe, Guinee et minere auri ac alias insulas similiter
etiam, ex concessione apostolica eis facta, repperenint et acquisiverunt, et
per Sedem apostolicam eis diversa privilegia, gratie, libertates et immuni-
tates, exemptiones et indulta concessa fuerunt. Nos vobis ac heredibus et
successoribus vestris predictis, ut
this our donation, concession, assignment and investiture,
that the legal right of no Christian Prince shall b^ understood to be taken
away or ought to be taken away from him. And moreover we command
you in virtue of holy obedience and also as you have promised and as we
do not doubt you will do from your great devotion and by reason of your
royal generosity, to send to the said lands and islands good men, fear-
ing God, learned skilful and expert for the instruction and imbuing the
said natives and inhabitants in the Catholic faith and in good manners,
giving themselves with all diligence to the work ; and we distinctly prohibit
all persons whatsoever of whatever dignity, station, degree, order or con-
dition under the penalty of broad excommunication which they shall incur
by the act itself if they do anything to the contrary, from going for the
purposes of selling goods or for any other purposes whatsoever to the said
islands and lands after they shall be found and possessed by your messen-
gers or by those sent for this purpose, without your special licence or that
of your said heirs and successors. And because some Portuguese Kings
under Apostolic concession made to them have discovered and acquired
other islands similarly in the regions of Africa, Guinea and the Mine of
Gold, and since there have been diverse privileges and grants, liberties and
immimities, exemptions and indulgences conceded them by the Apostolic
Chair, now we upon you and your said heirs and successors
^/Li'i^ ^ U*^uC^' i^^^JL^- ^U:^JL ^ —
, j>-/ ''J
134
The Vatican Register 135
in insulis et terns per vos repertis et
reperiendis huiusmodi omnibus et singulis gratiis, privilegiis, exemptioni-
bus, libertatibus, facultatibus, immunitatibus et indultis huiusmodi, quo-
rum omnium tenores, ac si de verbo ad verbum presentibus insererentur
haberi volumnus pro sufficienter expressis et insertis, uti, potiri et gaudere
libere et licite possistis ac debeatis, in omnibus et per omnia perinde ac si
vobis ac heredibus et successoribus predictis specialiter concessa fuissent,
motu, auctoritate, scientia et apostolice potestatis plenitudine similibus, de
specialis dono gratie indulgemus, illaque in omnibus et per omnia ad vos;
heredes ac successores vestros predictos extendimus pariter et ampliamus.
Non obstantibus * et ordinationibus, apostolicis, nee non omnibus illis que
in litteris desuper editis concessa sunt, non obstare ceterisque contrariis
quibuscumque; in illo, a quo imperia et denominationes ac bona cuncta
procedimt, confidentes, quod, dirigente, domino actus vestros, si huiusmodi
sanctum et laudabile ' negotium prosequamini, brevi tempore, cum felici-
tate et gloria totius populi christiani, vestri labores et Conatus exitum
felicissimum consequentur. Verum, quia difficile foret presentes litteras
ad singula queque loca in quibus expediens fuerit deferri, volumus, ac motu
et scientia similibus decemimus, quod illarum transumptis, manu publici
notarii inde rogati subscriptis et sigillo alicuius persone in ecclesiastica
dignitate constitute, seu curie ecclesiastice, munitis, ea prorsus fides in
iudicio et extra ac alias ubilibet
desire to
bestow the same in the islands and lands discovered by you and to be dis-
covered, all and singular grants, privileges, exemptions, liberties, powers,
and immunities, the purport of the whole of which is to be considered as
expressed and inserted as sufficiently as if they were inserted word for
word in these presents, which you are to possess and ought to possess and
enjoy, freely and lawfully in all things and in all ways as if they should
have been especially conceded to you, your said heirs and successors, we
grant this as a special gift, by the motion, authority and knowledge and in
the like plenitude of apostolic power and at the same time we extend and
enlarge these things in all things and in all ways to you, your said heirs
and successors, notwithstanding [constitutions] and apostolic ordinances
and all other things which are conceded in Bulls before issued and not-
withstanding whatsoever other things to the contrary, confiding in Him
from whom power and dominion and every good thing comes, that directed
by the Lord, if you prosecute this in this way this sacred and praiseworthy
project, your labours and efforts will shortly find a most happy issue with
the congratulations and glory of all christian peoples: but since it would
be difficult that these letters should be published in all those places in
which it might be expedient to carry them, we wish and by like motion
and knowledge we decree that copies of these subscribed by the hand of a
public notary and by the seal of some person holding ecclesiastical dignity,
and by the seal of the ecclesiastical court, the same faith in places of judg-
ment and beyond and in whatever other places
^ Here the scribe omitted the word constitutionibus , which was inserted on the
margin in the hand of L. Podochatarus or L. Amerinus.
* Here the scribe Nvrote the word propositum, which he erased, substituting for it
the word negotium.
136 Christopher Columbus
««««M^ Z*^ »'*^ A»»«-«^ - ,^ ^ /»^»7H»
7
(P^^^N-^ Ctt>VU"T
i««««A^
7 J. e^W' \rr y
#»^»««^i»
The Vatican Register 137
adhibeatur, que presentibtis adhiberetur,
si essent exhibite vel ostense. NuUi &c nostre exhortationis, requi-
sitionis, Donationis, concessionis, assignationis, investiture, facti, con-
stitutionis, deputationis, mandati, inhibitionis, indulti, extensionis,
ampliationis, voluntatis et decreti infringere &c. si quis &c. Datum Romae
apud sanctum Petrum, anno &c. MCCCCLXXXXIII. quinto nonas maii,
pontificatus nostri anno primo.
"Coll. A DE Campania.
**N: Casanovia.
"Gratis &c. de nostri &c.
" B. Capitinis.
**D. Stevario."
shall be accorded them as
would be accorded to these originals if they had been exhibited or shown.
For no man, &c, [shall it be lawful] to infringe [this charter] of our caution,
requirement, donation, grant, assignment, investiture, deed, constitution,
deputation, command, prohibition, indulgence, extension, enlargement, will
and decree [or rashly dare aught to the contrary] if any one, &c, [shall pre-
sume to attempt this, let him know that he will incur the resentment of
Almighty God and of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paid]. Done in Rome
at Saint Peter's in the year, &c, [of the incarnation of our Lord] 1493,
May 3, in the first year of otir pontificate.
"Coll. A DE Campania.
"N: Casanovia.
" Gratis. By order of our most
sacred Lord and Pope.
"B. Capitinis.
" D. Stevario. "
*' ^^ h^ /V»H*B «.*'^..**««lfir nr^.^;^ ^'^;Ci|JJ^
/
139
I40 Christopher Columbus
BULLA II.
[ Transliteration]
"Alexander, &c,' carissimo in Christo filio Ferdinando Regi, et caris-
simae in Christo filiae Helisabeth Reginae Castellae, Legionis, Aragonum,
Siciliae et Granatae, illustribus, Salutem &c.» Inter cetera Divinae majes-
tati beneplacita opera, et cordis vestri 3 desiderabilia, illud profecto potis-
simum existit, ut fides Catholica, et Christiana lege,* nostris praesertim
temporibus exaltetur, ac ubilibet amplietur et dilatetur, animarumque salus
procuretur, ac barbare nationes deprimantur et ad fidem ipsam reducanttir.
Unde cum ad tarn 5 sacram Petri Sedem Divina favente dementia meritis
licet imparibus evocati fuerimus, cognoscentes vos tanquam veros Catholi-
cos Reges et Principes, quales ^ fuisse novimus, et a vobis praeclare gesta
toti pene jam Orbi notissima demonstrant, ne dxmi id exoptare, sed omni
conatu, studio et diligentia, nullis laboribus, nullis impensis, nullisque par-
cendo periculis, etiam proprium sanguinem effundendo efficere, ac omnem
animum vestrum omnesque conatus ad hoc jamdudum dedicasse, quemad-
modum recuperatio regni Granatae a tirannide Saracenorum hodiemis tem-
poribus per vos, cum tanta Divini nominis gloria, facta testattir, digne
ducimtis non immerito et debemus ilia vobis etiam sponte 7 et favoribiliter
concedere, per quae hujusmodi sanctum et laudabile ac immortali Deo
acceptum propositum in dies ferventiori animo ad ipsius Dei honorem et
imperii Christiani propagationem prosequi valeatis. Sane accepimus, quod
vos, qui dudum animo proposueratis aliquas insulas et terras firmas remotas
et incognitas, ac per alios hactenus non repertas, quaerere et invenire, ut
illarum incolas et habitatores ad colendxmi Redemptorem nostrum et fidem
Catholicam profitendum reduceretis, hactenus in expugnatione et recupera-
tione ipsius regni Granatae plurimtmi occupati, hujusmodi sanctum et laud-
abile propositum vestnun ad optatum finem perducere nequivistis; sed
tandem, sicut Domino placuit, regno praedicto recuperato, volentes deside-
rium adimplere vestnun, dilecttmi filium Christoforum Colon virtun utique
digntim et plurimtmi commendandum,* ac tanto negotio aptum, cum
navigiis et hominibus ad similia instructus, non sine maximis laboribus et
periculis ac expensis destinastis, ut terras firmas et insulas remotas et incog-
nitas hujusmodi, per mare ubi hactenus navigatum non fuerat, diligenter
inquireret. Qui tandem Divino auxilio, facta extrema diligentia, in mari
Oceano navigantes, certas insulas remotissimas, et etiam terras firmas, quae
per alios hactenus repertae nori fuerant, invenerunt,
^ EpiscopuSy servus servorum Dei.
* Et Apostolicam henedictionent.
3 Nosiri in Codex or Book of Privileges of Coltimbus.
* In the Codex this reads religio.
5 Hanc in Codex.
6 In the margin the word semper is inserted in the hand of L. Amerinus or L.
Podochatarus.
7 The scribe repeated the words, sponte et favo.
8 Under this passage in the Codex, some contemporary hand — doubtless that of
the Admiral himself, since it resembles his work — has drawn a red line underneath
this recoenition of the worth of Columbus.
The Vatican Register hi
BULL II
[Translation]
"Alexander ' [the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God] to our most
dear son in Christ, Ferdinand the Kling, and to our most dear daughter in
Christ, Helizabeth, Queen, illustrious [Princess] of Castile, Leon, Aragon,
Sicily and Granada, Greeting and [the Apostolic blessing].
''Among other works acceptable to the divine Majesty and desirable to
your [our] hearts this especially appears the most powerful, that the Catho-
lic faith and the Christian law [religion], particularly in our times, shall be
exalted and everywhere increased and extended, whereby the salvation of
souls may be secured and barbarous nations subjugated and brought to the
faith itself: and whereas, we are called to the Holy Seat of Peter with the
divine favour although with merits far inferior: and recognising you as
true Catholic Elings and Princes, such as we have [always] known you and
as yotir noble and most noteworthy deeds have already shown to all the
world, and knowing that not merely you desired this but also strove to
accomplish it with all your efforts, study and diligence, sparing no labours,
expenses or dangers even to the shedding of your own blood, dedicating
your entire mind and all your efforts to these things as by the recovery of
the kingdom of Granada from the tyranny of the Saracens in these very
days testifying with such glorious deeds to the Divine Name ; [and whereas]
we regard you as worthy and that we ought of our own free will graciously
to grant to you the means by which you may be able to prosecute daily to
the honour of God Himself and the propagation of the Christian Empire,
your purpose so acceptable to the immortal God. And as now we under-
stand that you have proposed to search and to find certain islands and con- i
tinental lands remote and unknown not hitherto discovered by others for
the purpose of bringing their natives and inhabitants to the worship of our
Redeemer and to the profession of the Catholic faith, you having been
hitherto much occupied in storming and recovering the Kingdom of Gran-
ada, wherefore you were unable to conduct your holy and praiseworthy
purpose to a successful issue. But now at last, since it has pleased the
Lord, the aforesaid Kingdom being recovered and wishing to fulfil your
desires, you have selected [our] beloved son, Christopher Columbus, a man
worthy and much to be commended, and well fitted for so great an under-
taking, with ships and men equipped for such purposes, not without great
labours and dangers and expense, that they might seek diligently lands re-
mote and up to this time unknown, by the sea where hitherto it had not been
navigated: who by the help of God, diligent search being made, navigating
in the Ocean-sea found certain most remote islands and also continental
lands which hitherto have not been discovered by others
' We give in brackets the matter which we suppose to have been in the original
Bull, as transmitted to the Sovereigns, but which the scribe omitted here as merely
the usual forms.
•j^Ur
tt:^^M:^:^tm<!^&~^^^
143
144 Christopher Columbus
in quibus quamplurimae gentes pacifice viventes, et ut asseritur
nudi incedentes, nee eamibus vescentes, inhabitant; et, ut praefati nuncii
vestri possunt opinari, gentes ipsae in insulis et terns praedictis habit antes
credunt unum Deum Creatorem in Celis esse, ac ad fidem Catholicam am-
plexandum et bonis moribus imbuendum satis apti videntur; spesque
habetur, quod, si erudirentur, nomen Salvatoris Domini nostri Jesu Christi in
terns et insulis praedictis facile induceretur. Ac praefatus Christophorus
in una ex principalibus insulis praedictis, jam imam turrim satis munitam,
in qua certos Christianos, qui secum iverant, in custodiam, et alias insulas
et terras firmas remotas et incognitas inquirerent, possuit, construi et edi-
ficari fecit. In quibus quidem insulis et terns jam repertis aurum, aromata,
et aliae quamplurimae res pretiosae diversi generis et diversae qualitatis reper-
iuntur. Unde omnibus diligenter et praesertim fidei Catholicae exaltatione
et dilatatione prout decet Catholicos Reges et Principes, consideratis, more
progenitonmi vestrorum ' memoriae Regum, terras firmas et insulas prae-
dictas, illarumque incolas et habitatores vobis divina favente dementia
subjicere et ad fidem Catholicam reducere proposuistis. Nos igitur, hujus-
modi vestrum sanctum et laudabile propositum plurimum in Domino com-
mendantes, ac cupientes ut illud ad debitum finem perducatur, et ipsum
nomen Salvatoris nostri in partibus illis inducatur, hortamur vos plu imum
in Domino, et per sacri lavacri susceptionem, qua mandatis Apostolicis
obligati * estis, et viscera misericordiae Domini nostri Jesu Christi actente 3
requirimus, ut cum expiditionem hujusmodi omnino prosequi, et assumere
prona mente orthodoxae Fidei zelo intendatis, populos in hujusmodi insulis
et terris degentes ad Christianam Religionem suscipiendam inducere velitis,
et debeatis, nee pericula nee labores ullo unquam tempore vos deterreant,
firma spe fidutiaque * conceptis, quod Deus omnipotens conatus vestros
feliciter prosequetur. Et ut tanti negotii provintiam s Apostolicae gratiae
largitate donati liberius et audatius ^ assumatis. motu proprio, non ad ves-
tram vel alterius pro vobis super hoc nobis oblatae petitionis instantiam,
sed de nostra mera liberalitate,7 et ex certa scientia, ac de Apostolicae potes-
tatis plenitudine, omnes insulas et terras firmas inventas et inveniendas,
detectas et detegendas versus Occidentem et Meridiem, fabricando et con-
stituendo * unam lineam a polo Artico,^ scilicet
" The word etiant is inserted on the margin, in the hand of L. Amerinus or L.
Podochatanis.
* Here the scribe inserted the wrong word and erased it.
3 Attente in the Codex.
* Fidticiaque in the Codex.
5 Provinciam in the Codex.
6 Audacius in the Codex.
7 Here the scribe again inserted the wrong word, as if he had written libertate (as
the word really is in the Codex) , but it is erased.
8 This is also constituendo in the Codex.
9 Artico and Antartico are also so written in the Codex.
The Vatican Register 145
and in which, as it
is asserted, dwell many nations living peacefully, going naked and not eating
flesh, and as your messengers seem to think that these people dwelling in
the islands and the aforesaid lands believe that there is in the heavens one
God, the Creator, and seem sufficiently fitted to be imbued with the Catholic
faith and good manners; and as hope is entertained that if they are taught,
the name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ may be easily introduced
into the said lands and islands : and since the said Christopher hath already i
constructed and caused to be erected a stronghold sufficiently fortified in ;
one of the principal aforesaid islands in which he hath placed certain Chris-
tians who went with him that they might guard the same and that they
might seek other islands and continental lands remote and unknown: in
which islands and lands already discovered are gold, spices and many other
precious things of different kinds and of different qualities: Wherefore, all
these things being diligently considered and particularly the uplifting and
spreading of the Catholic faith as is becoming in Catholic Kings and Princes
after the manner of your predecessors of illustrious memory, and since you
propose by divine favour to subject to us and to lead to the Catholic faith
all the continental lands and the aforesaid islands and their natives and
inhabitants : —
** Therefore, WE, commending your laudable purpose in the Lord and
desiring that this end may be accomplished and that the very name of our
Saviour may be promulgated in these parts, do exhort you much in our
Lord and by the receiving of the sacred baptism in which you are under
Apostolic obligation and by the bowels of mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ,
we do strictly reqtiire you that when you prosecute an expedition in this
way with a mind fixed on orthodox faith you will desire to lead the people
of these islands and lands to receive the Christian religion and you ought
not [to be deterred] nor should dangers or labours deter you at any time,
firm in hope and fixed in faith that the Omnipotent God will happily con-
duct your efforts: And that the Apostolic favour being given you, you may
more freely and boldly undertake so great a business, we of our own free
will and not at your instance or at the petition of any person but of our
own pure liberality and of our infallible knowledge, and in the plenitude of
our Apostolic power, we do give, concede and assign to you, your heirs and sue- '
cessors all the islands attd continental lands found and to be found, discovered
and to be discovered, toward the west and south, establishing and constitut-
ing a line from the Arctic pole, that is to say
v.^4 C.JJ^ U***nr '•^-m'^ ^pctih^ rh~ >^r>JXi^ [^-Ijp'Jft*,;^
< » ' ^-t**r -^ *^ A . - —*.. ''— «. A Oft— .
X
,^»#. Ar»«A<-'
«M*r ^'.fr*/** ^Vir ^
7^
r;^ '^/^
147
148 Christopher Columbus
Septentrione, ad polum
Antarticum, scilicet Meridiem, sive terrae firmae et insulae inventae et inve-
niendae sint versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcumque partem; quae
linea distet a qualibet Insulartun, quae vulgariter nimcupantur delos Azores
et ' Cabo vierde, centum leucis versus Occidentem et Meridiem; ita quod
omnes insulae et terrae firmae repertae et reperiendae, detectae et detegendae
a praefata linea versus Occidentem et Meridiem per aliud Regem aut Prin-
cipem Christianum non fuerint actualiter possessae usque ad diem Nativi-
tatis Domini nostri Jesu Christi proxime preteritum, in quo incipit annus
praesens MCCCCLXXXX tertius, quando fuerunt per Nimtios et Capitaneos
vestros inventae aliquae praedictanmi insularum, auctoritate omnipotentis
Dei nobis in beato Petro concessa, ac Vicariatus « Jesu Christi, qua fungi-
mur 3 in terris, cum omnibus illanmi dominiis, civitatibus, castris, locis et
villis, juribusque et jurisdictionibus ac pertinentiis universis, vobis, heredi-
busque et successoribus vestris Castellae et Legionis Regibus in perpetuimi
tenore praesentium donamus, concedimus et assignamus: vosque et heredes
ac successores praefatos illarum dominos, cum plena, libe a et omnimoda
potestate, auctoritate et jurisdictione, facimus, constituimus et deputamus;
decementes nihilominus per hujusmodi donationem, concessionem et
assignationem nostram nulli Christiano Principi, qui actualiter praefatas
insulas aut terras firmas possederit usque ad predictum diem Nativitatis
Domini nostri Jesu Christi, jus quaesittun sublatum intelligi posse aut
auferri debere. Et insuper mandamus vobis in virtute sanctae obedientiae.
ut sicut etiam pollicemini, et non dubitamus pro vestra maxima devotione
et regia magnanimitate vos esse facturos ad terras firmas et insulas praedictas
viros probos et Deum timentes, doctos peritos et expertos, ad instruendtun
incolas et habitatores praefatos in fide catholica et bonis moribus imbuen-
dum destinare debeatis, omnem debitam diligentiam in * praemissis adhi-
bentes. Ac quibuscumque personis, cujuscumque dignitatis, Imperialis *
et Regalis, status, gradus, ordinis, vel conditionis, sub excommunicationis
latae sententiae poena, quam eo ipso, si contrafecerint, incurrant, districti-
bus inhibemus ne ad insulas et terras firmas inventas et inveniendas, detec-
tas et detegendas, versus Occidentem et Meridiem, fabricando et consti-
tuendo ^ lineam a polo Artico ad polum Antartico, sive terrae firmae et
insulae
^ In the BuUarum Collectio (Rome, 1743, folio) , the Spanish conjunction y is used.
* Here the scribe has evidently written Christi and erased the word.
3 With continued carelessness the scribe has erased his first attempt to wri*-^ the
word fungimur.
* Here the scribe wrote the word insuper and erased it.
* The scribe omitted the word etiam, and the corrector Amerinus or Podochatarus
inserted it on the margin.
6 It is important to know that in the Codex this word in written as here, while
in the BuUarum Collectio it is printed construendo, and all writers have followed that
authority. It is an evidence of the word being correct, as in this fac-simile. The
same remark applies to the words Artico and Antartico, instea,d of Arctico and Antarc-
tico, as in the printed Bullarum Collectio.
The Vatican Register 149
from the north, to the Antarc-
tic pole, that is to say to the south, including the continental lands and
islands found and to be found which are toward India or toward whatso-
ever part it may be, which line may be distant from whatever one you may
wish of the islands commonly known as the Azores and Cape Verde, one
hundred leagues toward the west and south : and so we do give and assign
in perpetuity by the terms of this present Bull all the islands and continen-
tal lands foimd and to be found, discovered and to be discovered from the
said line toward the west and south not actually possessed by any other
Eling or Christian Prince even to the day of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus
Christ last past, from which begins the present year, MCCCCLXXXX three,
when some of the aforesaid islands had been found by your messengers and
captains, by the authority of the omnipotent God granted to us in St. Peter
and in which we act as the Vicar of Jesus Christ on the earth, "with all their
dominions, cities, castles, places and farms with all the rights and jurisdic-
tions belonging thereto, to you and your heirs and successors the Kings of
Castile and Leon: we make, constitute and depute you and your said heirs
lords thereof with full, free and absolute power, authority and jurisdiction;
decreeing nevertheless by this, our grant, concession and assignment that
no Christian Prince who hath actually possessed the said islands or con-
tinental lands unto the beforesaid day of the Nativity of otir Lord Jesus
Christ, shall be understood to have their rights taken away or ought to have
them taken away. And, moreover, we command you in the virtue of
sacred obedience, as also you have made promise and as we do not doubt
you will do from your great devotion and by reason of your royal gener-
osity, to send to the said lands and islands good men, fearing God, learned,
skilful and expert for the instruction and imbuing the said natives and
inhabitants in the Catholic faith and in good manners, giving themselves
over with all diligence to the work; and to all persons whatsoever of what-
ever dignity, whether imperial or royal, of whatever station, degree, order
or condition, under the penalty of sentence of broad excommunication
which they shall incur by the act itself if they do anything to the contrary, we
strictly forbid going for the purposes of selling goods or for any other pur-
pose whatever to the islands and lands found and to be found, discovered
and to be discovered toward the west and south making and establishing
a line from the Arctic pole to the Antarctic pole whether the continental
lands or islands
h
The Vatican Register 151
>i,aJv~«r»M^*^ ^*^KW rtr«-fw^? #»».*y|U^ ♦^f^O*
0
S \U^ i i^^"v.'Xf
152 Christopher Columbus
inventae et inveniendae sint
versus Indiam, aut versus aliam quamcumque partem; quae linea distet a
qualibet insularum, quae vulgariter noncupantur delos Azores et » Cabo
Vierde, centum leucis versus Occidentem et Meridiem, ut praefertur; pro
mercibus habendis, vel quavis alia de causa, accedere praesumant absque
vestra ac heredum et successorum vestrorum praedictonmi licentia speciali ;
non obstantibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus Apostolicis, ceterisque
contrariis quibuscumque : in illo, a quo imperia et dominationes ac bona
cuncta procedunt, confidentes, quod dirigente * actus vestros, si hujusmodi,
sanctum et laudabile propositum prosequamini, brevi tempore, cum felici-
tate et gloria totius populi Christiani, vestri labores et conatus exittun
felicissimum consequentur. Venmfi, quia difficile foret praesentes literas ad
singula quaeque loca, in qtiibus expediens fuerit, deferri, volumus, ac motu
et scientia similibus decemimus, quod illarum transumptis, manu 3 publici
notarii inde rogati subscriptis, et sigillo alicujus personae in ecclesiastica
dignitate constitutae seu Curiae Ecclesiasticae munitis, ea prorsus fides in
juditio et extra ac alias ubilibet adhibeatur, quae praesentibus adhiberetur,
si essent exhibitae vel ostensae. Nulli ergo,^ &c, nostrae commendationis,
hortationis, reqtiisitionis, donationis, concessionis, assignationis, constitu-
tionis, deputationis, decreti, mandati, inhibitionis et voluntatis infringere,^
&c. Si quis,^ &c. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum,anno7 MCCCC-
LXXXX tertio, quarto nonas Maii, Pontificatus nostri anno primo.
Gratis, de mandato Sanctissimi Domini nostri Papae. Pro Reverendissimo
A. de Mocciallis, &c.
•* D. Galletus.
** Collata. L. Amerinus." *
' In the Bullarum Collectio the Spanish conjtinction y is used;, but in the
Codex, as here, the Latin conjtmction appears.
* In both the Codex and the Bullarum Collectio the word domino is found preced-
ing actus, and undoubtedly it is here omitted through the carelessness of the scribe.
3 The scribe has erased a contracted word.
* In the Codex and BuUarum Collectio these words follow : Omnitio hominum
liceat hanc paginam.
5 We may insert: Vel ei ausu temerario contraire, — the usual form.
6 We may insert: Autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei,
ac Beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum ejus, se noverit incursurum, — the usual form.
7 We may insert: Incarnationis DominiccB.
8 Harrisse identifies this corrector as Giovanni or Giacomo Amerinus, both of
whom were clerks for Apostolic letters, but this man's Christian name certainly begins
with L, so we must look for a third Amerinus.
L. Podochatarus is Ludovico Podocataro, afterward Bishop of Nicosia.
D. Galletus is Dominico Galetti, the Apostolic scribe, who died in 1501.
The Vatican Register 153
found and to be found are toward India or toward any
other or toward whatsoever part, which line may be distant from which-
ever you may wish of these islands which are commonly called the Azores
and Cape Verde, one hundred leagues toward the west and south as has been
said, without the special licence of you, your heirs and successors: not-
withstanding the constitutions and other Apostolic ordinances whatsoever
to the contrary : trusting in Him from whom proceed empires and domin-
ions and every good thing, that the Lord directing your course if you per-
severe in a sacred and praiseworthy project of this character, your labours
and efforts will shortly find a most happy issue with the congratulations
and glory of all Christian peoples. But since it would be very difficult
that these letters should be published in all those places in which it would
be expedient to carry them, we wish and by like motion and knowledge we
decree that copies of these subscribed by the hand of a public notary and
by the seal of some person holding ecclesiastical dignity or by the seal of
the Ecclesiastical Court, the same faith in places of judgment and beyond
and in other places shall be accorded them as would be accorded these if
they should be exhibited or shown. Therefore for no man [shall it be law-
ful] to infringe this charter of our commendation, caution, requirement,
donation, grant, assignment, constitution, appointment, decree, order, pro-
hibition and will [or rashly dare aught to the contrary]. If any one [shall
presume to attempt this let him know that he will incur che resentment of
Almighty God and of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul].
**Done in Rome at St. Peter's in the year [of the incarnation of our
Lord] MCCCCLXXXX three, on the fourth of the Nones of May [May 4]
and in the first year of otir pontificate.
** Free. By order of our most sacred Lord and Pope.
**D. Galetti.
'* Compared. L. Amerinus.**
y,*J#l^r*l.*»»
y^tJL ^piff^Jf yt^i-^ CJfl4L jL^^oJ^^^if^
prvtya^^^ufJ^-^r f^ ^*^J*^ ^ ^**^*^ P*^*** \lJ*r***6
XW^ t**»*jp&^j .Uuj»*ay ■'jyoJ^»n^j^t,^,J^na^ ,Mi»/?*»i*f»
»**^Jir ^«^/»fr p^*^^ je>itt»%»»tl>»»r *\t«%a«%%i^tt%%^ rOt»fT/74»»n^
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155
156 Christopher Columbus
BULLA III
[ Transliteration]
"Alexander* &c, Carissimo in Christo filio Ferdinando Regi, et Caris-
sime in Christo filiae Elizabeth Reginae Castellae, Legionis, Aragonum, et
Granatae, illustribus, salutem &c.* Eximae devotionis sinceritas et integra
Fides, qiiibus Nos et Romanam reveremini Ecclesiam, non indigne meren-
tur, ut ilia vobis favoribiliter concedamus, per quae Sanctum et laudabile
propositum vestrum et opus inceptum in quaerendis terns et insulis remotis,
ac incognitis indies melius et facilius ad honorem Omnipotentis Dei, et
Imperij Christiani propagationem, ac fidei catholicae exalt ationem pro-
sequi valeatis. Hodie siquidem omnes et singulas terras firmas, et insulas
remotas et incognitas, versus partes Occidentals, et mare Oceanum con-
sistentes, per vos, seu nuntios vestros, ad id propterea non sine magnis
laboribus, periculis et impensis destinatos, repertas et reperiendas in pos-
terum, quae sub actuali dominio temporali aliquorum dominorum christian-
orum constitutae non essent, cum omnibus illarum dominijs, civitatibus.
castris, locis, villis, juribus et jurisdictionibus universis, vobis, haeredi-
busque et successoribus vestris Castellae et Legionis Regi bus in perpetuum,
motu*proprio, et ex certa scientia, ac de apostolicae potestatis plenitudine
donavimus, concessimus et assignavimus, prout in nostris inde confectis
litteris plenius continetur. Cum autem alias nonnullis Portugalliae Regi-
bus, qtii in partibus Africae, Guineae et Minerae Auri, ac alias Insulas etiam
in similibus concessione et donatione apostolica eis facta reppererunt et
acquisiverunt, per sedem apostolicam diversa privilegia, gratiae, libertates,
Immunitates, exemptiones, 'facultates, litterae et Indulta concessa fuerint.
Nos volentes etiam prout dignum et conveniens existit vos, haeredesque et
successores vestros praedictos, non minoribus gratijs, praerogativis et favor-
ibus prosequi. Motu simili, non ad vestram, vel alterius pro vobis nobis
super hoc oblatae petitionis instantiam, sed de nostra mera liberalitate, ac
eisdem scientia et apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, vobis ac haeredibus et
successoribtis vestris praedictis, ut in Insulis et
' We fill in the omissions which, of course, were intentional, from the transcript
made by Solorzano from the original Bull.
Servus servorum Dei.
* ^4 postolicam henedictionem.
The Vatican Register 157
BULL III
[Translation]
"Alexander, &c, to his most dear son in Christ, Ferdinand the King,
and to his most dear daughter Elizabeth, Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon
and Granada, illustrious [Princes] greeting, &c :
**The sincerity of your distinguished devotion and the absolute faith
with which you reverence us and the Roman Church, not unworthily merit
that we should favourably grant that to you by which you may be able to
daily prosecute your holy and laudable purpose and the work begun in
seeking land and islands remote and unknown, more successfully and easily
to the honour of Almighty God and the propagation of the Christian Em-
pire and the exaltation of the Catholic faith. Whereas, this day, of our
own motion, knowledge and the fulness of Apostolic power, we gave,
granted and assigned, according as they are contained more fully in our
Bulls issued on that account, all and each of the continental lands and islands
remote and unknown, toward the Western regions and lying in the Ocean-sea
discovered or to be discovered hereafter by yon or by your messengers appointed
for that end, not without great labours, dangers and expenses, which are not
at present under the power of some Christian Princes, with all their domin-
ions, cities, castles, places, farms and jurisdictions for you, your heirs and
successors Kings of Castile and Leon forever: but since at another time,
by the Apostolic power certain privileges, favours, liberties, immunities,
exemptions, powers. Bulls and indulgences were granted to several Portu-
guese Kings, who by like grant and Apostolic donation made to them, dis-
covered and acquired other islands in the regions of Africa, Guinea and the
Mine of Gold: We, wishing also as appears worthy and convenient that
you, your said heirs and successors may have no less privileges, preroga-
tives and favours [now therefore], by a like motion, not at your instance
nor on the petition of any other person presented concerning this thing in
your behalf, but of our pure liberality as well of infallible knowledge and in
the fulness of Apostolic power, do grant to you and to your said heirs
and successors that in the islands and
fafif%^y 1m/j#<4 t^ttm»t
./ •> W# f'l^^P f if M4 *
/♦»»««/
T*--^!
,>nUU/H'^ ^U ^'T*^ ^^ 4o«)«^ ^pJJlfiyi/
^ €'^f^^'99mf9'f9Pv^^w.''^9%^tti
■JU/
1^9'ir^^X^ >ft##i^fT OMtf'*
(^\Jyp^* r^-jL^-^ ^-^r^i^ (
Q/U ./re
l^f^MV^
159
i6o Christopher Columbus
terns per vos, seu nomine
vestro hactenus repertis huiusmodi et reperiendis in posterum, omnibus et
singulis, gratijs, privilegijs, exemptionibus, libertatibus, facultatibus, Im-
munitatibus, litteris et Indultis Regibus Portugalliae concessis, huiusmodi,
quorum omnium tenores ac si de verbo ad verbum praesentibus insereren-
tur, haberi volumus pro sufficicnter expressis et insertis, uti, potiri et gau-
dere libete et licite possitis et debeatis in omnibus et per omnia, perinde ac
si omnia ilia vobis ac haeredibus et successoribus vestris praefatis, specialiter
concessa fuissent auctoritate apostolica tenore praesentium de spetialis
dono gratiae indulgemus illaque in omnibus et per omnia ad vos haeredesque,
ac successores vestros praedictos extendimus pariter, et ampliamus, ac
eisdem modo et forma perpetuo concedimus. Non obstantibus constitu-
tionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis: nee non omnibus lUis, quae in lit-
teris Portugalliae Regibus concessis htiiusmodi, concessa sunt, non obstare,
caeterisque contrarijs quibuscumque. Verum qtiia difficile foret, praesentes
litteras ad singula quaeque loca, in quibtis expediens fuerit, deferri, volumus,
ac motu et scientia similibus decernimus, quod illarum transimiptis manu
publici Notarij inde rogati subscriptis et sigillo alicuius personae in ecclesi-
astica dignitate, constitutae, seu Curiae Ecclesiasticae munitis, ea prorsus
fides in dubia, in luditio et extra, ac alias ubilibet adhibeatur, quae prae-
sentibus adhiberetur, si assent exhibitae, vel ostensae. Nulli ergo,' &c,
nostrorum indulti, extensionis, ampliationis, concessionis, voluntatis, et
decreti Infringere • &c. Si quis &c.3 Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum
anno &c, millesimo quadringentesimo nonagesimo tertio.
•* Quinto Nonas Maij, Pontificatus nostri anno primo.
** Gratis. De mandato sanctissimi Domini nostri Papae.
**D. Galletus.
*' Johannes Nilis.
*'Collata. Jo. Crothon."
' Omnino hominum liceat, hanc paginam.
* Vel ei ausi temerario contraire.
3 Auiem hoc attentare prcBSumpserit, indignationem omnipoteniis Dei, ac Beatorum
Petri et Pauli Apostolorum eius, se noverit incur sum.
The Vatican Register i6i
lands now discovered for you and in
yotir name or to be discovered in this way hereafter, with all and each the
favotirs, privileges, exemptions, liberties, powers, immunities. Bulls and
indulgences granted in this way to the Kings of Portugal, the tenor of all
of which as if they were inserted word for word in these presents we wish
you to have, that you may freely enjoy and legally possess them in like
manner as if all these things were particularly granted to you, your said
heirs and successors, we give by Apostolic authority as a gift of special
favour and we at the same time extend and enlarge and grant in like manner
and for ever these things in general and for all to you, your said heirs and
successors. Notwithstanding Apostolic constitutions and ordinances as
well as in all those granted in Bulls given in the same way to the Kings of
Portugal, and notwithstanding whatsoever other and contrary things.
And indeed because it would be very difficult that these letters should be
published in all those places in which it would be expedient to carry them,
we wish and of like motion and knowledge we decree, that copies of these
subscribed by the hand of a Public Notary and by the seal of some person
holding ecclesiastical dignity or by the seal of an ecclesiastical Court and
that the same faith in cases of imcertainty, in judgment or beyond or else-
where be given it as would be given to these presents if they should be
exhibited and shown.* Therefore it shall be lawful for no man to infringe
this writing of our indulgence, extension, enlargement, concession, will and
decree or to dare to do aught to the contrary. But if any one should
presume to attempt this, he shall know he will incur the resentment of
Almighty God and of the blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul.
" Given at Rome in Saint Peter's, in the year of the incarnation of our
Lord one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the fourth of the Nones
of May [May 4] in the first year of our pontificate.
** Free.* By order of our most Holy Lord the Pope.
**D. Galletus.
"Johannes Nilis.
"Compared. Johannes Crothon. **
' We have filled in the document with the matter given by Solorzano, which, as
it is only a regtilar form, is likely to have been in the original as sent to the Sovereigns.
We have also italicised a few words of particular importance to arrest the atten-
tion of the reader.
* A respectable revenue was derived from the issuing and copying of Btills and
Papal letters. The word gratis is used to show that no charge was made for this and
the other Bulls of May 3 and 4.
i62 Christopher Columbus
BULLA IV
[From Solorzano's De Indiarum Jure]
'* Alexander episcopus, servus servorum Dei, charissimo in Christo filio
Ferdinando regi et charissime in Christo filie Helisabeth regine Castelle,
Legionis, Aragontim et Granate illustribus, salutem et apostolicam bene-
dictionem. Dudtim siqiiidem omnes et singulas insulas et terras firmas
inventas et inveniendas versus occidentem et meridiem, que sub actuali
dominio temporali aliquorum dominorum christianorum constitute non
essent, vobis heredibusque et successoribus vestris Castelle et Legionis
regibus in perpetutun motu proprio et de certa scientia ac de apostolice
potestatis plenitudine donavimus, concessimus et assignavimus : vosque ac
heredes et successores prefatos de illis investimus; illarumque dominos cum
plena, libera et omnimoda potestate, auctoritate et iurisdictione constitu-
imus et deputavimus, prout in nostris inde confectis litteris, quarum
tenorem, ac si de verbo ad verbum presentibus insererentur, haberi volu-
mus pro sufiicienter expressis, plenius continetur. cum autem contingere
posset quod nuntii et capetanei aut vassalli vestri versus occidentem et
meridiem navigantes, ad partes orient ales applicarent, ac insulas et terras
firmas, que inde fuissent vel essent, reperirent, nos volentes etiam vos
favoribus prosequi gratiosis, motu et scientia ac potestatis apostolice pleni-
tudine similibus, donationem, concessionem, assignationem et litteras pre-
dictas, cum omnibus et singulis in eisdem litteris contentis clatisulis ad
omnes et singulas insidas et terras firmas inventas et inveniendas, ac detec-
tas et detegendas, que, navigando aut itinerando versus occidentem aut
meridiem huiusmodi, sint vel fuerint aut apparuerint, sive in partibus occi-
dentalibus vel meridionalibus et orientalibus et Indie existant, auctoritate
apostolica, tenore presentium in omnibus et per omnia, perinde ac si in lit-
teris predictis de eis plena et expressa mentio facta fuisset, extendimxis
pariter et empliamus. vobis ac heredibus et successoribus vestris predictis
per vos, vel alium seu alios, corporalem, insularum ac terrarum predictarum
possessionem propria auctoritate libere apprehendendi ac perpetuo retin-
endi, illasque adversus quoscimique impedientes etiam defendendi, plenam
et liberam facultatem concedentes, ac qtiibuscumque personis, etiam cuius-
cunque dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis vel conditionis, sub excommuni-
cationis late sententie pena, quam contrafacientes eo ipso incurrant, dis-
trictius inhibentes, ne ad partes predictas ad navigandum piscandum, vel
inquirendum insulas vel terras firmas, aut quovis alio respectu seu colore,
ire, vel mittere quoquomodo presumant, absque expressa vel speciali vestra
ac heredum et successorum predictorum licentia. non obstantibus consti-
tutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis, ac quibusvis donationibus, conces-
sionibus, facultatibus et assignationibus per nos vel predecessores nostros,
quibuscunque regibus vel principibus, infantibus, aut quibusvis aliis per-
sonis, aut ordinibus et militiis de predictis partibus, maribus, insulis atque
terris, vel aliqua eorum parte, ex quibusvis causis, etiam pietatis vel fidei
aut redemptionis captivorum, et aliis quanttuncunque urgentissimis, et ciun
The Vatican Register 163
"Alexander, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our most dear
son in Christ Ferdinand the king and to our most dear daughter in Christ
Helizabeth the queen, illustrious [princes] of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Granada
salutation and the apostolic benediction. Since a while ago we of
our own motion, infallible knowledge and fulness of apostolic power,
gave, granted and assigned in perpetuity to you, your said heirs and
successors, kings of Castile and Leon, all and singular islands and con-
tinental lands discovered and to be discovered toward the west and
south which had not been brought under the actual temporal dominion
of some Christian Lords [we invest you and your said heirs and suc-
cessors with these]. We have created and deputed you as lords thereof
with full, free and ample power, authority and jurisdiction as contained
more fully in our letters issued heretofore, the purport of which we wish to
have considered as sufficiently expressed as if inserted word for word in
these presents; but since it is possible to happen that your messengers,
captains or subjects navigating west and south may direct themselves to
the eastern parts and may find islands and continental lands which were or
had been there [known], we, wishing to add to you similar favours by our
motion, knowledge and fulness of apostolic power, do at the same time
extend and enlarge our donation, grant, assignment in said Bulls, with the
clauses all and singular contained in the said bulls, to all and singular
islands and continental lands found and to be found, discovered and to be
discovered, which in navigating or journeying toward the west or south in
this way may be or shall be or shall appear to be existing either in the
western regions or in the southern and eastern regions or in India and by
the tenor of these presents in all things and in all ways as if full and express
mention had been made concerning them in the said Bulls. Granting to
you and your said heirs and successors in themselves or by any other or
others, the full and free power of taking and for ever holding bodily posses-
sion of the said islands and lands by your own free authority and also of
defending these against any obstructing persons whomsoever, we strictly
forbidding any persons whomsoever, of whatever dignity, station, degree,
order or condition under the broad penalty of the sentence of excom-
mimication * which they shall inctir by going contrary to this very order,
from going or sending in any way or under any pretext or excuse to the
said parts for navigating, fishing or seeking the islands and continental
lands, without your express or special licence or that of your said heirs and
successors. Notwithstanding constitutions, apostolic ordinances and what-
ever donations, grants, powers, and assignments by us or by our predeces-
sors to kings, or princes, or Infantes, or to any other persons whomsoever
or to the [religious] civil and military rulers of the said regions, seas, islands
and lands or for any part of the same, out of whatever motives as well of
piety or of faith or for the redemption of captives or for whatsoever other
most urgent motives, with
' Lata sentenUe — the sentence of excommunication incurred ipso facto as distin-
guished from that which takes effect only after formal sentence pronoimced by the
Pope or an ecclesiastical court — ferendce sententUB.
VOU II.— 1
i64 Christopher Columbus
qviibusvis clausulis etiam derogatorianun derogatoriis, fortioribus, effica-
cioribus et insolitis, etiam quascunque sententias, censuras et penas in se
sontinentibus, que suum per actualem et realem possessionem non essent
cortite effectum, licet forsan aliquando illi qviibtis donationes et concessiones
hviiusmodi facte fviissent, aut eonim muntii, ibidem navigassent. Quos
tenores illanmi etiam presentibus pro sufficienter expressis et insertis ha-
bentes, motu, scientia et potestatis plenitudine similibus omnino revoc-
amus, ac quo ad terras et insulas per eos actualiter non possessas pro infect-
is haberi volimius, nee non omnibus illis que in litteris predictis voluimus
non obstare, ceterisque contrariis quibuscunque. Datum Rome, apud
sanctum Petnmi, anno incamationis dominice millesimo quadringentesimo
nonagesimo tertio, sexto kalendas octobris, pontificatus nostri anno
secundo.'*
whatsoever clauses, also with whatsoever dis-
paragements, the strongest, most efficacious and excessive in character,
also containing in themselves whatsoever sentences, censures, and punish-
ments which have not had effect by their own actual and positive posses-
sion, even if by chance at some time those to whom donations and grants of
this kind had been made, or through messengers, had navigated to those
regions. Regarding the purport of those Bulls as sufficiently expressed and
inserted in these presents, we by like motion, knowledge and fulness of
power, revoke them in all particulars and we wish them to be regarded as
cancelled in respect to lands and islands not actually possessed by them, and
we wish this notwithstanding what may be in the said Bulls and whatsoever
other things to the contrary.
*' Done at Rome in Saint Peter's in the year of our Lord's incarnation,
1493, September 26, the second year of our pontificate.'*
CHAPTER LXXIII
TEXT OF THE TREATY OF TORDESILLAS
" D. Juan, por la gracia de Dios, Rey de Portugal, del Algarbe, de aquen
y de alen, de la mar en Africa, Senor de Guinea. A cuantos esta Carta
vieren hacemos saber, que por Ruy de Sousa, Senor de las villas de Sagres
y Berenguel, y D. Juan de Sousa, su hijo, nuestro Almotacen mayor, y el
Licenciado Arias de Almadana, Corregidor de los fechos ceviles en nuestra
Corte y de nuestro Desembargo, todos del nuestro Consejo, que enviamos
con nuestra embajada y poder d los muy altos y muy excelentes y poderosos
D. Hernando y Doiia Isabel por la gracia de Dios, Rey y Reina de Castilla,
de Leon, de Secilia, de Granada, &c, nuestros muy amados y preciados
Hermanos, sobre la diferencia de lo que d Nos y d ellos pertenesce en lo que
hasta siete dias del mes de Junio de la fecha de esta capittdacion estaba por
descubrir en el Mar Oc^ano, fu6 tratado y capitulado por Nos y en nuestro
nombre, por virtud de nuestro poder con los dichos Reyes y Reina de Cas-
tilla, nuestros hermanos, y con Don Henrique Henriquez, su Mayordomo
mayor, y L. Gutierre de Cardenas, Comendador mayor de Leon, y su Con-
tador mayor, y con el Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, todos del su Consejo, y
en su nombre por virtud de su poder: en la cual dicha capitulacion los
dichos nuestros Embajadores y Procuradores, entre las otras cosas, prome-
tieron que dentro de cierto t^rmino en ella contenido, Nos otorgariamos,
confirmariamos, jurariamos, retificariamos y aprobariarhos la dicha capitu-
lacion por nuestra Persona; y queriendo Nos cumplir, y cumpliendo todo
lo que asf en nuestro nombre fue asentado y capitulado y otorgado acerca de
lo suso dicho, mandamos traer ante Nos la dicha escriptura de la dicha
capitulacion y asiento para la ver y examinar; el tenor de la cual, de verbo
ad verbum, es esta que se sigue :
**En el nombre de Dios Todopoderoso, Padre, Hijo, Espfritu Santo,
tres Personas realmente distintas y apartadas, y una sola esencia Divina:
Manifiesto y notorio sea i. todos cuantos este publico instriunento vieren,
como en la villa de Tordesillas, i. siete dias del mes de Junio, ano del Naci-
miento de Nuestro Senor Jesucristo de mil cuatrocientos noventa y cuatro
alios, en presencia de Nos los Secretarios, Escribanos y Notarios ptiblicos,
adelante escriptos, estando presentes los honrados Don Henrique Henriquez,
Mayordomo mayor de los muy altos y muy poderosos Principes los Senores
165
i66 Christopher Columbus
D. Fernando y Dona Isabel por la gracia de Dios, Rey y Reina de Castilla,
de Leon, de Aragon, de Secilia, de Granada, &c., y de D. Gutierre de Cdr-
denas, Comendador mayor de los dichos Senores Rey y Reina, y el Doctor
Rodrigo Maldonado, todos del Consejo de los dichos Senores Rey y Reina
de Castilla, de Leon, de Aragon, de Secilia, de Granada, &c., sus Procura-
dores bastantes de la una parte: y los honrados Ruy de Sousa, Senor de
Sagres y Berenguel, y D. Juan de Sousa, su hijo, Almotacen mayor del muy
alto y muy excelente Senor el Rey, D. Juan, por la gracia de Dios, Rey de
Portugal y de los Algarbes, de aquen y de alen, de la mar en Africa, y Senor
de Guinea: y Arias de Almadana, Corregidor de los fechos ceviles en su
Corte y de su Desembargo, todos del Consejo del dicho Senor Rey de Por-
tugal, y sus Embaj adores y Procuradores bastantes, segun ambas las dichas
partes lo mostraron por las cartas de poder y procuraciones de los dichos
Senores sus constituyentes, de las cuales su tenor, de verbo ad verbum, es
este que se sigue: D. Fernando y Dona Isabel por la gracia de Dios, Rey y
Reina de Castilla, de Leon, de Aragon, de Sicilia, de Granada, de Toledo, de
Valencia, de Galicia, de Mallorca, de Sevilla, de Cerdena, de C6rdoba, de
Cdrcega, de Murcia, de Jaen, de los Algarbes, de Algeciras, de Gibraltar, de
las Islas de Canaria; Conde y Condesa de Barcelona, y Senores de Vizcaya
y de Molina; Duques de Atenas y de Neopatria; Condes de Rosellon y de
Cerdania; Marqueses de Oristan y de Gociano, &c. Por cuanto el Seren-
isimo Rey de Portugal, nuestro muy caro y muy amado Hermano, envi6 d
Nos por sus Embajadores y Procuradores Ruy de Sousa, cuyas son las villas
de Sagres y Berenguel, y D. Juan de Sousa, su Almotacen mayor, y Arias de
Almadana, su Corregidor de los fechos ceviles en su Corte, y de su Desem-
bargo, todos de su Consejo, para platicar y tomar asiento y concordia con
Nos y con nuestros Embajadores y personas en nuestro nombre, sobre la
diferencia que entre Nos y el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal, nuestro Her-
mano, es sobre lo que d Nos y d ^1 pertenece de lo que hasta agora estd por
descubrir en el mar Oc^ano: Por tanto, confiando de vos D. Henrique
Henriquez, nuestro Mayordomo mayor, y Don Gutierre de Cardenas, Co-
mendador mayor de Leon, nuestro Contador mayor, y el Doctor Rodrigo
Maldonado, todos de nuestro Consejo, que sois tales personas que guardareis
nuestro servicio, y que bien y fielmente hareis lo que por Nos vos fuere
mandado y encomendado; por esta presente Carta vos damos todo nuestro
poder cumplido en aquella manera ^ forma que podemos y en tal caso se
requiere, especialmente para que por Nos y en nuestro nombre y de nuestro
herederos, siibditos y naturales de ellos, podais tratar, concordar y asentar,
y hacer trato y concordia con los Embajadores del Serenfsimo Rey de Por-
tugal, nuestro hermano, en su nombre, cualquier concierto 4 limitacion del
mar Oc^ano, 6 concordia sobre lo que dicho es, por los vientos y grados de
Norte y Sur, y por aquellas partes, divisiones y lugares de seco y de mar y
de la tierra que d vos bien visto fuere, y asf vos damos el dicho poder para
que podais dejar al dicho Rey de Portugal y A sus Reinos y subcesores*
todas las mares, islas y tierras que fueren y estuvieren dentro de cualquier
limite y demarcacion de costas, mares, islas y tierras que fincaren y que-
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 167
daren. Y otrosf, vos damos el dicho poder para que en nuestro nombre y
de nuestro herederos y subcesores de nuestros Reinos y Senorios, subditos,
naturales de ellos, podais concordar y asentar y recibir y acabar del dicho
Rey de Portugal y de los dichos sus Embaj adores y Procuradores en su
nombre, que todos las mares, islas y tierras que fueren 6 estovieren dentro
el Ifmite y demarcacion de las costas, mares y islas y tierras que quedaren
por Nos y por nuestros subcesores, y de nuestro Senorio y conquista, sean
de nuestros Reinos y subcesores de ellos, con aquellas limitaciones y exen-
ciones, y con todas las otras cldusulas y declaraciones que d vosotros bien
visto fuere; y para que sobre todo lo que dicho es, y para cada cosa y parte
de ello, y sobre lo d ello tocante, y de ello dependiente, y d ello anex6 y
conexd en cualquier manera podades hacer y otorgar, concordar y tratar,
y rescibir y aceptar en nuestro nombre, y de los dichos nuestros herederos
y subcesores, y de todos nuestros Reinos y Senorios, subditos y naturales
de ellos, cualesquier capitulaciones, contratos y escripturas con cualesquier
vfnculos, actos, modos, condiciones y obligaciones y estipulaciones, penas,
submisiones y renunciaciones que vosotros quisieredes, y bien visto vos
fuere; y sobre ello podais hacer y otorgar, y hagais y otorgueis todas las
cosas y cada una de ellas, de cualquier naturaleza y calidad, gravedad 6
importancia que sean 6 ser puedan, aunque sean tales que por su condicion
requieran otro nuestro singular y especial mandado, y de que se debiese de
hecho y de derecho hacer singular y expresa mencion, y que Nos, siendo
presentes podriamos hacer y otorgar y rescibir. Y otrosf, vos damos poder
cimiplido para que podais jurar y jureis en nuestras animas, que Nos y
nuestros herederos y subcesores y subditos y naturales y vasallos adquiridos
y por adquirir, tememos y guardaremos y ctunpliremos, y que temdn,
guardar^n y cumplirdn realmente, y con efecto todo lo que vosotros asf
asent^redes, capituMredes y jurdredes y otorgdredes y afirmdredes, cesante
toda cautela, fraude, engano, ficion y simulacion, y asf podais en nuestro
nombre capittdar, asegurar y prometer que Nos en persona aseguraremos,
jiu"aremos, prometeremos y otorgaremos y firmaremos todo lo que vosotros
en nuestro nombre cerca de lo que dicho es, segurdredes, prometi^redes y
capituldredes dentro de cualquier t^rmino y tiempo que d vos bien par-
eciere, y aquello guardaremos y compliremos realmente y con efecto, y bajo
las condiciones y penas y obligaciones contenidas en el contrato de las
partes entre Nos y el dicho Serenfsimo Rey, nuestro Hermano, hechas y
concordadas, y bajo todas las otras cosas que vosotros prometieredes, las
cuales desde agora prometemos de pagar, si en ellas incurrieremos. Para
lo cual, todo y cada una cosa y parte de ello, vos damos el dicho poder con
libre y general administracion, y prometemos y aseguramos por nuestra
fe y palabra Real de tener y guardar y cumplir Nos y nuestros herederos y
subcesores, todo lo que por vosotros acerca de lo que dicho es en cualquiera
forma y manera fuere hecho y capitulado y jurado y prometido, y prome-
temos de lo haber por firme, rato y grato, estable y valedero, agora y en
todo tiempo y siempre jamas, y que no iremos ni vendremos contra ello, ni
contra parte alguna de ello Nos ni nuestros herederos y subcesores por Nos
1 68 Christopher Columbus
ni por interpositas personas, direte ni indirete, bajo alguna color ni causa,
en juicio, ni fuera de ^1, bajo obligacion expresa que para ello hacemos de
todos nuestros bienes patrimoniales y fiscales, y otros cualesquier de nues-
tros vasallos y subditos y naturales, muebles y raices, habidos y por haber;
por firmeza de lo cual mandamos dar esta nuestra Carta de poder, la cual
firmamos de nuestros nombres y mandamos sellar con nuestro sello. Dada
en la Villa de Tordesillas d cinco dias del mes de Junio de mil cuatrocientos
noventa y cuatro anos. YO EL REY. YO LA REINA. Yo Fernando
Alvarez de Toledo, Secretario del Key 6 de la Reina, nuestros Seiiores, la fice
escribir por su mandado.
**D. Juan por la gracia de Dios, Rey de Portugal y de los Algarbes, de
aquen y de alen, de la mar en Africa, y Senor de Guinea: A cuantos esta
Carta de poder y procuracion vieren, hacemos saber: que por cuanto por
mandado de los muy altos y muy excelentes poderosos Principes el Rey D-
Fernando y Reina Dona Isabel, Rey y Reina de Castilla, de Leon, de Ara-
gon, de Sicilia, de Granada, &c., nuestros mucho amados y preciados Her-
manos, fueron descubiertas y halladas nuevamente algunas islas, y podrdn
adelante descubrir y hallar otras islas y tierras, sobre las cuales unas y
otras, halladas y por hallar, por el derecho y razon que en ello tenemos,
podria sobrevenir entre nosotros y nuestros Reinos y Senorios, stibditos y
naturales de ellos, debates y diferencias, que nuestro Senor no consienta, y
nos place por el grand amor y amistad que entre nosotros hay, y por se
buscar, porcurar y conservar mayor paz y mas firme concordia y spsiego,
que la mar en que las dichas islas estan y fueren halladas, se parta y marque
entre nosotros en alguna buena, cierta y limitada manera: Y porque Nos al
presente no podemos en ello entender en persona, confiando de vos Ruy de
Sosa, Senor de Sagres y Berenguel y D. Juan de Sosa, nuestro Almo acen
mayor y Arias de Almadana, Corregidor de los fechos ceviles en nuestra Corte
y de nuestro Desembargo, todos del nuestro Consejo, por esta presente Carta
OS damos todo nuestro poder cumplido y autoridad y especial mandado, y vos
hacemos y constituimos d todos juntamente y d cada uno de vos in solidum,
en cualquier manera, si los otros fueren impedidos, nuestros Embajadores y
Procuradores en aquella mas ampla forma que podemos, y en tal caso se
requiere general y especialmente ; en tal manera que la generalidad no
derogue d la especialidad, ni la especialidad d la generalidad, para que por
Nos, y en nuestro nombre y de nuestros herederos y subcesores y de todos
nuestros Reinos y Senorios, subditos y naturales de ellos podais tratar,
concordar y asentar, y hacer tratos y asientos con los dichos Rey y Reina
de Castilla, nuestros Hermanos, 6 con quien para ello su poder tenga, cual-
quier concierto y asiento y limitacion, demarcacion, 6 concordia sobre el
mar Oc^ano, islas y tierra-firme que en ello hobiere, por aquellos t^rminos
de vientos y grados de Norte y Sur, y por aquellas partes, divisiones y
lugares de seco y de mar y de tierra que d vos bien pareciere. Y asf vos
damos el dicho poder para que podais dejar y dejeis i. los dichos Rey y
Reina, y i, sus Reinos y subcesores todos los mares, islas y tierras que
fueren y estu vieren dentro de cualquier Ifmite y demarcacion que d los
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 169
dichos Rey y Reina quedaren: y asf vos damos el dicho poder para que
en nuestro nombre y de nuestros subcesores y herederos y de todos nuestros
Reinos y Senorios, siibditos y naturales de ellos, podais con los dichos Rey
y Reina, 6 con sus Procuradores concordar, asentar y rescibir y acabar,
que todos los mares, islas y tierras que fueren y estuvieren dentro de los
limites y demarcacion de costas, mares, islas y tierras que por Nos y por
nuestros subcesores quedaren, sean nuestros y de nuestro Senorio y con-
quista, y asi de nuestros Reinos y subcesores de ellos, con aquellas limita-
ciones y ecepciones de nuestras islas, y con todas las otras cldusulas y dec-
laraciones que vos bien parescieren. El cual dicho poder damos ^ vos los
dichos Ruy de Sousa y D. Juan de Sousa y el Licenciado Almadana, para
que sobre todo lo que dicho es, y sobre cada una cosa y parte de ello, y
sobre lo d ello tocante y de ello dependiente, y d ello anex6 y conex6 en
cualquier manera, podais hacer, otorgar, concordar, tratar y destratar,
rescibir y aceptar en nuestro nombre, y de los dichos nuestros herederos y
subcesores, y de todos nuestros Reinos y Senorios, subditos y naturales de
ellos, cualesquier capitulos y contratos y escripturas, con cualesquier vfn-
culos, pactos, modos, condiciones y renunciaciones que vos quisieredes, y
a vos bien visto fuere, y sobre ello podais hacer y otorgar, y hagais y otor-
gueis todas las cosas, y cada una de ellas, de cualquier naturaleza y calidad,
gravedad y importancia que sean 6 ser puedan, puesto que sean tales
que por su condicion requieran otro nuestro singular y especial mandado, y
que se debiese de hecho y de derecho hacer singular y expresa mincion 6 que
Nos, siendo presentes, podriamos hacer y otorgar y rescibir. Y otrosf, vos
damos poder ctunplido para que podais jurar y jureis en nuestra alma, que
Nos y nuestros herederos y subcesores y subditos y naturales y vasallos,
adquiridos y por adquirir, tendremos, guardaremos y cumpliremos, ten-
dran y guardardn y cumplirdn realmente y con efecto todo lo que vos ansl
asentaredes y capituUredes y jurdredes y otorgdredes y afirmdredes, cesante
toda cautela, fraude y engano y fingimiento, y asi podais en nuestro nombre
capitular, asegurar y prometer, que Nos en persona aseguraremos, jurare-
mos, prometeremos y firmaremos todo lo que, vos en el sobre dicho nombre,
acerca de lo que dicho es, asegardredes, prometi^redes y capituldredes
dentro de aquel t^rmino y tiempo que vos bien pareciere, y que lo guardare-
mos y cumpliremos realmente y con efecto, bajo las condiciones, penas y
obligaciones contenidas en el contrato de las paces entre Nos hechas y con-
cordadas, y bajo todas las otras que vos prometieredes y asentaredes en el
sobredicho nuestro nombre, las cuales desde agora prometemos de pagar y
pagaremos realmente y con efeto, si en ellas incurrieremos. Para lo cual
todo y cada cosa y parte de ello vos damos el dicho poder con libre y general
administracion, y prometemos y aseguramos por nuestra fe Real, de tener
y guardar y cumplir, y asf nuestros herederos y subcesores, todo lo que por
vos acerca de lo que dicho es en cualquier forma y manera, fuere hecho,
capitulado y jurado y prometido; y prometemos de lo haber por firme,
rato y grato, estable y valedero, desde agora para en todo tiempo, y que
no iremos ni vendremos, ni irdn ni vendrdn contra ello ni contra parte
I70 Christopher Columbus
alguna de ello en tiempo alguno, ni por alguna manera por Nos, ni por sf,
ni por interpositas personas, direte ni indirete bajo alguna color 6 causa en
juicio ni fuera de 6\, sobre obligacion expresa que para ello hacemos de los
dichos nuestros Reinos y Senorios, y de todos los otros nuestros bienes pat-
rimoniales y fiscales y otros cualesquier de nuestros vasallos y siibditos y
naturales, muebles y raices, habidos y por haber. En testimonio y fe de lo
cual vos mandamos dar esta nuestra Carta firmada para vos y sellada con
nuestro sello. Dada en nuestra Ciudad de Lisboa d ocho dias de Marzo. Ruy
de Pina lo fizo, Ano del Nacimiento de nuestro Senor Jesucristo de mil
cuatrocientos noventa y cuatro anos. El Rey.
*' Y luego los dichos Procuradores de los dichos Seflores Rey y Reina de
Castilla, de Leon, de Aragon, de Secilia, de Granada, &c. ; y del dicho Senor
Rey de Portugal y de los Algarbes, &c., dijeron: Que por cuanto entre los
dichos Senores sus constituyentes hay cierta diferencia sobre lo que d cada
una de las dichas partes pertenesce de lo que hasta hoy dia de la fecha de esta
capitulacion estd por descobrir en el marOc^ano: por tanto, que ellos por
bien de paz y concordia, y por conservacion del debdo 6 amor que el dicho
Senor Rey de Portugal tiene con los dichos Senores Rey y Reyna de Castilla,
de Aragon, &c. : d sus Altezas place, y los dichos sus Prociu-adores en su nom-
bre, y por virtud de los dichos sus poderes, otorgaron y consintieron que se
haga y asigne por el dicho mar Oc^ano una raya 6 Hnea derecha de Polo d
Polo, del Polo Artico, al Polo Ant^rtico, que es de Norte d Sur, la cual raya 6
Ifnea 6 senal se haya de dar y d^ derecha, como dicho es, d trescientas setenta
leguas de las islas de Cabo Verde para la parte de Poniente por grados 6 por
otra manera, como mejor y mas presto se pueda dar, de manera que no serd
mas. Y que todo lo que hasta aquf tenga hallado y descubierto, y de aquf
adelante se hallare y descubriere por el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal y por
sus navfos, asf islas como tierra-firme desde la dicha raya arriba, dada en la
forma suso dicha, yendo por la dicha parte de Levante dentro de la dicha
raya d la parte de Levante 6 de Norte 6 de Sur de ella, tanto que no sea
atravesando la dicha raya, que esto, sea y quede y pertenezca al dicho
Senor Rey de Portugal y d sus subcesores para siempre jamas. Y que
todo lo otro, as{ islas como tierra-firme, halladas y por hallar, descubiertas
y por descubrir, que son 6 fueren halladas por los dichos Senores Rey y
Reina de Castilla y de Aragon, &c., y por sus navfos, desde la dicha raya
dada en la forma suso dicha, yendo por la dicha parte de Poniente despues
de pasada la dicha raya para el Poniente 6 al Norte Sur de ella, que todo
sea y quede y pertenezca d los dichos Senores Rey 6 Reina de Castilla y de
Leon, &c., y d sus subcesores para siempre jamas.
"Item: los dichos Procuradores prometan y aseguran, en virtud de los
dichos poderes, que de hoy en adelante no enviardn navfos algunos los
dichos Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Leon, &c., por esta parte de
la raya d la parte de Levante aquen de la dicha raya que queda para el
dicho Senor Rey de Portugal, d la otra parte de la dicha raya que queda
para los dichos Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Aragon, &c., d des-
cubrir y buscar tierra ni islas algunas, ni d contratar, ni rescatar, ni d con-
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 171
qtiistar en manera alguna; pero que si aconteciese que yendo asi aquende
la dicha raya los dichos navfos de los dichos Seiiores Rey y Reina de Cas-
tilla, de Leon, de Aragon, &c., hallasen cualesquier islas 6 tierras en lo que
asf queda para el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal, y para sus herederos para
siempre jamas, que sus Altezas lo hay an de mandar luego dar y entregar.
Y si los navfos del dicho Senor Rey de Portugal hallaren cualesquier islas y
tierras en la parte de los dichos Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla, de Leon,
de Aragon, &c., que todo lo tal sea y quede para los dichos Senores Rey y
Reina de Castilla, de Leon, 6 de Aragon &c. y para sus herederos para
siempre jamas, y que el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal lo haya luego de man-
dar dar 6 entregar.
'* Item: para que la dicha linea 6 raya de la dicha particion se haya de
dar y d^ derecha 6 lo mas cierta que ser pudiere por las dichas trescientas
setenta leguas de las dichas islas de Cabo Verde d la parte de Poniente,
como dicho es, es concordado 6 asentado con los dichos Procuradores de
^mbas las dichas partes, que dentro de diez meses primeros siguientes, con-
tados desde el dia de la fecha de esta capitulacion, los dichos Senores con-
stituyentes hay an de enviar dos 6 cuatro carabelas, una 6 dos de cada parte,
6 mas 6 menos segund se acordare por las dichas partes que sean necesarias,
las cuales para el dicho tiempo sean juntas en la isla de Gran Canaria, y
envien en ella cada una de las dichas partes personas asf Pilotos como
Astr61ogos y Marineros, y cualesquier otras personas que convengan: pero
que sean tantos de una parte como de otra, y que algunas personas de los
dichos Pilotos y Astr61ogos y Marineros, y personas que sepan de los que
enviaren los dichos Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Aragon, &c, que
vayan en los navfos que enviare el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal 6 de los
Algarbes, &c.; y asimismo algunas de las dichas personas que enviare el
dicho Serenfsimo Rey de Portugal, vayan en el navfo 6 navfos que enviaren
los dichos Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla, y de Aragon, tantos de una parte
como de otra, para que juntamente puedan mejor ver y reconocer la mar y los
nmibos y vientos y grados de Sur y Norte, y asignar las leguas sobredichas;
tanto que para hacer el senalamiento y limite concurran todos juntos los
que fueren en los dichos navfos que enviaren ambas las dichas partes, y
Uevaren sus poderes, los cuales dichos navfos todos juntamente continuen
su camino i las dichas islas de Cabo Verde, y de ahf tomardn su rota derecha
al Poniente hasta las dichas trescientas setenta leaguas, medidas como las
dichas personas acordaren que se deben medir, sin perjuicio de las dichas
partes, y allf donde se acabare se haga el punto y senal que convenga por
grados de Sur 6 de Norte, 6 per singladuras de leguas, 6 como mejor se
pudiere concordar: la cual dicha raya asignen desde el dicho Polo Artico al
dicho Polo Antartico que es de Norte d Sur, como dicho es : y aquello que
asf asignaren lo escriban y firmen de sus nombres las dichas personas que
ansf fueren enviadas por ambas las dichas partes, los cuales han de Uevar
factdtad y poder de las dichas partes cada una de la suya para haver la
dicha serial y limitacion, y hecha por ellos, siendo todos conformes, que sea
habida por senal 6 limitacion perpetuamente para siempre jamas, para que
172 Christopher Columbus
las dichas partes, ni alguna de ellas, ni sus subcesores para siempre jamas
no la puedan contradecir, ni tirar ni remover en tiempo alguno ni por alguna
manera que sea 6 ser pueda. Y si caso fuere que la dicha raya y Ifmite de
Polo d Polo, como dicho es, topare alguna isla 6 tierra-firme, que al comienzo
de tal isla 6 tierra, que asf fuere hallada, donde tocare la dicha raya, se haga
alguna senal 6 torre, y que en derecho de la tal senal 6 torre, se continue de
allf adelante otras senales por la tal isla 6 tierra en derecho de la dicha raya,
los cuales partan lo que d cada una de las dichas partes pertenesciere de
ella, y que los siibditos de las dichas partes no sean osados los unos de pasar
d la parte de los otros, ni los otros d la de los otros, pasando la dicha serial y
Ifmite en la tal isla y tierra.
** Item: Por cuanto para ir los navios de los dichos Sefiores Rey y Reina
de Castilla, de Leon, de Aragon, &c. desde sus Reinos 6 Senorios d la dicha
su parte, allende la dicha raya, en la manera que dicho es, es forzado que
hayan de pasar por las mares de esta parte de la raya que quedan para el
dicho Sefior Rey de Portugal; por ende es concertado y asentado que los
dichos navfos de los dichos Sefiores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Leon y de
Aragon, &c, puedan ir y venir y vayan y vengan libre, segura y pacifica-
mente, sin contradicion alguna por los dichos mares que quedan por el
dicho Senor Rey de Portugal, dentro de la dicha raya en todo tiempo, y
cada y cuando sus Altezas y sus subcesores quisieren y por bien tuvieren,
los cuales vayan por sus caminos derechos y rotas desde sus Reinos para
cualquier parte que est6 dentro de su raya y Hmite donde quisieren enviar
d descubrir y conquistar y contratar, y que lleven sus caminos derechos por
donde ellos acordaren de ir, por cualquier cosa de la dicha su parte, 6 no
puedan apartarse, salvo que el tiempo contrario les hiciere apartar, tanto
que no tomen ni ocupen antes de pasar la dicha raya cosa alguna de lo que
fuere hallado por el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal en la dicha su parte, y si
alguna cosa hallaren los dichos sus navfos antes de pasar la dicha raya,
como dicho es, que aquello sea para el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal, y sus
Altezas le hayan luego de mandar y entregar. E que porque podr^ ser que
los navfos y gentes de los dichos Sefiores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Leon,
&c., 6 por su parte, habr^n hallado hasta veinte dias de este mes de Junio
en que estamos de la fecha de esta capitulacion, algunas islas y tierra-
firme dentro de la dicha raya que se ha de hacer de Polo d Polo por Ifnea
derecha en fin de las dichas trescientas setenta leguas contadas desde las
dichas islas de Cabo Verde al Poniente, como dicho es, es concordado y
asentado por tirar toda duda, que todas las islas y tierra-firme que serdn
halladas y descubiertas en cualquier manera hasta los dichos veinte dias de
este dicho mes de Junio, aunque sean halladas por navfos 6 gentes de los
dichos Rey y Reina de Castilla y Aragon, &c., con tanto que sean dentro
de las doscientas cincuenta leguas primeras de las dichas trescientas setenta
leguas contadas desde las dichas islas de Cabo Verde al Poniente para dicha
raya en cualquier parte de ellas para los dichos Polos, que ser^n halladas
dentro de las dichas doscientas cincuenta leguas, haci^ndose una raya 6
Ifnea derecha de Polo d Polo donde se acabaren las dichas doscientas cin-
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 173
cuenta leguas, sea y quede para el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal y de los
Algarbes &c.-, y para sus subcesores y Reinos para siempre jamas, y que
todas las islas y tierra-firme que hasta en los dichos veinte dias de este mes
de Junio en que estamos fueren halladas y descubiertas por los navfos de
los dichos Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Aragon &c., sean para ellos
y para sus subcesores y sus Reinos para siempre jamas, como es y ha de ser
suyo lo que hallaren asf allende de la dicha raya de las dichas trescientas
setenta leguas que quedan para sus Altezas, como dicho es, aunque las
dichas ciento veinte leguas sean dentro de la dicha raya de las dichas tres-
cientas setenta leguas que quedan para el dicho Seizor Rey de Portugal y
de los Algarbes, &c., como dicho es. Y si hasta los dichos veinte dias de
este dicho mes de Junio no fuere halladas por los dichos navios de sus
Altezas cosa algtma dentro de las dichas ciento y veinte leguas, y de alli
adelante hallaren, que sea para el dicho Senor Rey de Portugal, como en el
capftulo suso escrito es contenido. Lo cual todo que dicho es, y cada una
cosa y parte de ello, los dichos D. Henrique Henri quez, Mayordomo mayor, y
D. Gutierre de Cdrdenas, Comendador mayor, y el Doctor Rodrigo Mal-
donado, Proctiradores de los dichos Seilores Rey y Reina de Castilla, de Leon,
de Aragon, de Sicilia, de Granada, &c., por virtud de dicho su poder que
arriba va incorporado; y los dichos Ruy de Sousa y D. Juan de Sousa, su
hijo, y Arias de Almadena, Procuradores y Embajadores de dicho muy
alto y muy excelente Principe el Senor Rey de Portugal y de los Algarbes,
daquen y dalen mar en Africa y Senor de Guinea : y por virtud del dicho su
poder que arriba va incorporado, prometieron y seguraron en nombre de los
dichos sus constituyentes, que ellos y sus subcesores y Reinos y Senorios
para siempre jamas, tendrdn y guardar^n y cumplir^n realmente y con
efeto, cesante todo fraude, cautela y engano, ficion 6 simtdacion, todo lo
contenido es esta capitulacion, y cada una cosa y parte de ello serd guardado
y cumplido y ejecutado como se ha de guardar y ciunplir y ejecutar todo lo
contenido en la capitulacion de las paces hechas y asentadas entre los dichos
Senores Rey y Reina de Castilla y de Aragon &c., y el Seflor D. Alfonso.
Rey de Portugal, que santa gloria haya, y el dicho Senor Rey que agora es
de Portugal su Hijo, siendo Prfncipe el afio pasado de mil cuatrocientos
setenta y nueve anos, y bajo aquellas mismas penas, vfnculos, firmezas y
obligaciones, segun y en la manera que en la dicha capitulacion de las dichas
paces se contiene: Y obliganse que las dichas partes, ni alguna de ellas, ni
sus subcesores para siempre jamas, no irdn ni vendr^n contra lo que de
suso es dicho y especificado, ni contra cosa alguna, ni parte de ello, directe
ni indirecte, ni por otra manera alguna en tiempo alguno, ni por alguna
manera pensada 6 no pensada que sea 6 ser pueda, bajo las penas conteni-
das en la dicha capitulacion de dichas paces, y la pena pagada 6 no pagada
6 graciosamente remitida: que esta obligacion, capitulacion y asiento, sea
y quede firme, estable y valadera para siempre jamas; para lo cual todo
asf tener y guardar y ciunplir y pagar los dichos Procuradores en nombre
de los dichos sus'constituyentes, obligaron los bienes cada uno de su parte,
muebles y raices, patrimoniales y fiscales y de sus subditos y vasallos,
174 Christopher Columbus
habidos y por haber, y renunciaron cualesqtiier le>es y derechos de que se
puedan aprovechar las dichas partes y cada una de ellas para ir 6 venir
contra lo suso dicho 6 contra alguna parte de ello. Y para mayor seguridad
y firmeza de lo suso dicho juraron d Dios y d Santa Marfa, y ^ la sefial dela
Cruz 4«, en que pusieron sus manos derechas, y las palabras de los Santos
Evangelios donde quiera que mas largo son escriptas en las almas de los
dichos sus constituyentes, que ellos y cada uno de ellos tendrdn y guar-
dar^n y cumplirdn todo lo suso dicho, y cada una cosa y parte de ello
realmente y con efecto, cesante todo fraude, cautela, engano, ficion y simu-
lacion, y no lo contradirdn en tiempo alguno ni por alguna manera, bajo el
cual dicho juramento juraron de no pedir absolucion ni relajacion de ello d
nuestro muy Santo Padre, ni d otro ningun Legado ni Prelado que la pueda
dar, y axmque de propio motu la den, no usardn de ella; antes por esta
presente capitulacion suplican en el dicho nombre d nuestro muy Santo
Padre que su Santidad quiera confirmar y aprobar esta dicha capitulacion,
segun en ella se contiene, y mander expedir sobre ello sus Btdas d las partes
6 cualquier de ellas que las pidiere, 6 incorporar en ellas el tenor de esta
capitulacion ; poniendo sus censuras d los que contra ella f ueren 6 pasaren
en cualquier tiempo que sea 6 ser pueda. Y asimismo los dichos Procura-
dores en el dicho nombre se obligaron bajo la dicha pena y juramento que
dentro de cien dias primeros siguientes, contados desde el dia de la fecha de
esta capitulacion, dar^n la una parte d la otra, y la otra d la otra, la apro-
bacion y ratificacion de esta dicha capitulacion escriptas en perg^mino, y
firmadas de los nombres de los dichos Sefiores sus constituyentes, y sella-
das con sus sellos de cuno pendientes; y en la escriptura que hubieren de
dar los dichos Sefiores Rey y Reina de Castilla y Aragon, &c, hay a de
firmar, consentir y autorizar el muy esclarecido 6 Ilustrisimo Senor Principe
D. Juan su hijo: de lo cual todo que dicho es, otorgaron dos escripturas de
un tenor, tal una como la otra, las cuales firmaron de sus nombres, y las
otorgaron ante los Secretarios y testigos abajo escriptos para cada una de
las partes la suya, y cualquier que pareciere valga como si ambas dos
pareciesen, que fueron hechas y otorgadas en la dicha Villa de Tordesillas
el dia, mes y ano suso dicho. Don Henrique, Comendador mayor. Ruy
de Sousa. D. Juan de Sousa. El Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado. Licen-
ciado Arias. Testigos que fueron presentes, que vieron aquf firmar sus
nombres d los dichos Procuradores y Embajadores, y otorgar lo suso dicho
y hacer el dicho juramento, el Comendador Pero de Leon, el Comendador
Fernando de Torres, vecinos de la Villa de Valladolid, y el Comendador
Fernando de Gamarra, Comendador de Zagra 6 Cenete, Continos de la casa
de los dichos Sefiores Rey y Reina, nuestros Sefiores, y Juan Suarez de
Sequeira y Ruy Leme y Duarte Pacheco, Continos de la casa del dicho
Sefior Rey de Portugal para ello Uamados. E yo Fernand Alvarez de
Toledo, Secretario del Rey y de la Reina nuestros Sefiores y de su Consejo,
y su Escribano de C^mara y Notario publico en su Corte y en todos sus
Reinos y Sefiorios, fuf presente d todo lo que dicho es en uno con los dichos
testigos, y con Esteban Baez, Secretario del dicho Sefior Rey de Portugal,
que por autoridad que los dichos Rey y Reina nuestros Sefiores, le dieron
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 175
para dar fe de este auto en sus Reinos, fu^ asimesmo presente d lo que
dicho es, y de ruego y otorgamiento de todos los dichos Procuradores y
Embajadores que en mi presencia y suya aqtif firmaron sus nombres, este
publico instrumento hice escribir, el cual va escripto en estas seis hojas de
papel de pliego entero, escriptas de ambas partes con esta en que van los
nombres de los sobredichos, y mi signo, y en fin de cada plana va senalado
de la serial de mi nombre y de la del dicho Esteban Baez, y en fe de ello hice
aquf esta mi senal que es tal. En testimonio de verdad. Femand Alvarez.
E yo el dicho Esteban Baez que por autoridad que los dichos Senores Rey y
Reina de Castilla, de Leon &c., me dieron para hacer publico en todos sus
Reinos y Senorios juntamente con el dicho Femand Alvarez, d ruego y
requerimiento de los dichos Embajadores y Procuradores, d todo presente
fuf, y por fe y certeza de ello aquf de mi ptiblica serial asignd, que es tal.
*'La cual dicha escriptura de asientos y capitulacion y concordia arriba
incorporada, vista y entendida por Nos la aprobamos, alabamos, confirma-
mos, otorgamos y ratificamos, y prometemos de tener, guardar y cumplir
todo lo suso dicho en ella contenido, y cada una cosa y parte de ello, real-
mente y con efecto, cesante todo fraude, cautela, ficcion y simulacion, y de
no ir ni venir contra ello, ni contra parte de ello en tiempo alguno ni por
alguna manera que sea 6 ser pueda ; y para mayor firmeza juramos d Dios
y d Santa Marfa, y d las palabras de los Santos Evangelios, donde quiera
que mas largamente son escriptas, y d la serial de la "J* en que corporal-
mente ponemos nuestra mano derecha en presencia de Feman Duque de
Estrada, Maestre Sala del muy Ilustre Principe D. Juan, nuestro muy
amado y preciado Sobrino, que los dichos Rey y Reina de Castilla, de Leon,
de Aragon, &c., nuestros hermanos d Nos para ello enviaron, de lo asf tener,
guardar y cumplir, y cada una cosa y parte de lo que d Nos incumbe real-
mente y con efecto, como dicho es por Nos, y por nuestros herederos y sub-
cesores, y por los dichos nuestros Reinos y Sefiorios, stibditos y naturales de
ellos, bajo las penas, obligaciones, vfnculos y renunciaciones en el dicho
contrato de capitulacion y concordia arriba escripto contenidos. Por
firmeza y corroboracion del cual, asignamos esta nuestra Carta de nuestra
seflal, y mandamos sellar de nuestro sello de cuno, pendiente en hilos de
seda de colores. Dada en la Villa de Setubal d cinco dias del mes de Setiem-
bre. Joan Ruiz la hizo ario del Nacimiento de nuestro Sefior Jesucristo de
mil cuatrocientos noventa y cuatro. EL REY. Capittdacion de la particion
del mar Oc^ano.** [Navarette, vol. 2, p. 130.]
Translation
**Don Juan, by the Grace of God, King of Portugal, of Algarve, this
side and beyond the sea in Africa, Lord of Guinea.
**To whomever shall see this letter, we make known, that by Ruy de
Sousa, Lord of the towns of Sagres and Berenguel, and Don Juan de Sousa,
his son, our High Steward, and the Licentiate Arias de Almadana, Correc-
tor of the Civil Acts in our Court and of our Desembargo, all of our Council,
whom we sent with our Embassy and with authority to the very exalted
and very excellent and powerful Don Ferdinand and Dofia Isabella, by the
176 Christopher Columbus
grace of God, King and Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Sicily, of Granada,
etc., our much loved and precious brothers, in regard to the difference as to
what part belongs to us and what part to them, of that which up to the 7th
of the month of June, the date of this capitulation, was to be discovered
in the Ocean-sea, — it was treated and capitulated for Us and in our name
by virtue of our authority, with the said King and Queen of Castile, our
brothers, and with Don Henrique Henriquez, their Chief Majordomo and
Don Gutierre de Cdrdenas, Commander-in-Chief of Leon, and their Chief
Auditor, and with the Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, all of their Council, and
in their names and by virtue of their authority ; in which said capitulation
the said our Ambassadors and Representatives, among the other things
promised that within a certain time contained therein, we wotdd execute,
confirm, swear to, ratify and approve the said capitulation in person: and
we, wishing to fulfil and thus fulfilling all which in our name was so ad-
justed and capitulated and executed in regard to the aforesaid, order to be
brought before Us the said draft of the said capitulation and treaty, to see
and examine it; the tenor of which de verbo ad verbum, is the following:
**In the name of the All-Powerful God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit,
three persons really distinct and separate and one Divine essence only
Manifest and made known be it, to all who shall see this public instnunent,
that in the city of Tordesillas, on the 7th day of the month of June, in the
year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ 1494, in the presence of us, the
Secretaries, Clerks and Notaries Public subscribed hereafter, being present
the Honourable Don Henrique Henriquez, Chief Majordomo of the very
exalted and very powerful Princes, the Lords, Don Ferdinand and Dofia
Isabella by the Grace of God, King and Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Ara-
gon, of Sicily, of Granada, etc., and Don Gutierre de Cdrdenas, Commander-
in-Chief of the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile, and the doctor
Rodrigo Maldonado, all of the Council of the said Lords, the King and
Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, of Sicily, of Granada, etc., their quali-
fied representatives of the one part: and the honourable Ruy de Sousa,
Lord of Sagres and Berenguel, and Don Juan de Sousa, his son. Chief
Steward of the very exalted and very excellent Lord, the King Don Juan, by
the Grace of God, King of Portugal and Algarve, this side and beyond the
sea in Africa, and Lord of Guinea: and Arias de Almadana, Corrector of
the Civil Acts in his Court and of his Desembargo, all of the Council of the
said Lord, the King of Portugal, and his qualified Ambassadors and Repre-
sentatives, according as both the said parties showed it by the letters of
authority and procuration of the said Lords, their constituents, the tenor
of which letters de verbo ad verbum, is the following:
**Don Ferdinand and Dona Isabella, by the Grace of God, King and
Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, of Sicily, of Granada, of Toledo, of
Valencia, of Galicia, of Mallorca, of Seville, of Cerdena, of Cordova, of
C6rcega, of Murcia, of Jaen, of Algarve, of Algeciras, of Gibraltar, of the
Islands of the Canaries: Count and Countess of Barcelona and Lords
of Vizcaya and of Molina: Dukes of Atenas and of Neopatria: Counts
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 177
of Rosellon and Cerdania: Marquises of Oristan and of Gociano, etc. : Inas-
much as the Most Serene King of Portugal, our very dear and much loved
brother, sent to us by his Ambassadors and Representatives, Ruy de
Sousa, to whom belong the tpwns of Sagres and Berenguel, and Don Juan
de Sousa, his Chief Steward, and Arias de Almadana, his Corrector of the
Civil Acts in his Court and of his Desembargo, all of his Council, to discuss
and make a treaty and agreement with us and with our Ambassadors and
persons in our name, in regard to the difference which exists between us
and the said Lord, the King of Portugal, our brother, as to what part
belongs to us and what part belongs to him of that which up to the present
is to be discovered in the Ocean-sea: Therefore, confiding in you, Don
Henrique Henriquez, our Chief Majordomo, and Don Gutierre de Cardenas,
Commander-in-Chief of Leon, our Chief Auditor, and the Doctor Rodrigo
Maldonado, all of our Council, that you are persons who will be observant
of our service, and that you will well and faithfully do that which you were
sent for, and charged by us to do: by this present letter we give you our
authority, made out in manner and form as we are able and as is required
in such case, especially in order that, for us and in our names and the
names of our heirs, subjects and the natives of our realms, you can treat,
agree and adjust, — and make treaty and agreement with the Ambassadors
of the Most Serene King of Portugal, our brother, in his name, — any arrange-
ment and limitation of the Ocean-sea, or agreement in regard to that which
is said, by the winds and degrees from North and South, and by those
parts, divisions and places on dry land and on sea, and of the earth, which
\o you shall seem well, and thus we give you the said authority in order
that you can leave to the said King of Portugal and to his Realms and
successors, all the seas, islands and lands which shall be and might be
within any boundary and demarcation of coasts, seas, islands and lands,
which shall be fixed and established. And moreover, we give you the
said authority in order that in our name and the names of our heirs, and
the successors in our realms and dominions, subjects and natives thereof,
you can agree and adjust and receive and determine with the said King of
Portugal, and with the said his Ambassadors and Representatives in his
name, that all the seas, islands and lands that shall be or might be within
the boundary and demarcation of the coasts, seas, islands and lands which
shall rem,ain for us and for our successors and for our dominion and
conquest, shall belong to our Realms and our successors therein, with those
limitations and exemptions, and with all the other clauses and declarations
which you shall approve: and in order that, in regard to what is said, and
in regard to each thing and part of it, and in regard to what relates to it
and depends upon it, and is united to and connected with it in any manner,
you can act and execute, agree and treat, and receive and accept, — in our
name and the names of the said our heirs and successors, and of all our
Realms and Dominions, subjects and natives thereof, — any capitulations,
contracts and writings, with any charges, acts, forms, conditions and obli-
gations and stipulations, penalties, submissions and renunciations which
▼OL. n.— xa.
178 Christopher Columbus
you desire, and which you approve: and in regard to it, you can act and
execute, and do act and execute all the things and each one of them, of
whatever nature and quality, gravity and importance they may be or can
be, although they may be such as by their condition require another, — our
singular and especial command, and of which there should be made, actu-
ally and rightfully, singular and express mention, and which. We, being
present, would make and execute and receive. And moreover, we give you
full power in order that you may swear and do swear in our place, that we
and our heirs and successors and subjects and natives and vassals, acquired
and to be acquired, will hold and observe and fulfil, and that there shall
be held, observed and fulfilled, actually and in effect, all that you shall
thus adjust, capitulate and swear and execute and affirm, renouncing all
precaution, fraud, deception, fiction and simulation: and thus you can in
our name capitulate, assure and promise that we in person will assure,
swear, promise and execute and confirm all that which you in our name in
regard to what is said, do secure, promise and capitulate, within any term
and time which shall appear well to you: and that we will observe and fulfil
it, actually and in effect, and under the conditions and penalties and obli-
gations contained in the contract of the parties, between us and the said
Most Serene King, our brother, made and agreed, and under all the other
things which you shall promise, which from the present time we promise
to pay, if we shall incur the said penalties. For which, all and each one
thing and part of it, we give you the said authority with free and general
administration, and we promise and assure by our faith and Royal word,
that we will hold and observe and fulfil, we and our heirs and successors,
all that which by you, in regard to what is said, shall be in any form and
manner made and capitulated and sworn and promised, and we promise to
hold it as established, firm and acceptable, stable and valid, now and in all
time and ever after, and that we will not oppose or dispute it, or any part
of it, we, nor our heirs and successors, in person or by persons interposed,
directly or indirectly, under any pretence or for any cause, in justice or
out of justice, under the express obligations which we make for it, of all
our property, patrimonial and fiscal, and any other property belonging to
our vassals, and subjects and natives, movable property and landed prop-
erty, possessed and to be possessed: for confirmation of which we order
given, this, our letter of authority, which we sign with our names and order
sealed with our seal. Given in the city of Tordesillas, the sth day of the
month of June, 1494. I, THE KING. I, THE QUEEN. I, Fernando Al-
varez, of Toledo, Secretary of the King and of the Queen, our Lords, caused
it to be written by their command."
** Don Juan, by the Grace of God, King of Portugal and of Algarve, this
side and beyond the sea in Africa, and Lord of Guinea:
** To whomever shall see this letter of authority and procuration, we make
known: That, inasmuch as by order of the very exalted and very excellent
powerful Princes, the King Don Ferdinand and the Queen, Dona Isabella,
King and Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, of Sicily, of Granada, etc.,
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 179
our much loved and precious brothers, some islands were discovered and
newly found, and other islands and lands may be hereafter discovered and
found, in regard to both of which, found and to be found, by the right
and consideration which we have therein, there might occur between us and
our Realms and Dominions, subjects and natives thereof, debates and differ-
ences, which may our Lord forbid, and it pleases us by the great love and
friendship which there is between us, and for the seeking, procuring and
preserving of greater peace and firmer concord and tranquillity, that the
sea in which the said islands are and shall be found, be divided and marked
between us in some good, sure and restricted manner. And as we, at
present, cannot participate in the matter personally, confiding in you, Ruy
de Sousa, Lord of Sagres and Berenguel, and Don Juan de Sousa, our Chief
Steward, and Arias de Almadana, Corrector of the Civil Acts in our Court
and of our Desembargo, all of our Council, by this present letter we give
you all our full power and authority and special command, and we make
and constitute you all, jointly and each one of you in solidum, in any man-
ner, if the others shall be prevented, our Ambassadors and Representatives
in the most ample form possible, and which in such case shall be generally
and specially required: and in such manner that the generality may not
derogate from the specialty, nor the specialty from the generality, in order
that for us and in our name and the names of our heirs and successors, and
of all otir Realms and Dominions, subjects and natives thereof, you can
treat, agree and adjust, — and make treaties and agreements, with the said
King and Queen of Castile, our brothers, or with whomever holds their au-
thority for that purpose, — any agreement and adjustment and limitation,
demarcation and compact, in regard to the Ocean-sea, the islands and
mainland which shall be therein, by those boundaries of winds and degrees
from north and south and by those parts, divisions and places on dry land
and sea and of the earth, which shall appear well to you. And thus we
give you the said authority in order that you can leave and do leave to the
said King and Queen and to their Realms and successors, all the seas,
islands, and lands which shall be and might be within any boundary and
demarcation which shall remain to the said King and Queen: and in the
same manner we give you the said authority in order that in our name and
the names of our successors and the heirs of all our Realms and Dominions,
the subjects and natives thereof, you can, with the said King and Queen,
or with their Representatives, accord, agree and receive and determine,
that all the seas, islands and lands which shall be and might be within the
limits and demarcation of coasts, seas, islands and lands, which shall re-
main for us and for our successors, shall be ours and for our dominion and
conquest, and thus for our Realms and successors in them, with those
limitations and exceptions of our islands, and with all the other clauses and
declarations which shall appear well to you. Which said authority we give
to you, the said Ruy de Sousa and Don Juan de Sousa and the Licentiate
Almadana, in order that in regard to all that is said and in regard to each
one thing and part of it, and in regard to what relates to it and depends
i8o Christopher Columbus
upon it and is united to and connected with it, in any manner, you can act,
execute, agree, treat and undo, receive and accept, in our name, and the
names of the said our heirs and successors and of all our Realms and Do-
minions, the subjects and vassals thereof, any capitulations and contracts
and writings with any charges, compacts, forms, conditions and renuncia-
tions which you wish and which you approve, and in regard to it you can
act and execute, and do act and execute all the things and each one of them
of whatever nature and quality, gravity and importance they may be or
can be, although they may be such as by their condition would require
another, — our singular and especial command, — and of which there should
be made, actually and rightfully, singular and express mention, and which
we, being present, would be able to do and execute and receive. And
likewise, we give you full power, in order that you can swear and do swear
in our place, that we and our heirs and successors and subjects and natives
and vassals acquired and to be acquired, will hold, observe and fulfil, and
there will be held, observed and fulfilled, actually and in effect, all which
you here arrange and capitulate and swear and execute and affirm, renounc-
ing all precaution, fraud and deception and pretence, and thus you can in
our name capitulate, assure and promise, that we in person will assure,
swear, promise and confirm all which you in the aforesaid name, in regard
to what is said, do assure, promise and capitulate, within that term and
time which appears well to you, and that we will observe and fulfil it actu-
ally and in effect, under the conditions, penalties and obligations contained
in the contract of the treaties of peace made and concluded between us, and
under all the others which you promise and arrange in the aforesaid our
name, which from the present we promise to pay and will pay actually and
in effect, if we shall incur them. For which, all and each thing and part
of it, we give you the said authority with free and general administration,
and we promise and assure by our Royal faith to hold and observe and ful-
fil, and in the same manner our heirs and successors, all that which by you,
in regard to what is said in any form and manner, shall be done, capitulated
and sworn and promised, and we promise to consider it as sure, firm and
acceptable, stable and valid from now for all time, and that we will not
oppose or dispute it, and that it will not be opposed or disputed, or any
part of it, at any time, nor in any manner, by us, neither in person nor by
persons interposed, directly or indirectly, under any pretence or cause, in
justice or out of justice, under the express obligation which we make for it,
of the said our Realms and Dominions, and of all our property, patrimonial
and fiscal, and any other property whatever of our vassals and subjects and
natives, movable and landed property, possessed and to be possessed. In
testimony and certification of which we order this our letter given, signed
by us and sealed with our seal. Given in our city of Lisbon, March 8.
Done by Ruy de Pina in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ 1494.
THE KING."
"And then the said representatives of the said Lords the King and
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas iSi
Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, of Sicily, of Granada, etc. : and of the
said Lord, the King of Portugal, and of Algarve, etc., said:
*'That inasmuch as between the said Lords, their Constituents, a cer-
tain difference exists in regard to what part of that which is to be discov-
ered in the Ocean-sea up to to-day, the day of the date of this capitulation,
belongs to each one of the said parties: therefore, that for the benefit of
peace and concord and for the preservation of the duty and love which the
said Lord, the King of Portugal has for the said Lords, the King and Queen
of Castile, of Aragon, etc.; it pleases their Highnesses, and the said their
Representatives in their name and by virtue of the said their powers, au-
thories and consent that there shall be made and marked out through the
said ocean, a mark or line straight from pole to pole, from the Arctic Pole
to the Antarctic Pole, which is from North to South, which mark or line
and indication may be drawn and must be drawn straight, as is said, at
370 leagues from the islands of Cape Verde to the West, by degrees or by
another manner, as it can be best and most quickly drawn, so that it will
not include a greater distance. And that all that which up to the present
may be found and discovered, and which from now henceforward shall be
found and discovered by the said King of Portugal, or by his vessels, islands
as well as mainland, from the said line above, drawn in the form aforesaid,
going by the said Eastern side within the said line to the East or North or
South from it, so long as the said line is not crossed, — that this may be and
remain and belong to the said Lord, the King of Portugal and to his suc-
cessors for ever after. And that all the rest, islands as well as mainland,
found and to be found, discovered and to be discovered, which are found
or shall be found by the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and of
Aragon, etc., and by their vessels, from the said line drawn in the form
aforesaid, going by the said Western side, after having passed the said line,
to the West or North or South from it, — that all may be and remain and
belong to the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and of Leon, etc.,
and to their successors for ever after.
** Item: The said Representatives promise and assure, by virtue of the
said powers, that from to-day henceforward, the said Lords, the King and
Queen of Castile and of Leon, etc., will not send any ships, by this part of
the line on the Eastern side, this side of which Hne it belongs to the said
Lord, the King of Portugal, to the other side of the said line which belongs
to the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and of Aragon, etc., to dis-
cover and search for any land or islands, or make treaties, or barter, or
conquer in any manner: but that if it should happen that in going thus,
this side of the said line, the said vessels of the said Lords, the King and
Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, etc., should find any islands or lands
whatever in the part which thus belongs to the said Lord, the King of
Portugal, and to his successors for ever after, that their Highnesses shall
immediately order it to be given and delivered over to him. And if the
vessels of the said Lord, the King of Portugal, shall find any islands and
lands whatever in the part belonging to the said Lords, the King and Queen
i82 Christopher Columbus
of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, etc., as all the said partis to belong and re-
main to the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile, of Leon, and of
Aragon, etc., and to their heirs for ever after, that the said Lord, the King
of Portugal, shall immediately order it to be given and delivered over to
them.
"Item: In order that the said line or mark of the said partition shall
be drawn and must be drawn straight and as surely as may be possible, by
the said 370 leagues from the said islands of Cape Verde to the West, as is
said, it is agreed and settled with the said Representatives of both the said
parties, that within ten months immediately following, counting from the
day of the date of this capitulation, the said Lords Constituents shall send
two or four caravels, one or two from each party, or more or less according
as shall be agreed by the said parties to be necessary, which at the said
time shall be assembled at the island of the Grand Canary, and each one of
the said parties shall send in them persons. Pilots as well as Astrologers and
Mariners, and any other persons whatever that may be agreed upon; but
that there shall be as many from one party as from the other, and that
some of the said Pilots and Astrologers and Mariners who shall be sent by
the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and of Aragon, etc., shall go
in the ships which the said Lord, the King of Portugal and Algarve, etc.,
shall send : and in the same manner, some of the said persons who are sent
by the said Most Serene King of Portugal shall go in the vessel or vessels
which the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and of Aragon shall
send, as many from one party as from the other, in order that together
they may better see and recognise the sea and the courses and winds, and
degrees from South and North, and mark out the aforesaid leagues; there-
fore, in order that all those who shall go in the said vessels which both the
said parties shall send, and who shall carry their credentials, may concur
in making the assignment and boundary, the said vessels all together shall
continue their course to the said Cape Verde Islands and from there, shall
take their way straight to the West, to the distance of the said 370 leagues,
measured as the said persons shall agree that they should be measured,
without prejudice to the said parties, and there at the termination of the
said distance, the indication and sign shall be made which shall be suitable,
by degrees from south or from north or by single leagues, or as can be better
agreed upon; which said line they may mark out from the said Arctic Pole
to the said Antarctic Pole, which is from north to south, as is said. And
that which they shall thus mark out, the said persons who shall thus be
sent by both the said parties, may write and sign with their names, which
persons must carry licence and power from the said parties, each one from
his own, to make the said sign and limitation, and having been made by
them, all being agreed, that it may be had for sign and perpetual limitation
for ever after, in order that the said parties, or any of them, or their succes-
sors for ever after, may not dispute it, or cast it aside or remove it at any
time or in any manner which may be or can be possible. And if it shall
happen that the said line and boundary from Pole to Pole, as is said, shall
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 183
encounter any island or mainland, that at the beginning of such island or
land, which shall thus be found, where the said line shall touch it, some
signal or tower shall be made, and that straight from such signal or tower
there shall continue from that place onward other signals through such
island or land, straight by the said line, which shall divide that which be-
longs to each of the said parties, and that the subjects of the said parties
may not dare, neither the ones nor the others, to go to the part belonging
to the other party, by crossing the said sign and boundary in such island
and land.
**Item: Whereas, in order that the vessels of the said Lords, the King
and Queen of Castile, of Leon, of Aragon, etc., may go from their Realms
and Dominions to the said their part beyond the said line, in the manner
which is said, it is necessary for them to cross the seas of this part of the
limit which belongs to the said Lord, the King of Portugal : therefore, it is
agreed and settled that the said vessels of the said Lords, the King and
Queen of Castile and of Leon, and of Aragon, etc., can go and come and
may go and come, freely, securely and peacefully without any opposition,
through the said seas which belong to the said Lord, the King of Portugal,
within the said limit, at all times, and each time when their Highnesses and
their successors shall desire and consider proper, which vessels may go on
their direct courses and routes, from their Realms to any one part which
may be within their limit and boundary, where they shall desire to send to
make discoveries and conquests and contracts, and that they shall take
their way straight for wherever they decide to go for anything of the said
their part, and they cannot deviate from it unless contrary weather shall
force them to do so, as long as they do not take or occupy, before crossing
the said line, anjrthing of that which shall be found by the said Lord, the
King of Portugal, in the said his part: and if the said their ships shall find
anjrthing before crossing the said line, as is said, that that may be for the
said Lord, the King of Portugal, and their Highnesses must immediately
give it and deliver it over to him. And as, because it may be that the ves-
sels and people of the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and of
Leon, etc., or vessels sailing in their behalf, will have found up to the end
of twenty days from the date of this capitulation in this month of June,
the present month, some islands and mainland within the said limit which
must be made from Pole to Pole by a straight line at the termination of the
said 370 leagues, reckoned from the said Islands of Cape Verde to the West,
as is said, it is agreed and settled, to remove all doubt, that all the islands
and mainland which shall be found and discovered in any manner up to
the end of the said twenty days in this said month of June, although they
may be fotmd by vessels and people of the said King and Queen of Castile
and Aragon, etc., providing they are within the first 250 leagues of the said
370 leagues reckoned from the said Islands of Cape Verde to the West by
the said line, in any part of them toward the said Poles which shall be
foimd within the said 250 leagues, drawing a limit or line straight from
Pole to Pole where the said 250 leagues shall terminate, shall belong to and
1 84 Christopher Columbus
be for the said Lord, the King of Portugal and Algarve, etc., and for his
successors and Realms for ever after; and that all the islands and main-
land which in the said twenty days of this month of June, the present
month, shall be found and discovered by the vessels of the said Lords, the
King and Queen of Castile and of Aragon, etc., shall belong to them and
their successors and to their Realms for ever after, as is and must be theirs
that which shall thus be found beyond the said limit of the said 370 leagues,
which belongs to their Highnesses, as is said, although the said 1 20 leagues
may be within the said limit of the said 370 leagues, which belong to the
said Lord, the King of Portugal and of Algarve, as is said. And if, up to
the end of the said twenty days of this said month of June there shall not be
found by the said vessels of their Highnesses anything within the said 1 20
leagues, and from that time henceforth there shall be anything fotmd, that
it shall belong to the said Lord, the King of Portugal, as contained in the
above written chapter. All that is said, and each one thing and part of it,
the said Don Henrique Henriquez, Chief Majordomo, and Gutierre de Car-
denas, Commander-in-Chief, and the said Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado, Rep-
resentatives of the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile, of Leon, of
Aragon, of Sicily, of Granada, etc., by virtue of their authority incorporated
above: and the said Ruy de Sousa, and Don Juan de Sousa, his son, and
Arias de Almadana, Representatives and Ambassadors of the said very
exalted and very excellent Prince, the Lord, the King of Portugal, and of
Algarve, this side and beyond the sea in Africa, and Lord of Guinea, by
virtue of the said their authority incorporated above, — promised and in-
sured in the name of the said their constituents, that they and their suc-
cessors and Realms and Dominions, for ever after shall keep and guard and
fulfil, actually and in effect, without any fraud, precaution, and deception,
fiction or simulation, all that is contained in this capitulation, and each one
thing and part of it shall be guarded and fulfilled and executed, as must be
guarded and fulfilled and executed all that is contained in the capitulation
of the treaties of peace, made and adjusted between the said Lords, the
King and Queen of Castile, and of Aragon, etc., and the Lord, Don Alfonso,
the King of Portugal (may he rest in glory) and the said Lord, the present
King of Portugal his son, he being Prince in the year 1479 which is past,
and under those same penalties, charges, securities and obligations accord-
ing to and in the manner which is contained in the said capitulation of the
said treaties of peace: and they oblige themselves that said parties, or any
of them, or their successors for ever after, shall not oppose or dispute what
is said above and specified, or any of it, or any part of it, directly or in-
directly, by any other manner at any time, or by any manner thought of
or not thought of, which may be or can be possible, under the penalties con-
tained in the said capitulation of the said treaties of peace, and the penalty
being paid or not paid or graciously remitted: that this obligation, capitu-
lation and treaty may be and remain firm, stable and valid for ever after:
For which, to thus hold and observe and fulfil and pay all, the said Repre-
sentatives in the name of the said their Constituents, pledged their prop-
Text of the Treaty of Tordesillas 185
erty, each one on his part, movable goods, landed property, patrimonial and
fiscal, and that of each of their subjects and vassals, possessed and to be
possessed, and renounced any laws and rights whatever by which the said
parties may be benefited, and each one of them, to oppose or dispute the
aforesaid or any part of it : and for the greater security and stability of the
aforesaid, they swore to God and to St. Mary and by the sign of the Cross
4« upon which they placed their right hands, and by the words of the Holy
Evangels wherever they are written most fully in the souls of the said their
Constituents, that they, and each one of them, would keep and observe and
fulfil all the aforesaid, and each one thing and part of it, actually and in
effect, renouncing all fraud, precaution, deception, fiction, and simulation,
and that they would not contradict it at any time or in any manner, under
which said oath they swore not to ask absolution or relaxation of it, from
our Most Holy Father, or from any other Legate or Prelate who can give it,
and although of their own free will they may give it they will not make use
of it; rather by this present capitulation they supplicate in the said name,
of our Most Holy Father, that his Holiness will confirm and approve this
said capitulation, according to what is contained in it, and order his Bulls
in regard to it, sent to the parties, or to any one who shall ask for them, and
that there may be incorporated in them the tenor of this capitulation;
placing his censures upon those who oppose it or act in opposition to it, at
any time which may be or can be possible. And likewise, the said Repre-
sentatives in the said name obliged themselves under the said penalty and
oath, that within the one hundred days immediately following, reckoned
from the day of the date of this capitulation, they will give, the one party
to the other, and the other to the other, the approbation and ratification of
this said capitulation, written on parchment and signed with the names of
the said Lords their Constituents, and sealed with the hanging official seals :
and the writing which the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile and
Aragon, etc., shall give, the most noble and most Illustrious Lord, the
Prince Don Juan, their son, must sign, consent to, and authorise. They
executed two treaties of one tenor, containing all that is said, one exactly
like the other, which they signed with their names, and they executed them
before the Secretaries and witnesses written underneath, for each one of the
parties their own witnesses, and any one who shall appear, that it may be
valid, as if both of the two parties appeared, which were made and exe-
cuted in the said city of Tordesillas, the day, month and year aforesaid.
Don Henrique, Commander-in-Chief. Ruy de Sousa. Don Juan de Sousa.
The Doctor Rodrigo Maldonado. Licentiate Arias. Witnesses who were
present, who saw the said Representatives and Ambassadors sign their
names and execute the aforesaid and take the said oath, the Commander
Pero de Leon, the Commander Fernando de Torres, Citizens of the city of
Valladolid, and the Commander Fernando de Gamana, the Commander of
Zagra and Cenete, Continos of the household of the said King and Queen,
our Lords, and Juan Suarez de Sequeira and Ruy Leme and Duarte Pa-
checo, Continos of the household of the said Lord, the King of Portugal,
i86 Christopher Columbus
summoned for that purpose, and I, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Secretary
of the King and of the Queen, our Lords, and of their Council, and the Clerk
of their High Court of Justice and Notary Public in their Court, and in all
their Realms and Dominions, witnessed all that is said, together with the
said witnesses and with Esteban Baez, Secretary of the said Lord, the King
of Portugal, who by the authority which the said King and Queen, our
Lords, gave him to certify to this Act in their Realms, also witnessed what
is said here : and by the request and permission of all the said Representa-
tives and Ambassadors, who in my presence and his here signed their
names, I caused this public instrument to be written — which is written on
these six leaves of paper, in entire sheets — for both parties with this on
which are the names of the aforesaid and my sign, and at the end of each
draft it is marked with the sign of my name and that of the said Esteban
Baez, and in witness thereof I here affix my sign, which is as follows. In
witness of the truth, Feman Alvarez. And I, Esteban Baez, who by the
authority which the said Lords, the King and Queen of Castile, of Leon,
etc., gave me to make it public in all their Realms and Dominions, together
with the said Feman Alvarez, at the request and requirement of the said
Ambassadors and Representatives, witnessed everything and in testimony
and to certify to it, I here subscribed with my public sign, which is as
follows.
*' Which said draft of treaties and capitulation and agreement above
incorporated, being seen and understood by us, we approve, praise, con-
firm, execute and ratify it, and promise to hold, observe and fulfil all the
aforesaid, therein contained, and each one thing and part of it, actually
and in effect, renouncing all fraud, precaution, fiction and simulation, and
not opposing or disputing it, or any part of it, at any time or in any man-
ner which may be or can be possible: and for greater certainty, we swear
to God and to St. Mary and by the words of the Holy Evangels, wherever
they are written more at length, and by the sign of the Cross 4* on which
we corporally place our right hand in the presence of Feman, Duke of
Estrada, First Gentleman of the most Illustrious Prince, Don Juan, our
very dear and precious nephew, whom the said King and Queen of Castile,
of Leon, of Aragon, etc., our brothers, sent to us for that purpose, to thus
hold, observe and fulfil it, and each one thing and part of it, which is really
and in effect incumbent upon us, as is said, for ourselves, and for our heirs
and successors, and for the said our Realms and Dominions, subjects and
natives of them, under the penalties, obligations, charges and renunciations
in the said Contract of Capitulation, written and contained above. In cer-
tification and corroboration of which, we sign this, our letter, with our
sign, and we order it sealed with our official seal, hanging on threads of
coloured silk. Given in the City of Setubal the 5th day of the month of
September. Done by Joan Ruiz the said year of the birth of oiu* Lord
Jesus Christ, 1494. THE KING.
** Capitulation of the division of the Ocean-sea."
CHAPTER LXXIV
THE LINE OF DEMARCATION
The fact that only two days intervened between the naming
of the Spanish commissioners at Medina del Campo and the
execution of the treaty at Tordesillas suggests that its pro-
visions were negotiated some time previous, and that what
remained when the commissioners met was only the formal
drawing up of the several items to the agreement. The treaty,
because of its historical interest, is here published in full.
We notice that the reason for the agreement is the difference
between the two nations as to their ownership to lands to he
discovered, and that the agreement is executed in the interests
of peace and concord; it then provides that a line shall be drawn
from pole to pole at 370 leagues to he measured in degrees or hy
another manner y from the islands of Cape Verde to the west; what-
ever was east, north, or south of this line was to belong to the
King of Portugal and his heirs and successors for ever; whatever
was west, north, or south of this line was to belong to the Sover-
eigns of Castile and Leon, their heirs and successors for ever;
while each was to keep to his own preserves; if either party,
sailing in the sphere of the other, found there lands, he was to
deliver peaceable possession thereof to the other; before April 7,
1495, each of the two parties was to send to the Canary Islands
one or more caravels, and pilots, astrologers, and mariners, as
should be agreed upon, each having the same number of ships
and persons, bearing proper credentials; leaving the Canary
Islands together, these should sail directly to the Cape Verde
Islands and from there straight to the west to the distance of 370
leagues, which distance was to be measured as the said persons
should agree; having measured the said distance by degrees or
187
i88 Christopher Columbus
leagues and having ascertained the limitation, the said persons
were to certify to that fact; should land be encountered, at its
beginning monuments should be set up bearing marks of the
proper distances; it being known that the ships of Spain were
already sailing for the purposes of discovery and exploration, if
lands were found by them previous to June 27, 1494, if within
two hundred and fifty leagues of the islands of Cape Verde, such
lands were to belong to Spain and were not to be delivered over
to Portugal; both parties supplicated the Holy Father to ap-
prove by Bulls of this capitulation.
The above is a rhum^ of this famous capitulation. Three
months later, King John of Portugal, on September 5, i494» in
the city of Setuval, himself put his name to the copy which had
been sent him, and this, being duly sealed with the official seal
hanging on threads of coloured silk, was returned to the Spanish
Sovereigns. The Spanish Sovereigns, on their part, executed
the other copy of the agreement by appending their names, at
Arevalo, on July 2, 1494, and this was then forwarded to King
John, to be retained by him. It is worthy of notice that the
earliest difference between nations concerning territory in the
new lands was first referred to the Pope for arbitration, and that
not proving satisfactory, was then in the interests of peace,
submitted to a joint commission, which within forty-eight hours
of its creation made and executed an amicable agreement. No
reference was made to any former Bull or Bulls, grant or grants,
from the Holy See. Both parties proceeded as if they were free
to agree on their respective spheres, and Papal sanction was
asked as a matter of form. If either Spain or Portugal thought
that original sovereignty had resided in the Pope, the method
of procedure would have been different. The capitulation
would have recited the source of their rights. The agreement
was purely an arrangement between the two nations. No ac-
count was taken of territory which, for all they knew, might
have been discovered previously by some other Christian prince.
And it is at just this point that the ecclesiastical functions of the
Holy See would be efficacious. The Head of the Chtirch could
very readily and properly address his influence to keeping other
Christian princes from intruding in the regions where Spain and
Portugal were active. To preserve peace and concord was the
glorious office of the Pope.
The Line of Demarcation 189
Alexander VI . never took further notice of this matter, but
in a Bull issued January 24, 1506, by Pope Julius II., the Treaty
of Tordesillas was approved and confirmed.
The Treaty of Tordesillas itself drew no line of demarcation.
It provided that one should be drawn and fixed the distance at
which it should be determined from an indefinite starting-point.
But, strangely enough, the line was never drawn as provided in
the treaty. During the fall of the year 1494, the Spanish Sover-
eigns, mindful of their engagements, instructed their Lieutenant,
Don Juan de la Nussa, to communicate their commands to Jaime
Ferrer that he should report to them upon the method of draw-
ing this Une. Ferrer, assuming that the point of departure was
Cape Verde, instead of the islands opposite, addressed them a
respectful reply from Barcelona, January 27, 1495, in which he
forwarded a mappemonde, on which he had drawn the line, and
offering himself to go to their Highnesses and even to go to Cape
Verde if they required him. The Sovereigns did not under-
stand his letter, and they wrote him from Madrid, under date of
February 28, 1495, commanding him to attend them not later
than the first of May. 1495. As the ten months in which the
work was to have been done expired April 7, 1495, it is evident
that the Sovereigns expected an extension of time, and this was
agreed upon by the two parties under date of April 15, 1495,
thus keeping alive the articles. Whether the following com-
munication was sent with the mappemonde, as its language
would seem to indicate, or was sent subsequently, it could not
have added materially to the geographical or nautical knowledge
of the Sovereigns. Ferrer in this document, while he is some-
times ambiguous, corrected his conception of the starting-point
to the islands of Cape Verde, instead of the African headland
itself.
**A nuestro especial amigo Jaime Ferrer el Cardenal Despaiia, Arzo-
bispo de Toledo, &c.
** Jaime Ferrer especial amigo: Nos querriamos fablar con vos algunas
cosas que cumplen: por ende rogamos vos que vista esta letra nuestra
partais y vengais aquf i. Barcelona, y traed con vos el Mapamundi y otros
instrumentos si teneis tocantes i. cosmograffa. En Barcelona hoy lunes
veinte y seis de Agosto de noventa € tres.
"El Cardenal."
igo Christopher Columbus
'*The Cardinal of Spain, Archbishop of Toledo, &c., to our particular
friend, Jaime Ferrer:
** Jaime Ferrer, particular friend : We would like to talk with you about
some things which may be accomplished: therefore, we beg you, after
having seen this letter, to start and come here to Barcelona, and to bring
with you the Map of the world and other instruments relating to cosmog-
graphy, if you have them.
"At Barcelona, to-day, August 26, 1493.
"The Cardinal."
*' A los muy altos y muy poderosos Reyes de Espafta, &c. por la grada
de Dios nuestros muy virtuosos Senores.
*'Muy altos y muy poderosos Reyes: D. Juan de la Nussa, Lugarte-
niente de sus Altezas por dos veces me ha mostrado unos capitulos en que
sus reales Altezas, mandan saber la determinacion acerca del comparti-
miento que sus Altezas han fecho con el Ilustrfsimo Rey de Portugal en el
mar Oc^ano, partiendo del Cabo Verde por linea occidental fasta el t^rmino
de trescientas setenta leguas; y por esto, muy altos y Serenfsimos Reyes,
yo he mirado cuanto mi bajo entender ha podido ahonque tarde y no tan
presto como quisiera por alguna mia indisposicion : y ansi envio con un
hombre mio d sus Altezas una forma mundi en figura extensa en que podr^n
ver los dos hemisferios : conviene saber, el nuestro Artico y el op6sito An-
t^rtico; y ansfmismo verdn el cfrcolo equinoccial y los dos tr6picos de la
declinacion del Sol, y los siete climas, y cada uno de estos cfrcolos puesto
en su proprio lugar segun en el tratado de la esfera, y en el Situ Orbis, los
Doctores mandan y comparten por grados: y porque mas claramente sea
visto la distancia de las dichas trescientas setenta leguas cuanto se ex-
tiende por linea occidental, partiendo del dicho Cabo Verde, por esto he yo
intercecado de Polo d Polo la dicha distancia con Uneas colorados, que en el
equinoccio distan veinte y tres grados, y con ^ngulos agudos las dichas
Ifneas corresponden ^ los Polos del mundo en esta figura: y todo el que
serd travesado de Ifneas amarillas serd el que pertenece al Ilustrfsimo Rey
de Portugal la vuelta del Polo Antdrtico : y esta distancia de mar termina
las dichas trescientas setenta leguas que son veinte y tres grados, como suso
dicho es, partiendo del Cabo Verde por linea occidental : y si por esta deter-
minacion mandaran sus Altezas yo vaya aqui, por cierto de muy grande
y muy obediente amor, yo andar^ d todas mis costas sin ningun interes: y
en buena verdad todo lo que en este mundo tengo es mi deseo sea para
poder servir d sus Reales Altezas, las cuales la inmensa Trinidad siempre
tenga en su custodia y proteccion con muy luenga y muy pr6spera vida.
De Barcelona ^ veinte y siete de Enero de mil cuatrocientos noventa y
cinco.
"To the very exalted and powerful Sovereigns of Spain, &c., by the
grace of God, our most righteous Lords:
**Very exalted and very powerful Sovereigns: Don Juan de la Nussa,
Representative of your Highnesses, has twice shown me some provisions in
which your Royal Highnesses make known the decision in regard to the
The Line of Demarcation
191
partition which your Highnesses have made with the most illustrious
King of Portugal, in the Ocean-sea, starting from Cape Verde by a westerly
line for a distance of 370 leagues: and therefore, very exalted and most
Serene Sovereigns, I have investigated [the subject] to the extent of my
poor intelligence, although late, and not as quickly as I would have liked
on accoimt of my indisposition: and so I send by a man of mine, to your
Highnesses a figure of the world on an extended scale, on which you will
be able to see the two hemispheres, that is to say our Arctic and the oppo-
site one, the Antarctic : and likewise the Equinoctial circle will be seen and
the two tropics and the declination of the sun, and the seven climes, and
each one of these circles situated in its proper place according to the man-
ner in which learned men lay them out and divide them by degrees, in the
Treatise on the Sphere and the Situ Orbis: and that it may be more clearly
seen how far the distance of the said 370 leagues extends to the west,
starting from the said Cape Verde, I have intersected the said distance from
Pole to Pole with red lines, which are 23 degrees apart at the equator, and
with acute angles, the said lines corresponding to the poles of the earth
in this figure:
-zn.
**And all which is crossed by yellow lines will be what belongs to the
most illustrious King of Portugal, turning toward the Antarctic Pole ; and
this distance of sea completes the said 370 leagues, which are, as I said
above, 23 degrees, starting from Cape Verde in a westerly line.
*' And if, in regard to this decision [treaty] your Highnesses command
me to go to this place [to the Court] certainly of my very great and obedient
love I will go, entirely at my own expense and without any compensation:
and in very truth, it is my desire that all I have in this world shall be at
the service of your Royal Highnesses, whom may the Infinite Trinity ever
have in keeping and protection, with a very long and very prosperous life.
**From Barcelona, January 27, 1495.*'
'* Por el Rey y por la Reina. A Jaime Ferrer su vasallo.
" El Rey y la Reina: Jaime Ferrer: Vimos vuestra letra y la escriptura
que en ella nos enviastes, la cual nos parece que estd muy buena. En
servicio vos tenemos habernosla enviado; pero porque para entender en
ello sois acd menester, por servicio nuestro que pongais en obra vuestra
192 Christopher Columbus
venida: de manera que seais acd para en fin de Mayo primero, en lo cual
nos fareis servicio. De Madrid i, veinte y ocho dias de Febrero de noventa
y cinco anos. YO EL REY. YO LA REINA. Por mandado del Rey y
de la Reina. loan de la Parra/'
'* By the King and by the Queen. To Jaime Ferrer, their subject.
**The King and the Queen: Jaime Ferrer: We saw your letter and the
.writing which you sent us therein, which appears to us to be very good.
We consider it as a service that you have sent it to us; but in order to
understand it, it is necessary that you should be here, and it is for our ser-
vice that you should put your coming into effect, so that you may be here
at latest on the first of May, in which you will render us a service. From
Madrid, February 28, 1495. I THE KING. I THE QUEEN. By order
of the King and of the Queen. Joan de la Parra.'*
*'Lo vot y parer de Mossen Jaume Ferrer acerca la capitulaci6 feta
entre los molt catholichs Reis, y lo Rey de Portugal, en que se demostra
cuant ere lo auctor gran cosmograph y mirablement pratich en la mar.
** La forma con la cual se puede fallar el t^rmino y fin de las trescientas
setenta leguas, partiendo de las islas del Cabo Verde por Ifnea occidental,
es la siguiente :
**Primeramente es de notar que el dicho Cabo Verde y sus islas distan
del equinoccio quince grados, y ansimismo es de notar que las dichas tres-
cientas setenta leguas, partiendo de las dichas islas comprenden por occi-
dente diez y ocho grados, y cada un grado en este paralelo comprende
veinte leguas y cinco partes de ocho, y por esto es menester facer una Ifnea
recta in latitud de Polo ^ Polo solamente en este nuestro hemisferio, inter-
cecando el dicho paralelo puntualiter en el fin de los dichos diez y ocho
grados, y todo el que se fallar^ dentro desta linea, ^ mano izquierda la
vuelta de la Guinea, ser^ del Rey de Portugal, y la otra parte por Occi-
dente fasta tomar por Oriente la vuelta del sinu ar^bico, serd de los Reyes
nuestros Sefiores, si sus navfos primero alM navegaran : y esto es lo que yo
entiendo de la capitulacion fecha por sus Altezas con el Rey de Portugal.
*' Y cierta cosa es y maxima conclusion de cosmografia que navegando
por un mismo paralelo no se puede saber el dicho t^rmino por la elevacion
del Polus mundi; y es esta la razon, que navegando por el dicho paralelo
siempre se elevard el dicho Polo en una misma elevacion por toda la circun-
ferencia de dicho paralelo, y esto es verdad.
** Pero yo digo que posible es, y cosa muy cierta, que el dicho t^rmino y
fin de las dichas trescientas setenta leguas se pueden fallar por la astrella
del Norte, por la regla y pldtica siguiente:
**La nave que partir^ de las islas de Cabo Verde por buscar el dicho
t^rmino, es menester que deje el paralelo 6 Ifnea Occidental i. mano ezqui-
erda, y que tome su camino para la cuarta de Poniente la vuelta del maes-
tral, y que navegue tanto por la dicha cuarta fasta que el Polus mundi se
le eleve diez y ocho grados y un tercio, y entonces la dicha nave serd justo
en la Ifnea suso dicha que pasa de Polo i. Polo por el fin de las trescientas
The Line of Demarcation 193
setenta leguas, y de aquf es menester que la dicha nave mude, y tome su
camino por la dicha linea la vuelta del Polo Antdrtico fasta que el Artico
se le eleve quince grados, y entonces sevd justo de fin en fin en linea 6 para-
lelo que pasa por las islas del dicho Cabo Verde, y en el fin y verdadero t^r-
mino de las dichas trescientas setenta leguas, el cual t^rmino muy claro se
muestra por la elevacion de la estrella del Norte por la regla suso dicha.
'* Y porque la carta de navegar no sirve del todo ni abasta en el demo-
stracion matemdtica de la regla suso dicha, es menester una forma mundi en
figura esf^rica, y en dos hemisferios compartida por sus lineas y grados,
y el situ de la tierra, islas, y mar, cada cosa puesta en su lugar: la cual
figura mundi yo dejo junto con estos capftulos de mi intencion y parecer
porque mas claramente sea vista la verdad.
" Y digo que por entender la regla y pMtica suso dicha es menester que
sea Cosm6grafo, Aresm^tico y Marinero, 6 saber su arte : y quien estas tres
sciencias juntas no habrd, es imposible la pueda entender, ni tampoco por
otra forma ni regla si pericia de las dichas tres sciencias no temd.
*'Y por mayor declaracion de la regla suso dicha es de saber que la
cuarta del viento que por su camino tomard la nave, partiendo de las islas
del Cabo Verde al fin de las trescientas setenta leguas, serd distante del
paralelo 6 Imea Occidental setenta y cuatro leguas i, razon de veinte por
ciento, y porque la dicha cuarta declina versus septentrion navegando por
ella, manifiesto paresce la diferente elevacion del Polus mundi, y las dichas
setenta y cuatro leguas comprenden en latitud tres grados y tm tercio fere.
**Preterea es de notar que segun la regla suso dicha, es menester dar
por cada un grado setecientos stadios segun Strabo, Alfragano, Teodoci,
Macrobi, Ambrosi, Euristenes, porque Tolomeo no da por grado sino qui-
nientos stadios. Y mas digo que hay otro modo de fallar el dicho t^rmino
segun pl^tica y sciencia de marineros, y es la siguiente :
*'Primeramente, que los Reyes nuestros Senores y el Rey de Portugal
tomen veinte marineros, diez por cada parte, los mejores que se fallar^n y
de buena consciencia, y que con una nave partan de las islas del Cabo
Verde por Ifnea Occidental, y cada uno de los dichos marineros, con mucha
diligencia, apunte en su carta de seis en seis horas el camino que la nave
fard segim su jucio, y que con sagramento ninguno de ellos no diga su
parecer al otro fasta que el primero marinero, que se fallard segun su jucio
en el dicho t^rmino, lo diga d dos Capitanes, hombres de pr6 puestos en la
dicha nave de voluntad y concordia de los Reyes suso dichos; y entonces
los dichos Capitanes tomen los votos y pareceres de los otros marineros ; y
si los mas concordaren con el primero que se fallard en el t^rmino, que
tomen su voto por conclusion y por ley del dicho t^rmino, y si no concor-
daren con el primero que tomen la opinion y voto del que dirdn los mas,
y despues de ser Concordes que muden camino por Ifnea recta la vuelta del
Polo Antdrtico, y todo lo que falUran d mano izquierda la vuelta de la
Guinea serd del Rey de Portugal en la forma que suso dicho es.
"Esta segunda forma es incierta, y puede errar porque no tiene funda-
mento sino de nudo y solo juicio y parecer de marineros, y la primera regla
VOL. II.— n.
194 Christopher Columbus
es muy cierta por la elevacion de la estrella del Norte, segun arriba se
muestra.
*' Y si en esta mi determinacion y parecer serd visto algun yerro, siempre
me referir^ i, la correccion de los que mas de mi saben y comprenden,
especialmente del Almirante de las Indias, el cual tempore existente en
esta materia mas que otro sabe: porque es gran tedrico y mirablemente
pMtico, como sus memorables obras manifiestan, y creo que la Divina
Providencia le tenia por electo por su grande misterio y servicio en este
negocio, el cual pienso es dispusicion y preparacion del que para delante
la misma Divina Providencia mostrard i, su gran gloria, salut y bien del
mundo.
*'Aqu{ paresce la navigacion del Almirante de la tierra-firme. Tholo-
mens octavo libro de situ orbis dicit, Capitulo V.
**Que la recta circunferencia de la tierra por el equinoccio es ciento
ochenta mil stadios d razon de quienientos stadios por grado, segun su
cuenta, y contando ocho stadios por milla son veinte y dos mil y quinientas
millas, que son cinco mil seiscientas veinte y cinco leguas d razon de cuatro
millas por legua d cuenta de Castilla, viene por grado quince leguas y dos-
cientas veinte y cinco partes de trescientas sesenta; y en el mismo libro,
Capitulo V, dice que el cercle de los trdpicos es ciento sesenta y cuatro mil
seiscientos setenta y dos stadios, que son veinte mil quinientas ochenta y
cuatro millas, y leguas cinco mil ciento cuarenta y seis, viene por grado
catorce leguas y ciento y seis partes de trescientas sesenta. Preterea es
la dicha circunferencia de la tierra doscientos cincuenta y dos mil stadios
segun Strabo, Alfragano, Ambrosi, Macrobi, Teodosi, et Euristhenes, los
cuales doscientos cincuenta y dos mil stadios d razon de ocho stadios por
milla son treinta y un mil y quinientas millas, y d cuatro millas por legua
son siete mil ochocientas setenta y cinco leguas. Item: por el cercle de
los tr6picos es la circunferencia siete mil doscientas cuatro leguas, y setenta
y dos mil partes de ciento ochenta mil, y f^Uase con la regla de tres dici^n-
dose si veinte y dos mil y quinientas millas por el equinoccio, segun Tolo-
meo, me dan siete mil ochocientas setenta y cinco leguas por el dicho
equinoccio, que me daran veinte mil quinientas ochenta y cuatro millas
que son por el cercle de los trdpicos ; y en esta forma f allaris las suso dichas
siete mil doscientas cuatro leguas y media, fere segun los dichos Doctores.
** El dicho cercle de los trdpicos es menor del cercle equinoccial seiscien-
tas setenta leguas y media, fere que son d cuatro millas por legua, dos mil
seiscientas ochenta y dos millas segun el suso dicho cuento sumado y pro-
bado de fin en fin. Empero contando setecientos stadios por cada un
grado, segun los suso dichos Doctores mandan, aunque Tolomeo pone no
mas de quinisntos stadios por grado, segun suso dicho es en el pre-allegado
libro De Situ Orbis,
"Item: es de notar que en el cercle equinoccial cada un grado es de
veinte y una leguas y cinco partes de ocho, y cada un grado de los tr6picos
es veinte leguas y cuatro partes de trescientos sesenta, segun los suso
dichos Doctores.
The Line of Demarcation 195
** Partiendo del Cabo Verde por linea occidental el tdrmino trescientas
setenta leguas comprende diez y ocho grades, por cuanto la dicha linea 6
paralelo dista del equinoccio qmnce grados, donde los grados comprende
cada tino de ellos veinte leguas y cinco partes de ocho, segun los dichos
Doctores.
*' Del Cabo Verde d la isla de la Gran Canada son doscientas treinta y
dos leguas de cuatro millas por legua y est^ de la dicha Canada por medio
dia cuasi al tercio de la cuarta en verso lebeix sive sudueste, y dista del
equinoccio quince grados, y la isla del medio de las que estan delante del
Cabo Verde estd por la cuarta de Poniente verso maestral ciento diez y
siete leguas que son grados cinco y dos tercios, y de aquesta isla del medio
se toma el t^rmino de las trescientas setenta leguas por Poniente, el cual
t^rmino es d diez, y ocho grados de la dicha isla del medio verso Occidente,
y en este paralelo cada un grado es veinte leguas y cinco partes de ocho,
contando setecientos stadios por grado, segun los suso dichos Doctores,
porque el Tolomeo comparte por otra cuenta.
**Y segun Tolomeo cada un grado en el equinoccio comprende quince
leguas y dos tercios, y en los trdpicos catorce leguas y un tercio, y en el
paralelo de Cabo Verde catorce leguas y dos tercios, y por esto las trescien-
tas setenta leguas en este paralelo se entienden por Poniente veinte y cinco
grados y un tercio fere.
** Y el Almirante dice en su carta que el Cabo Verde dista del equinoccio
nueve grados y un cuarto; segun Tolomeo veo es su cuenta dando quince
leguas y dos tercios por grado ; pero yo f alio segun los otros Doctores que
distan las dichas islas del equinoccio. El compartimiento de los stadios,
ahonque sea diverso ntimero del que pone Tolomeo, segun lo que ponen
los suso dichos Doctores Strabo, Alfragano, Macrobi, Teodosi et Euris-
thenes in essencia todo acude d un fin, porque el Tolomeo pone los stadios
mas grandes, de manera que los suyos ciento y ochenta mil stadios son de
los de los dichos Doctores doscientos ciricuenta y dos mil por la Unea equi-
noccial como suso dicho es."
Translation
"The opinion and judgment of Messer Jaime Ferrer in regard to the
capitulation made between the Most Catholic Sovereigns and the King of
Portugal, in which it is shown that the author was a great cosmographer
and wonderfully skilful in matters relating to the sea.
"The manner in which the boundary and end of the 370 leagues can
be found, starting from the islands of Cape Verde, by a westerly line, is as
follows:
** First, it must be noted that the said Cape Verde and its islands are
a distance of 15 degrees from the Equator, and likewise it must be noted
that the said 370 leagues, starting from the said islands, include to the
west 18 degrees, and each degree on this parallel includes 2o| leagues: and
therefore it is necessary to make a straight line in latitude from Pole to
196 Christopher Columbus
Pole, only in this, our hemisphere, intersecting the said parallel exactly at
the end of the said 18 degrees, and all which shall be found within this
line to the left hand, turning toward Guinea, will belong to the King of
Portugal, and the other part to the West as far as it turns by the East
toward the Arabian Gulf, will belong to the Sovereigns, our Lords, if their
vessels shall first navigate there: and this is what I understand from the
capitulation made by their Highnesses with the King of Portugal.
** And it is a certain thing and the greatest conclusion of cosmography,
that in navigating by one same parallel, the said boundary cannot be deter-
mined by the elevation of the Pole Star [Poltis mundi] : and this is the
reason, that, navigating by the said parallel, the said Pole Star [Polo] will
always be elevated at one same elevation, through all the circtunference
of the said parallel, and this is true.
** But I say that it is possible, and a very certain thing, that the said
boundary and end of the said 370 leagues can be found by the North Star,
by the following rule and method :
*'It is necessary for the vessel starting from the islands of Cape Verde
to search for the said boundary, to leave the parallel or Western line to the
left and take her course to the quarter of the West toward the North-west,
and to continue sailing by the said quarter until the Pole Star rises 18^
degrees and then the said vessel will be exactly on the aforesaid line which
passes from Pole to Pole at the end of the 370 leagues: and from here it is
necessary that the said vessel change and take her course by the said line
toward the Antarctic Pole until the Arctic Pole rises 15 degrees, and then
she will be exactly, from. end to end, on the line or parallel which passes
through the islands of the said Cape Verde and at the end and true bound-
ary of the said 370 leagues; which boundary is very clearly shown by the
elevation of the North Star, according to the aforesaid rule.
** And as the sailing chart does not altogether serve nor is sufficient in
the mathematical demonstration of the aforesaid rule, a map of the world
is necessary in the form of a sphere and divided into two hemispheres by
its lines and degrees, and the situation of the land, islands and sea, each
thing located in its own place: which map of the world I leave, together
with these expressions of my meaning and opinion, that the truth may be
more clearly seen.
** And I say that in order to understand the rule and explanation afore-
said, it is necessary to be a Cosmographer, Arithmetician and Navigator or
to understand their arts: and whoever does not possess these three sci-
ences together, cannot possibly understand it, neither [can he] by any
other manner or rule, if he does not have a knowledge of the said three
sciences.
'*And for a better exposition of the aforesaid rule, it must be known
that the quarter of the wind which the ship will take on her course, start-
ing from the islands of Cape Verde, to the end of the 370 leagues, will be
74 leagues distant from the Western parallel or line, at the rate of 20 pot
ciento and as the said quarter declines toward the north in sailing by it, the
The Line of Demarcation 197
different elevation of the Pole Star appears manifest, and the said 74
leagues include in latitude about 3-J degrees.
*' Moreover, it must be noted that according to the aforesaid rule, it is
necessary to allow for each degree 700 stadia, according to Strabo, Alfra-
gan, Theodosius, Macrobius, Ambrosius and Euristhenes [Eratosthenes],
because Ptolemy gives to a degree only 500 stadia. And further I say that
there is another way to find the said boundary according to the manner
and science of Mariners, and it is the following:
** First, let the Sovereigns, our Lords, and the King of Portugal, take
20 mariners, 10 for each party, the best that can be found and conscien-
tious [men] and let them start with a vessel from the Islands of Cape Verde,
by a westerly line, and let each one of the said mariners very diligently
mark on his chart, every six hours, the course which the ship takes, accord-
ing to his judgment, and let them take oath that no one of them will tell
his opinion to another, until the first mariner, who, according to his judg-
ment, finds himself at the said boimdary, shall say so to the two Captains,
[they being] trustworthy men, placed on the said vessel by the will and
agreement of the aforesaid Sovereigns: and then let the said Captains
take the opinions and judgments of the other mariners: and if the greater
number agree with the first who finds himself at the boundary, let his
opinion be taken as conclusive and as deciding the said boundary, and if
they do not agree with the first mariner, let the opinion and judgment of
the greater number be taken, and after coming to an agreement, let them
change their course by a straight line toward the Antarctic Pole, and all
they shall find to the left hand toward Guinea shall belong to the King
of Portugal in the aforesaid manner.
**This second method is uncertain and can be wrong, because it has no
foundation other than the simple judgment and opinion of sailors alone,
and the first rule — ^by the elevation of the North Star — is very certain, as
shown above.
"And if any error shall be seen in this, my decision and opinion, I will
always submit myself to the correction of those who know and understand
more than myself, especially to the Admiral of the Indies, who, at the
present time knows more of this matter than any other; because he is
greatly learned in theory and wonderfully practical, as his memorable
achievements manifest: and I believe that the Divine Providence had
chosen him for its great mystery and service in this undertaking, which I
think is the disposition and preparation of that which the same Divine
Providence will show henceforth, to its great glory — the salvation and
good of the world.
*' Here appears the navigation of the Admiral of the Mainland. Ptol-
emy in the eighth book of De Situ Orbis, says, chapter V.
**That the true circumference of the earth at the equator is 180,000
stadia at the rate of 500 stadia to the degree, according to his calculation,
and cotmting 8 stadia per mile, there are 22,500 miles, which are 5625
leagues at the rate of 4 miles per league, according to Castilian reckoning.
198 Christopher Columbus
each degree coming to 1 5 leagues and two hundred and twenty-five parts of
three hundred and sixty. And in the same book, chapter V, he says that
the circle of the tropics is 164,672 stadia, which are 20,584 miles, and 5146
leagues, each degree coming to 14 leagues and one hundred and six parts of
three hundred and sixty. Moreover the said circumference of the earth is
252,000 stadia according to Strabo, Alfragan, Ambrosius, Macrobius, Theo-
dosius and Euristhenes, which 252,000 stadia, at the rate of 8 stadia per mile,
are 31,500 miles and at the rate of four miles per league, are 7875 leagues.
Item: By the circle of the tropics the circumference is 7204 leagues and
seventy-two thousand parts of one hundred and eighty thousand, and it is
found by the rule of three, saying, if 22,500 miles at the Equator, according
to Ptolemy give me 7875 leagues at the said Equator, what will 20,584
miles give me, which is the circle of the tropics? And in this manner the
aforesaid 7204^ leagues will be found, almost, according to the said learned
men.
"The said circle of the tropics is less than the Equinoctial circle by
670^- leagues, which are, at the rate of four miles per league, almost 2682
miles, according to the aforesaid calculation, summed up and proved
throughout: counting however, 700 stadia for each degree, according to
what the aforesaid learned men direct, although Ptolemy allows no more
than 500 stadia to the degree, according to what is aforesaid in the before
mentioned book De Situ Orbis.
"Item: It must be noted that at the Equinoctial circle each degree
is 21 leagues and five parts of eight and each degree of the tropics is 20
leagues and four parts of three hundred and sixty, according to the afore-
said learned men.
"Starting from Cape Verde by a westerly line, the boundary, 370
leagues, includes 18 degrees, inasmuch as the said line or parallel is distant
from the Equator 15 degrees, hence the degrees, each of them, include 20
leagues and five parts of eight, according to the said learned men.
"From Cape Verde to the Island of the Grand Canary there are 232
leagues at the rate of four miles per league, and it is from the said Canary
to the south, almost the third of the quarter towards *lebeix,* that is
south-west, and distant from the Equator 15 degrees: and the middle
island of those in front of Cape Verde is to the quarter of the west toward
the north-west 117 leagues, which are 5f degrees: and from this middle
island may be taken the boundary of the 370 leagues to the West, which
boundary is 18 degrees from the said middle island toward the West, and
on this parallel each degree is 20 leagues and five parts of eight, counting
700 stadia to the degree, according to the aforesaid learned men, as Ptolemy
makes the division by another calculation.
"And according to Ptolemy, each degree on the Equator includes 15*
leagues and on the tropics 14^ leagues, and on the parallel of Cape Verde
i4f leagues and therefore the three hundred and seventy leagues on this
parallel are understood as extending to the West nearly 25^ degrees.
"And the Admiral says in his letter that Cape Verde is 9 J- degrees dis-
The Line of Demarcation 199
tant from the Equator. According to Ptolemy I see that his calculation
allows 15I leagues to a degree; but I find according to the other learned
men that the said islands are distant from the Equator. In regard to the
division of the stadia, although the number given by Ptolemy may be dif-
ferent from that given by the aforesaid learned men, Strabo, Alfragan,
Macrobius, Theodosius, and Euristhenes, in the essential they all arrive at
one conclusion, because Ptolemy makes use of longer stadia so that his
180,000 stadia are equal to the 252,000 stadia of the said learned men for
the Equinoctial line, as aforesaid.'*
The additional agreement, made April 15, 1495, provided
that in the following July a joint commission should meet at
some point on the frontier of Spain and Portugal to discuss and
settle the line, after which, within ten months of due notice
being served by one party or the other, a joint expedition was to
start and determine the line by the practical method mentioned
in the original treaty as well as by that which Jaime Ferrer sug-
gested in his document. At the same time the Sovereigns di-
rected that all maps thereafter constructed should have upon
them this line of demarcation. As this document, still pre-
served in the Library of the Royal Academy of History at
Madrid, has place for the month and date in blank, it is evident
it was never issued. There is in El Archivo General de Indias at
Seville a report made by Don Juan Bautista de Gesio, dated
Madrid, November 24, 1579, in which the following passage cer-
tainly indicates that there had actually been an attempt to fix
this line:
** Begun el informe de doce cosm6grafos castellanos y Portugueses, nom-
brados para fijar esa Ifnea de limites los primeros tomaron por base la isla
de San Antonio, la mas occidental de las del Cabo Verde: los segundos la
de Sal, la mas oriental de dichas islas. No se habia indicado el valor de
las leguas, y los instrumentos de los ge6grafos eran muy imperfectos, por
consecuencia los comisarios diferian mucho entre si quedando sin ejecucion
la operacion. Ne obstante, los hidrdgrafos Portugueses pretendian que el
Portugal tenia derecho i, doscientas leguas de terreno en el Brasil, pasando
la Ifnea de demarcacion por el rio de la Coroa, cerca de MaranhSo y no
distante de San Vicente.'*
** According to the report of twelve Castilian and Portuguese cosmo-
graphers, appointed to fix this boundary line, the first took as a basis the
Island of San Antonio, the most western of the Cape Verde Islands: the
second took the Island of Sal, the most eastern of the said Islands. The
value of leagues had not been determined and the instruments of the geo-
graphers were very imperfect, consequently the Commissioners differed
200 Christopher Columbus
greatly among themselves, the operation remaining unexecuted. Not-
withstanding, the Portuguese hydrographers pretended that Portugal had
a right to 200 leagues of land in Brazil, crossing the line of Demarcation by
the River Coroa, near Maranhao and not far from St. Vincent.'*
On January 22, 1518, Alonzo de Zuazo, who was in Santo
Domingo, wrote home to Charles I. :
** Enviaron ciertos pilotos para hacer una demarcacion, 6 asentar estas
lineas 4 punto donde habian de estar: como esta sea division de longitudes
en que los pilotos ninguna cosa saben ni alcanzen, no pudieron ni supieron
hacer cosa cierta, 6 asf se volvieron sin hacer ninguna cosa."
"They sent certain pilots to make a demarcation, and fix these lines
and the point where they should be; as this is a division of longitudes, of
which the pilots know and comprehend nothing, they could not or did
not know anything certain, and so they returned without doing anything."
No date is given for this determining of the line, and, so far
as we know, it is not further recorded in history.' We might
expect to find the line, if established, on the De la Cosa map,
dated 1500, but it occurred on no Spanish chart for many years.
It appeared for the first time on the manuscript map made for
Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, a copy of which in 1502 has
come down to us, and which Harrisse has named the Cantino
map, after its constructor, Alberto Cantino. On this map the
line, according to calculations offered by Harrisse, would on a
modern chart pass about 42^ 30' west of Greenwich, near the
river Maranhao. But it does not appear from which of the
Cape Verde Islands the Portuguese measured their line. As
they shortened the distance across the Atlantic on this plani-
sphere, their line was made to pass much farther to the west-
ward. The Spaniards seemed loath to put the line into their
early maps. A council of Spanish geographers and pilots,
among whom were Sebastian Cabot and Juan Vespucius, on
November 13, 151 5, drew up a document relating to the line of
demarcation, but it is lost.
The Treaty of Tordesillas was regarded by both Spain and
Portugal as remaining in force through the sixteenth century,
through that period of submerged identity which the Lusitan-
ians always called the Sixty Years of Captivity, — 1580 to 1640, —
through into the middle of the eighteenth century, when, in the
^ Carlos Calvo, in his Coleccion Cotnpleta de los Tratados (Paris, 1862), repeats
this passage and gives a notice of the original in the Archivo General.
Salviati or Laurentian Map, showing Line of Demarcation between
Spain and Portugal
20 T
202 Christopher Columbus
treaty adopted at Madrid, January 13, 1750, both Spain and
Portugal agreed to abandon the line as provided for in the
Treaty of Tordesillas. But this treaty very shortly afterward
was itself annulled, which must have revived the original agree-
ment of 1494.
At no time does it appear that there was a distinct under-
standing of the point of departure from which the three hundred
and seventy leagues were to be measured westward. As we
have seen, the Cape Verde Islands run from B5a Vista, in longi-
tude 22^ 20' west of Greenwich, to Sant' Antao, in longitude 25^
30'. A careful reading of the treaty convinces us that the
starting-point was not intended to be specifically mentioned,
but was to be agreed upon by the commissioners when they were
assembled. The order might thus be read: " You are to assem-
ble at the island of Grand Canary, from there make your way to
the Cape Verde Islands and thence continue your course, begin-
ning to make the measurement of 370 leagues. '' Or it might be
made to read: " Assemble at the Grand Canary, sail to the Cape
Verde Islands, and as you depart from the Cape Verde Islands,
begin your measurement. *' The first reading might be regarded
as a literal compliance with the instructions. The treaty
clothes the commissioners to be appointed with certain powers
since it provides for their concurring in ** making the assignment
and boundary, '' and again, they " shall take their way straight to
the west to the distance of the said 370 leagues, measured as
the said persons shall agree.'' Thus they would seem to have
certain latitude in establishing the starting-point, an essential
feature of measuring a line, whether one league or three hundred
and seventy leagues. The commission never met and the com-
missioners never measured. But ever after and tmtil this day
men dispute as to where this line begins. Should the vessels,
whose daily courses were to measure this line, when they came
to the islands of Cape Verde, continue their course and there
begin to count the distance? In that case they might strike
almost any one of the islands. The starting-point would make
a difference of three degrees of longitude. Jaime Ferrer seems
to suggest Fogo,' the middle island of the group, as an appro-
^ Fogo lies between the parallels 14** 42' and 15** i' north latitude, and 24** 8' and
24° 32' longitude west of Greenwich. It is about thirty-six miles north to south, and
forty- two miles from east to west. There runs through the middle of this island a
The Line of Demarcation 203
priate starting-point. Ferrer counted 252,000 stadia for the
equatorial circumference of the earth, or about 28,922 English
miles, thus considerably enlarging its real size.
Early in the year 1500, Americus Vespucius was upon the
coast of Brazil and reached Cape San Roque in 5^ of south lati-
tude. About the same time Vicente Yanez Pinz6n followed the
Brazilian coast some three degrees farther south Diego de
Lepe, a native, like Pinz6n, of Palos, added to the map two more
degrees of southern latitude. These explorations were made for
Spain, but we fail to learn that any territory was found by the
Spanish cosmographers to be east of the supposed line of de-
marcation, or was handed over to Portugal as within her pre-
serves. There had gone out from Lisbon a Portuguese, Gaspar
Corte Real, under letters patent dated May 12, 1500. who ex-
plored the east coast of Newfoundland. And there had been the
famotis but unpremeditated voyage of Pedro Alvarez Cabral,who,
sailing from Lisbon for Calicut, March 9, 1 500, was driven by a
storm to the coast of Brazil, where he touched land on April 22,
in the neighbourhood of Porto Seguro. His companion, Gaspar
de Lemos, hastened back to Portugal with the news that terri-
tory had been added to the Portuguese Crown under the title of
Terra de Santa Cruz. Then followed some interest and some ex-
peditions, but no great attempts at settlements. But the new
land was well within the line, and therefore belonged to Portugal
by right of discovery under the Treaty of Tordesillas, but open
to dispute had the Pope*s Bulls been considered in operation.
Fernando de MagalhSes, or Magellan, was bom of a noble
family in one of four places, Porto, Lisbon, Villa de Figuiero, or
Villa de Sabrosa, with a probability favouring the last city.
While still young, he joined the expedition of Francisco de Al-
meida to Quiloa in 1505. He went afterward to Malacca in
151 1, with Albuquerque. Five active years were spent by him
in the East Indies, during which he obtained a knowledge of the
Moluccas. In the rich library of the Portuguese King, when he
returned to Lisbon, Magellan found two things of startling value
to him: first, he found that the Moluccas were admittedly within
mountain crest, and in the centre of this is a volcanic cone rising to the height of
9150 feet. It may be that these topographical conditions suggested to Ferrer his
point of departure.
204 Christopher Columbus
the division of the earth belonging to Spain; second, that Mar-
tin Behaim had made a map for the King of Portugal showing
how one could go through a strait from the Ocean-sea to the sea
in which lay those islands. As he soon after quarrelled with the
King of Portugal, he offered himself and his knowledge to Spain.
He received encouragement from some Spanish statesmen,
notably Christopher de Hara, and notwithstanding the ener-
getic protests of Alvaro da Costa, the Portuguese Ambassador,
the yoimg King was persuaded to sign, at Valladolid, March 22,
1 518, the necessary authority for the expedition. Equipped
with five ships and accompanied by two hundred and sixty-five
persons, Magellan set sail from San Lucar de Barrameda on
* August 10, 1 519, going first to the Canary Islands and from the
Canaries to the islands of Cape Verde, and thence toward the
west and south. They touched the coast of Brazil near the
Cape of Santa Maria, knd afterward followed the land southward.
The mutiny of his men, the stem justice meted out to the guilty,
the breaking of his fleet, — all read like the experiences of a cap-
tain of buccaneers in the seventeenth century. But Magellan
was captain in fact as well as by title.
At length, in October, 1520, they doubled the Cape de las
Virgines, and entered the water-way ever afterward called by
the name of the leader of the expedition, and which on Novem-
ber 27, 1 520, opened the way for him into the Pacific. He it was
who gave to this quiet sea the name of Oceano Pacifico. Then
began that long journey on an imknown sea, at first through
great cold and then by unpromising islands, until the islands
were reached to which he gave the name of Ladrones, retained
by them to this day, because of the thieving inhabitants. A
farther westward sailing brought them on to a group of islands,
of which Magellan took possession, and to which he gave the
name of Archipelago of St. Lazarus. Afterwards these islands
were christened the Philippines, in honour of the Prince of
Asturias, and by that name they are held to-day as the posses-
sions of the United States.' Here, on the island of Mathan, or
^ Since otir coming into possession of these islands of Saint Lazare, or the Philip-
pines, the four books which first described the voyage of Magellan have a new interest
for collectors. The historical writer may well content himself with the account found
in Ramusio (vol. i. of the second edition), published at Venice from the Giunta
Press in 1554. But he who desires to possess the story as it first came from the hand
of the printer must quickly buy the three editions of the accotmt as written by Maxi-
u ' i^'"^'t;' ' k ' It " ' '-»
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Spanish Map as given by Herrera, showing the Line of Demarcation between Spain and Portugal.
205
2o6 Christopher Columbus
Mactan as it is called to-day, Fernando Magellan was killed Sat-
urday, April 27, i52i,ina fight with the natives. From these
islands the Victoria sailed to the Moluccas, the Islands of Spice,
and thence the few remaining members of the expedition sailed
around the Cape of Good Hope, and so homeward, entering the
port of San Lucar on September 7, 1522.* The news that the
ship had circumnavigated the globe, and that islands rich in
spices had been found, spread through Europe.
In whose name were to be recorded the title-deeds to Brazil
and the islands of the Moluccas and those of Saint Lazare? Was
Portugal or Spain to possess the land of the parrots? Was the
region of spices to be under the dominion of Spain or Portugal?
These questions could only be answered by applying the measur-
ing line. If the land of Brazil was reached before the three hun-
dred and seventy leagues were consumed, counting from the
islands of Cape Verde, Portugal had dominion. If after going
eastward 180^ from this westward line of three hundred and
seventy leagues, the islands of Saint Lazare had not yet been
reached, they belonged to Spain. The starting-point in oppo-
site directions was this line of demarcation, and this line ran
around the earth from pole to pole. It was not Alexander
milian Tansylvanus, the son-in-law of a brother of Christopher de Hara, soon after
the return of the Victoria. The first edition is a small quarto issued from the Rome
press of F. Minitius Calvus in November, 1523. It was followed by the Cologne issue,
a small 8vo, from the press of Eucharius Ceruicomus, January, 1523. As the year
began with March, the former edition has priority. But to make this clearer, the
reader is informed that on the recto of Aiv he will find a prohibition from the Pope
against printing the work by private hands. Moreover, some errors in the Rome
edition are corrected in the Cologne edition, and this is regarded in bibliography as
certain proof that the corrected edition is subsequent in its printing. The Rome
edition of November, 1523, has one leaf — verso blank — three preliminary leaves —
verso of the last blank — and fifteen unnumbered leaves. In all the copies we know,
signature Dii is wrongly numbered Eii. The Cologne edition of January, 1523, has
the title on first leaf, followed by fifteen leaves, tmnumbered, the text beginning on
the verso of the title leaf. In the border under the nude figures is the word Xaptre
— '* the Graces. " The third edition was printed at Rome in the month of February,
1524. These three editions will be found described in full by Harrisse in his Bihliotheca
Americana, who does not, however, assign them their proper relative positions. The
fourth rare Magellan is the French edition of Antoine Pigafetta's narration of the
famous voyage, believed to have been printed in 1525. These four books should be
diligently sought by the American collector.
' Sebastian El Cano and his companions of the Victoria had counted the days
they had been gone, and, lo! their calendar showed that it was the sixth day of the
month of September, but the sailors of San Lucar assured them that it was really the
seventh day of the month. And then they made a discovery as surprising as their
finding the straits, that in sailing westward about the world they had lost a day.
The Line of Demarcation 207
VI., Pope of Rome, who established a point of departure, setting
two nations back to back, and who then gave the word for a
race half way around the world. Tordesillas and not Rome an-
noimced the international race. The line, such as it was, was
fixed by these two nations in friendly agreement. The race
was run by their own rules, under their mutual conditions, on
their own course. And now one nation had gone its full i8o°
eastward and the other had gone its distance of i8o° westward.
As they were back to back when the word of departure was
given, so now after a long contest of thirty years they stood face
to face in the Malay Archipelago. In this emergency, the na-
tions had to refer to the measuring line, and then the importance
of an immovable starting-point became manifest. Three de-
grees of longitude might make a difference to one nation or the
other of valuable islands or continental lands. Accordingly,
the famous Junta of Badajoz was held, at which appeared about
the table three representatives in name of the three greatest
navigators of the world, Sebastian Cabot, Juan Vespucius, and
Ferdinand Columbus. Since the days when Christopher Colum-
bus crossed the seas to Watling Island, since the summer day
when John Cabot had touched the northern coasts, since those
voyages in which Americus Vespucius had sailed his fourth part
of the earth's circle, — what changes! The earth had been com-
pletely girdled, and vast tracts in the New World were occupied
by a powerful people from the Old World. But yet neither the
Kings of Spain and Portugal, nor the heirs and successors of the
First Admiral, were in undisputed possession of their rights, nor
could they be until all were agreed as to the division of the
earth made between them by the Tordesillas line. The measur-
ing rule itself was not yet acceptable to all. The treaty had
provided that the distance might be measured in degrees or
leagues as was deemed best. But degrees were measured
according to the size of the earth. When this had been deter-
mined, one only had to divide by 360 to get the length of a de-
gree. Who knew the size of the earth? A league, on the other
hand, was practically a fixed measure. Four Italian miles made
a league, and each mile contained eight stadia. So it was pro-
posed that a degree was to be considered as containing 17^
leagues, equal to 62^ miles; the starting-point was to be the
centre of the island of Sant' Antao, the most western of the Cape
2o8 Christopher Columbus
Verde group; the 370 leagues were to be considered as equal on
that parallel to 22° and 9 miles more, or 22^ 8' 22^^. This cer-
tainly was an attempt at reaching definite conclusions, but it
was not adopted. Portugal was not ready to accept this
starting-point. If she consented to this, the Moluccas might
fall to Spain. On the other hand, if the starting-point was on
the east coast of B6a Vista, a large part of her possessions in
Brazil might be taken from her. It was not imtil April 15,
1529, that a treaty was signed at Saragossa in which the line of
demarcation in the eastern hemisphere was made to pass 1 7^, or
297 leagues east of the island of Ternate in the Moluccas, but
nothing was agreed to respecting the line in the western world.
It was incongruous, having a meridian line passing down only
one side of the globe.'
This line of demarcation nms through the title-deeds of
more than one nation having territory or claim to territory in
the New World. Its consideration belongs to the diplomatic
history of America. At best this was always a ghostly line,
flitting backward and forward over the Ocean-sea and over its
islands, with its shadow falling now on the elbow of the great
South American continent and now covering the Spice Islands
of the Pacific.
We have been concerned in showing that this line did not
emanate from the Pope, but resulted from a mutual agreement
between Spain and Portugal. If the vast terrestrial division
had been made by Rome, the nations of Europe, then recognis-
ing the Holy See as clothed with something at least of temporal
power, might have been boimd by its commands; made by two
nations, parcelling out between themselves spheres of influence,
it was binding only upon those two nations. It is true that
many other nations acquiesced in the title held by Spain, even
over unoccupied lands, but it was partly because at first they
had no interest in America, and afterward its seeming recognition
helped perfect their own title derived from conquest and from
purchase. The real title to the Indies, the Indies of the West,
was held through original discovery and actual possession, the
soundest foundations upon which to build an empire. The
^ The line of demarcation, had it ever been mathematically drawn, would not
have touched the northern part of America, although as put down on both the Span-
ish and Portuguese maps it appears to cut the Baccalaos.
The Line of Demarcation 209
world will always admit this title. The greed of a nation may
not go beyond the capacity of its organism. Its flag may not
float farther than its arms may hold it. Certain laws are written
on the hearts of men and the hearts of nations before they are
inscribed on tables of stone. The doctrine that newly found
lands shall belong to the nation discovering and occupying them
is original and ultimate. It cannot be modified by the signatures
of a Junta. It cannot be altered by a Bull with seal of lead and
threads of silk.'
^ The remarkable map shown in reduced fac- simile on page 201 is preserved in
the Laurentian Library at Florence. It bears the arms of the Salviati family, and is
thought to have been made for Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, Papal Nuncio in Spain in
1525. Harrisse assigns this map a date previous to the Weimar chart of 1527. The
author was permitted to have the American portion of this map reproduced in exact
fac-simile for the first time, but as the chart itself measures 1490 mms. long by 945 mms.
wide, for our present purposes we were obliged to content ourselves with a greatly
diminished reproduction. The map gives the coast line from Florida to Labrador^
and the nomenclature offers an interesting study to the American chartographer.
VOL. n.— 14.
PART VII
EXPLORATION
211
CHAPTER LXXV
THE SECOND VOYAGE
On the twenty-fifth day of September, 1493, the Admiral
set sail from Cadiz on his second voyage. There was no hold-
ing back now, no protesting, but sailors and adventurers were
eager to enrol themselves for the new expedition. Seventeen
ships composed the fleet and fifteen hundred ' men constituted
the army and colonists. The proportion of ships to sailors and
passengers was about that of the first expedition, although it is
probable the storage capacity was larger, for now besides men
there were horses and cattle and some ships were loaded ^ with
seeds and plants and cereals for the new lands. The money to
defray the expenses of the voyage was easily obtained and even
jewels were forthcoming; but both money and jewels were
stripped from the imhappy Jews. Not all the money came this
way, however. The grandees of Spain contributed somewhat.
The arms were taken from the arsenal at Granada. The men who
were going were of a higher order than those who were forced into
the three ships on the first voyage. Not to speak of the brother
of the Admiral, Diego, there were Alonzo de Hojeda or Ojeda,
a Spanish Gascon, reckless and fearless; Ginfes de Gorbalan,
who was to lead the famous expedition to Niti ; Pedro Margarite,
a gentleman of good family in Aragon, and who was to be among
* Oviedo reports the total number at 1500. Bemaldez says there were 1200 more
or less, and Peter Martyr declares there were 1200 armed foot-soldiers in the expedi-
tion.
^ Syllacius reports that the lighter vessels were called Cantabrian barques, and
that their timbers were for the most part fastened together with wooden pins lest the
weight of iron should lessen their speed. The various kinds of ships seem to have been
skilfully chosen, for while all were constructed to withstand heavy and tempestuous
seas, there were some especially fitted for swift sailing, and others with light draught
that they might the better explore the shores and inlets of the islands.
213
214 Christopher Columbus
the first disturbers of peace; Juan Ponce de Leon, who, while he
cannot be called the discoverer of Florida, gave to that delightful
land its name and his own bones; Juan de la Cosa, who had
sailed with Columbus in the first voyage on his own ship, which
he saw go to pieces on the shore near La Navidad, and who has
the distinction of having constructed the earliest map of the
New World to come down to us ' ; Dr. Chanca, physician to the
Spanish Princess and whose letter to the Chapter of Seville is
one of the two earliest accounts we have of the second voyage ;
Pedro de las Casas, the father, and Francisco de Penalosa, the
tmcle of the future historian of the Indies, Bartolom6 de las
Casas * ; Friar Antonio de Marchena, an early friend of Coltim-
bus, often wrongly confotmded with the Prior of La Rabida;
Friar Bernardo Boil,^ a priest from the monastery of Monserrate,
who said the first mass celebrated in the western hemisphere;
and Guglielmo Coma, whose interesting narrative is here repro-
duced and which is the first printed account of the second voy-
age to reach the public. There were still others, men who had
been of standing at the Court and who were now to tempt for-
ttme in another Catalonia and in a new Andalusia.
Since the year 1825, we have had access for information con-
cerning the second voyage of Colimibus to the publication of
Coleccion de los Viages, by M. F. de Navarrete. At the end
of the fifteenth century, the world which had read the letter of
Coltmibus written to Ltxis de Santangel and which was printed
in Spanish, or the other letter written to the treasurer Sanchez
and which was frequently printed in Latin, was himgry for some
word from the fleet which had returned to the New World carry-
^ We except, of course, the sketch which the Admiral made in 1493 of the north
coast of Espaftola and which we reproduce in chapter cxxi.
^ •* Este Francisco de PeAalosaera tio mio, hermano de mi padre, que se llamaba
Pedro de las Casas, que vino con le Almirante y con el hermano ^ esta isla EspaAola
este viaje."
**This Francisco de Peiialosa was my uncle, brother of my father, who was called
Pedro de las Casas, and who came with the Admiral and his brother to this island of
Espaflola on this voyage." — Hisioria, lib. i., cap. Ixxxii.
3 The French translation of Navarrete materially alters the sense of the Spanish
and makes it appear that Father Boil, or Buil, had not yet left Spain, since the Ad-
miral is made to say that he wrote letters and forwarded them by Antonio de Torres
to the Sovereigns and also to Father Buil and to the Treasurer. This passage we ren-
der from the Spanish as if Columbus said that he, Father Buil, and the Treasurer (of
the expedition) had all written the Sovereigns by the ships returning tmder Antonio de
Torres. This Treasurer was Bemal Diaz de Pisa, of whom we shall shortly hear more.
The Second Voyage 215
ing colonists and explorers and adventurers. The Sovereigns
had early and constant intelligence of movements in the lands
across the western sea. The Admiral and some of his followers
wrote to Peter Martyr and Peter Martyr thereupon wrote to an
Italian Duke and to a few Cardinals. But the world, the great
mass of mankind forming, moulding, turning, twisting human
affairs into recorded events, had no knowledge of what was doing
in that othqr hemisphere imtil Nicol5 Syllacio, late in the year
1494 or early in 1495, published a pamphlet ' containing news
from the colony in a letter written home by Guglielmo Coma,
one of the companions of the Admiral on his second voyage.
Nicolaus Syllacius, or Nicol5 Syllacio, as he was called in
Italian, was bom about the middle of the fifteenth century
in Messina He went to Spain as a youth, returning to Sicily
for a time, and while still young, entered the University of
Pavia for the pxirpose of pursuing his studies in philosophy.
Lodovico Maria Sforza,' one of the picturesque characters of
^ This is a quarto of ten leaves, printed in Gothic type, without date or name of
place or printer, and without catchwords, signatures, or pagination, except that the
3d, 4th, and 5th folios have the numerals 3. 4. 5. at the lower right hand of the recto
of these leaves respectively; there are 34 lines to a full page, but the recto of the
second folio has 35 lines, the first line being printed in red ink.
The book begins with a dedication to Ludovico Sforza, which fills the first and
nearly half of the second page. The first four lines are printed in red ink, and the
initial letter is a small capital, also printed in red. The text begins on the recto of the
second folio. The title is in a single line, and the initial letter C, of the ordinary size,
is in red. The text occupies folios two to nine inclusive and about half the recto of
the tenth folio. On the verso of the tenth is the letter addressed to Alphonso Caval-
laria, the subscriptum of three lines being printed in red.
This rare book is represented by five examples. One is in the Lenox Library.
New York. It was once in the Olivieri collection at Ferrara and afterwards in the
library of the Marquis Rocca Saporetti. In the year 1859 the late James Lenox
privately printed in New York one hundred and two copies — two in folio and one
himdred in quarto form — of the text of this tract, with a translation into English by
the Rev. John Mulligan, A.M. A second copy is in the Trivtdzio Library at Milan. A
third is in the Royal Library at Madrid. A fourth was in the Bibliotheca Thothan at
Copenhagen, and to-day is preserved in the Royal Library of Denmark. A fifth was
sold in 1889 by Leo S. Olschki of Florence to go into a private collection in America.
Signor Olschki had his copy fac-similed before it left his hands. Our fac-simile is from
the example in the Lenox Library, with the translation already made by the Rev. Mr.
Mulligan for Mr. Lenox.
The reader will appreciate the bibliographical value of this work, for it bears the
same relation to the second voyage of Colimibus, which definitely determined the
colonial and permanent harvest of the discovery, that the folio Spanish edition of
the Columbus letter bears to the first voyage.
* He was known as The Moor because of his swarthy complexion. On the death
of his nephew he was proclaimed Duke in 1494, and the following year obtained from
Charles VIII. of France the provinces of Novara and Genoa. September, 1499, saw
2i6 Christopher Columbus
Milanese history, was then governing the Duchy of Milan for his
nephew, Giovanni Galeazzo Maria Sforza, and Syllacio soon ob-
tained his favour and patronage. From the University he ob-
tained his degree in July, 1493. He once more went to Spain,
in the escort of Guido Antonio Arcimboli, Archbishop of Milan,
when that distinguished diplomatist was sent to the Spanish
Court in 1495. Afterwards he delivered lectures on philosophy
at the University. In the month of March, of the year 1496,
Syllacio composed a work entitled De felici philosophorum
paupertate appetenda. A cotemporary writer referred to him
as Artium et MedecincB Doctorem Philosophiam in Gymnasia
Papiensi Florentissimo Legentem.
While he was employed at Pavia he formed a friendship for
Johannes Antonius de Birretis, who had established an important
printing-press in Pavia, in connection with Francisco Giron-
denghi, but who was rather a patron of printing than an actual
practiser of the art and who, long before the period of which we
are writing, was spoken of as Vir Egregitcs. In the year 1494
Syllacio received one or more letters from a correspondent by
the name of Guglielmo Coma, a nobleman of Aragon who had
accompanied Coltimbus on his second voyage to the New World.
He published this accoimt without adding to or changing any of
its matter: "Praeteria quae accepi, quaeque audivi, commutare
aliquid aut addere non stmi ausus. " It is probable that through
the oflfices of his friend, De Birretis, in whose household Syllacio
seems to have lived, the correspondence was printed and given
to the world in the form above described. This little tract
gives the earliest intelligence of the second voyage. The Ad-
miral sailed on this voyage from Cadiz, by way of the Canaries,
September 25, 1493, with a fleet of seventeen vessels and some-
where in the neighbourhood of twelve hundred men. On Sunday,
November 3, they found land, an island, to which the Admiral
gave the name of Dominica after the day of discovery. They
then visited in turn the islands named by the Admiral Maria-
Gallante, so called from his own flagship, Guadaloupe, Santa
Cruz, and the island of St. John the Baptist, now our own Puerto
Rico. They then sailed to Espanola to find the fort at La
Navidad desolated and not one man alive of the three and forty
him driven from his States by Louis XII., and the following spring he was taken pris-
oner and confined to the castle of Loches until his death on May 17, 1508.
The Second Voyage 217
left there on that day in January, when these men saw depart
from them all that boimd them to home and country. The
Admiral set to work to build the city of Isabella, the first real
settlement in the New World, and after having sent his two
captains, Hojeda ' and Gorbalan," into the interior to discover
mines, he ordered Antonio de Torres to return to Spain with
twelve ships, which fleet set out upon its homeward voyage
February 12, 1494. There was upon the second voyage of Coltim-
bus a physician by the name of Anca,^ or Chanca, who wrote an
account of this voyage and addressed it to the Chapter of the
Cathedral of Seville. Navarrete published this for the first time
in 1825. This publication of the relation by Navarrete is not
from the original letter or letters, for the original correspondence
is lost, but from a copy of the sixteenth century taken from the
papers of Fra. Antonio de Aspa,^ of the convent of Mejorada,
in which religious house Colimibus deposited certain important
papers. While these two relations, the one made by Coma and
' Alonzo de Hojeda, or Ojeda, makes an important figure among the explorers of
the New World. Coltimbus, on January 30, 1494, in his letter to the King and Queen
(Navarrete, vol. i., p. 226) says of him, — ** Hojeda, who belonged to the household of
the Duke of Medina Celi, a yo\mg man of very good mind and extremely sedulous,
and who without any doubt and above all comparison, discovered more [than Gor-
balan, say^ Harrisse — See his Discovery of North America] judging from the accoimt of
the news brought by him." The truth is that Hojeda was fortunate in that he was
sent to investigate the rich mines at Cibao; he returned a few days afterwards with
many specimens of gold and a report of its abundance in that region. Gorbalan, on
the other hand, went to a native town called Niti, and while he, too, returned with
some samples of gold, it is apparent that the advantage of the relative finds was with
Hojeda.
* Gin^s de Gorbalan, or Gorbolanus — see Note i. He, too, was of great ser-
vice to the Admiral, but seems to have played a subordinate part to his companion,
Hojeda. There was a Gorvalan on the third voyage conducted by Alonzo de Hojeda,
but from his position in the expedition, he could not have been this captain.
3 Bemaldez refers to him as El Honrado Setior el Dr. Anca 6 Chanca (Y Otras
Nobles Caballeros). By a document dated May 23, 1493, Chanca was named phy-
sician to the fleet, and tmder date of May 24, 1493, *^e Controller Generals of the
Finances were directed to give him certain rations because of his performing the ad-
ditional functions of a notary in the Indies.
^ Navarrete says of it:
**This has been copied from a book of records possessed by the Academy of
History — written towards the middle of the i6th century and which forms part of a
collection of documents relative to the Indies, formed by Antoine de Aspa, member
of the order of St. Jerome of the Monastery of Mejorada near Olmedo. The manu-
script is composed of thirty-three leaves, the first seventeen of which contain the
first and second books of Feter Martyr translated into Castilian. The translator,
who wrote between the years i?i2 and 1524, has made many additions to the first;
the second is a translation nearly literal. From the verso of the seventeenth leaf to
the thirty-first is the relation of Dr. Chanca, and which until now remained unedited.**
•* (Signed) Martin Fernandez de Navarrete.
" Madrid, June 12, 1807."
2i8 Christopher Columbus
published immediately by Syllacio and the other made from a
copy of a lost original by Dr. Chanca and not published in full
until 1825, substantially agree, the student must appreciate the
historical and bibliographical value of the former work. On
the other hand, there are to be noted two or three unsatisfactory
readings of Syllacio. In the first place, while the letter appears
to have been written in February, 1494, and to have been sent
home to Spain in the returning ships commanded by Antonio
de Torres, the language in places suggests a later composition.
Syllacio writes as if the new city of Isabella were already an
accomplished fact.
** A wide street laid out perfectly straight divides the city into two parts,
while many cross streets intersect this transversely. A magnificent citadel
with strong ramparts is erected on the shore. . . . The residence of
the Admiral is called the Royal Palace. . . . There, also, is raised a
magnificent cathedral — ibi nobile templum conditum est.''
On the contrary. Dr. Chanca, as reported in Navarrete, and
whose letter to the Chapter of the Cathedral of Seville im-
doubtedly was carried home in Torres 's fleet, writes of the colony
and the country:
'*The land is very rich for all purposes: near the harbour
there is a principal river and another of reasonable size of which
the water is very singular. Above the bank the city Marta is
building.'* ' Peter Martyr, in the second book of his First De-
cade, and written from Medina del Campo, April 29, 1494, to
Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, says:
"Thus have I briefly written unto your Honour, as much as I thought
sufficient at the time. I shall shortly hereafter (by God's favour) write
unto you more at length of such matters as shall daily be better known.
^ This is the infant city Isabella, named after the Queen, and the first permanent
European settlement in the New World. It is first mentioned in the memorial given
by the Admiral to Antonio de Torres, and dated January 30, 1494, in which the
Admiral calls Torres Alcalde de la Ciudad Isabella, and which is one of the salient
exercises of his power to appoint subordinates under the broad privileges conferred
on him by the King and Queen, so often confirmed to him on paper and continually
withheld from him in reality.
This is the only place where the city is called Marta. Peter Martyr, who not
only had access to all public documents, but who himself corresponded with Columbus
and interviewed the men who returned in the fleet of Torres, does not mention the
name of the city in this connection, but in the third book of his First Decade he refers
to it for the first time in saying, *' He returned to Isabella, for such is the name of the
city *'
The Second Voyage 219
For the Admiral himself (whom I use familiarly as my very friend) ' hath
promised me by his letters, that he will give me knowledge of all such
things as may happen. He hath now chosen a strong place for the building
of a city — ad civitatem condendam — near a commodious harbour, and hath
already builded many houses and a chapel ^ in which God is daily served
by the ministrations of XIII priests according to our divine rites."
It would seem that Syllacio, in his eagerness to exhibit to a
foreigner the activity of the Spaniards, anticipated the comple-
tion of promised things and exaggerated the work performed.
This reference is apparently anticipatory and justifies our natural
criticism, either that the letter was not sent by the hand of
Antonio de Torres, being written and sent afterward,^ or else
that Syllacio himself altered it from the words of Guglielmo
Coma, the latter conclusion being at variance with the editor's
distinct declaration that he did not venture to alter anything
in the letter.
There is another passage in the letter of Guglielmo Coma,
which might lead, at the first reading, to the suspicion that
Syllacio had not correctly imderstood the import of the discovery.
In the dedication he says:
**CUMCONSTET NOSTRO SECULO SECUNDIORIBUS HlSPANIiE ReGUM AUS-
PICIIS: MERIDIANI MARIS AMBITUM ENAVIGATUM I iETHIOPI-« INFERIORIS
TERMINOS EXPLORATOS: iNDIiE POPULOS RECOGNITOS: ARABIi© BEATAS
INSULAS DEPREHENSAS: QUiE IN MaRI InDICO SPARSiE CERNUNTUR."
** Since it is a fact that in our day under the favourable auspices of the
Kings of Spain, the Southern Ocean has been navigated around about its
extent: the ends of lower -Ethiopia have been explored: the peoples of
India have been inspected: the blessed isles of Arabia scattered in the
Indian Ocean have been discovered."
The language seems to imply that, in the mind of Syllacio at
least, the discoveries of Colimibus under the auspices of the King
» Peter Mart5rr expresses his intimacy with Sebastian Cabot in exactly the same
terms in his Third Decade.
* The word employed by Peter Martyr is sacellum, a small sanctuary. There
is a vast difference between the hasty construction of a little chapel and the erection
of a nobile templum.
3 In this case the news of the second voyage would have been brought down to a
later period and would have told of the discovery of the Vega Real and the building of
Fort St. Thomas. It was not long before a comparatively quick and constant com-
munication was opened between Spain and the colony. We find Queen Isabella ex-
pressing a desire, in August, 1494 (Navarrete, vol. ii., 155) to have a caravel leave
Spain for the island and another return each month.
220 Christopher Columbus
of Spain ' were in the Southern Ocean. He could have alluded
to no other discoveries under Spanish Kings, for all the voyages
and explorations along the southern shore of Africa had been
under the auspices of the kings of Portugal. It is impossible
to account for the ignorance of the young University scholar if
he had read any copy of the letter of Columbus, which gave so
clearly the direction followed on his first voyage from Palos and
the direction followed by the fleet of seventeen vessels on the sec-
ond voyage from Cadiz. Indeed in his own relation of the second
voyage, Syllacio describes the expedition as departing from the
island of Ferro, of the Canaries, on October 1.3 and experiencing
a terrible storm on the 27th of the same month, which endangered
their lives from its violence, and finding relief on the following
day, October 28, in the lessening of the storm and the sight of
land, an island which, because discovered on Simday, was called
by the Admiral, Dominica. It is probable that Syllacio is
wrong in his dates, as Dr. Chanca distinctly says they discovered
land on Sunday, November 3. The day given by Syllacio for
the discovery was October 28, the day following the storm.
If November 3 was Sunday, October 28 must have been Mon-
day, in which case there was no point in calling the island
Dominica. Dr. Chanca throws light upon this question by tell-
ing us that the storm began on the eve of Sts. Simon- Jude Day
and lasted some four hours. Sts. Simon- Jude Day is October
27 and that day also fell on a Sunday.' Whatever the date
* Ferdinand and Isabella were generally connected under the plural title of '*The
Kings," or **The Sovereigns."
* St. Simon, the Canaanite, and St. Jude have the twenty-seventh day of Octo-
ber in common in the catalogue of Martyrology. The second of the pair, St. Jude,
was also called Thadeus, and as such is catalogued in many of the early books of
the martyrs. Simon and Jude were sons of the sister of the Virgin Mary. These
two saints are said to hat^e performed certain separate missions, Simon going into
Egypt and Jude into Mesopotamia and Pontius. Both were ushered into Heaven
through the portals of martyrdom in Persia, whither they were sent together. Mul-
titudes were converted through their ministry, even the king and his princes subject-
ing themselves to Christianity. Finally two of the Magi, Zaroes and Arfaxat. encom-
passed them by false charges, and they were put to death in the temple of the chief
city, called Senayr. As their souls departed from their bodies the temple was de-
stroyed and the two magicians with it. It has sometimes been said that St. Simon
was sawn asimder and St. Jude killed by a sword.
There are two interesting legends told in the life of Jude concerning our Lrord.
The former was sent by Christ to King Abagarus, who had written the Saviour a
letter asking Him to heal his body. Christ sent Jude with His holograph letter to the
King. This, with the exception of His writing with His finger on the ground when the
woman was taken in adultery, is the only account we have of Christ's being able to
The Second Voyage 221
may have been, either Sunday, October 27, or Sunday, Novem-
ber 3, Syllacio must have known that neither the period of fif-
teen days nor the longer period of twenty-one days would have
sufficed for a journey from the Canaries around Africa and so
into the Indian Ocean. He could not deliberately have made
such an error. Our explanation is that Nicol5 Syllacio, who
was, as his name indicates, a Sicilian, desired to magnify the
glory of the Spanish Crown. When he was a child, the brilliant
Prince, Don Carlos, the older half-brother of Ferdinand, had his
residence in Messina and the people ' of that island kingdom
adored him for his mother's ^ sake and for his own attractive
virtues. Nicol6 Syllacio was simply appropriating for Spain and
Sicily the glories of other kings and of other peoples.
Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie says Coltmibus was
sent by his parents to the University of Pavia, where he gave
himself to the study of cosmography, astrology, and geometry,
the three sciences in which, says Ferdinand, he excelled. The
people of Lombardy were fond of calling the city of Pavia the
Athens of Italy. Its University was not much over one hun-
dred years old at the time it is said the young wool-carder
entered its portals, although it boasted a continued line of
schools from the days of Charlemagne. Of the long line of
names of those who had studied within its walls, not one could
write. Then King Abagarus sent his Court painter to Christ that he might preserve
the features of One who had healed both his body and soul. But when the painter
approached the Saviour, so great was the effulgence of His co\mtenance, he could not
look upon the face of the Lord. Seeing his embarrassment, Christ took His white
robe from off His sacred person and pressed it against His face, when the garment was
found to have imprinted in exact lineaments the face and features of our Lord.
The acco\mt in the Lives of the Saints, printed in German by Johannes Schons-
perger, at Augsburg, in 1487, is quite elaborate in detail, but gives no authorities.
* Zurita (Anales, vol. iv., p. 97) tells of the purpose of Carlos to remove to Spain
the very remarkable library belonging to the Benedictine friars near Messina, in whose
convent he lived while in Sicily. This library was particularly rich in printed books
and manuscripts of the ancient classics.
* Blanche, daughter of Charles IIL of Navarre, was the widow of Martin, King
of Sicily. John of Aragon married her and had three children from the imion,
Carlos, Prince of Viana — this title was created for him by his grandfather, Charles
HL, and was intended to designate the heir-apparent; Blanche, married to Henry
IV. of Castile, by whom she was repudiated, and whose romantic story is still sung in
Sicily, and Eleanor, who married a French nobleman, Gaston, Count de Foix.
For his second wife John of Aragon married Joan Henriquez of the blood royal of
Castile, who became the mother of King Ferdinand, the Catholic. She was daughter
of Don Frederic Henriquez, Admiral of Castile. This latter had the title from Al-
fonso Henriquez, whose honours, rights, and prerogatives were to measure the privi-
leges and rights of our Columbus in his title of Admiral.
22 2 Christopher Columbus
compare in its association with a brilliant achievement with
that of Christopher Colimibus. And yet here are two men,
Nicol6 Syllacio and Johannes Antonius de Birretis, — the one for
twelve years student and professor in the University, the other
one of the foremost citizens of the town, — giving to the world
an account of the great discovery by Christopher Columbus, a
discovery manifestly owing its result to the bending of his mind
in the days of his early education, and yet no word is breathed
of the strong tree having once been a twig, watered and nur-
tured by the benign educational influences of the University.
We have rejected the tradition that Colimibus had studied at
Pa via, not so much becaUvSe we find no records of his matricula-
tion or residence in the University, as because we fail to find a
period in his life when he could have been so occupied, at least
for any extended period. But we are certainly confirmed in
our view by the failure of the Pavian scholar to record at his
University the presence of the Discoverer of the New World,
Christopher Columbus.'
' It is not certain from what press the Como letter (which here follows) issued or
the date of its printing. From the peculiarities presented by certain letters, we are
inclined to assign it to the press of Aloysius de Como and Bartholomaeus de Trottis,
who printed in partnership at Pa via in the year 1497. ^® Birretis seems to have
been a patron of printing at the time the book was printed, with no press of his own.
CHAPTER LXXVI
THE SYLLACIO-COMA LETTER
9d rdpfcriOimiT Zndoofm QB^arti Sfosii angdi fcpnmufJbe^m
lant Oaceioetfnlfemcrtdiaiii atq) idici marie rut^aufpidid inuictff
funoy t^egti l^'lt^antat? nag ioeiie: DicbUi fcrllacii ftcuU ornum •
itu:didn(ooctot>ef>biloropbia iPaptc tiuerpioamia iPi^fsito.
tlm lfnc€Oper^?kad&t: flrsoc^ntoculo dAttaifoj:
admfrabfU pmdenifa no modo qu( i JjtaUa nodroqs
IC boc marl smintor:l6s<{>to()>td98:ac vdud < fi)fai/
la (vt optfmd pafto}e3 occet) (ingnla drciirpecrea: ve/
rncria vnAierft orfHa roraj^imenra Q>atia oculof ob/
com inedrq5 ^titwibire contedastpar vira5 dl: vt qu^ ^erdinida9
bifpanfap l^oc poterimmosro: icognMs popolid fmpcria fiM augo/
ItoausorionuperarduaitiniareaHodtatfua anfinfmagnfnido latiT
fimas tarad8tq5mar(a occapat:MUiefe6,jBmii\fBkaoi(nt€9
cfr(rr89:abl9acuHdcoIdni9aua0Oom{taa aemplo:ftbtopao (gno
toe birpaitia^impcrio addit. OHete^ fiU toto:d>nlHanfqs itdd ve
dkatiduione.Ouo(rt vt 0eo8r8pbo8quorda3nobilcerane cflUi/
ftre9:quopfhidij6anao2eambK>rtororato:medtopcdd>ri?a(!ro
npmo finguiari ad apltnTmaa ofgnftatcaob id j)uato:inajfmec8/
paie:pard oafgeto- oe (ndico marf pfcruraroa ladle poflia on>»bc
dae:qaf vaOd Oiod pdagaaacorineredrcudaadf reriptftarut. £^15
coflet nolTro fcculo ffcndfonbod Bitpani^ rcgd aMlt>fdi6:m<ridianC
maris ambttiienaurg9to:aabidp{f ifm'o:i9rerm(no9 €rpIo:aros:
3ndt( populo9mogn{ro8:arabi( beatasinila9 oep2d)tra9:q!if 1
marfidico fparrt^ cerndrur.'Oua naufgattone multo ate l^ano etia;
p$nu9:qui Canfoagin(9poretiaelHo}efe:drcQUcau9a gadibudadi
ne arabif penerrauerat-'fcripto j>d(derat. ^nnaa boc t fi biHoH^
noultate:rdiuen(ione sranHimn tib( dl ibtus:fllud impiimtol^nod
iiabit:q^0loji^atq5ampUtudin<biTpanieri beneefTecnpiaaiq^ lie/
{am i^'anf irtinbf mafdlate pariter t rdigione Temp fiieria admfrt
iu9.JD8bi9tn rcriptojf ven(am (iquf ad irulafaroWtii magnftodfnes
ac cetera (tngola fpectarevidenfipericulatfaa vberiufoeaiMUs n5
Oplkenf.faagarienra renifta9loco2n5 fgnaro m{nfnieUciift:qo( ^
Uneraa a je^oiUamio coma bftt>ann**viro fiinc nobai;remionepatri^
223
2^4 Christopher Columbus
fxararae nugrimc accrpi:cu ^ITq apfid 3foancanron{u birrtri papfc
fiu ruof cmc oprim^ iltico i Ucina verri; Zudani veriosc narranoe:
6iculditugan62/o2rafTc:quipcrfricBralronre ra iconfultcbecad re.
Qcd oil religtofiud $ ribirad que cara oibio rerraril maxime ^riner:
£t qu^vr illnd quoq5 adiunxerim^ed folirus meae eHe aliquid put3>
renugas. Saris Ik naui'sarioe i(la infulas luenifTe: c^lt craeras nofTe:
ponus nonullos nocafTe OPoff ea vbi remeaabus Imus mertri:mey
direrranea ejcquirere licuerirrquf oe mulriTozmiu genrium rruculeria
ino2ibu9 2 legtbus: varierare viuendi a vereribus rradira fuiurab Su
guUmo rero bipponenfi pontificezgenere afiorreligionio noflrf co>^
lotnine: i finibus lybie oculis vifa: t in eo Iib20 congefta: que oe fer/
inonibue ad beremitaa mfcripfu: narrarionibus annquoju Diligen/
Ciud odida. tJale pzicipu oecu9.£x li^apia idib^ oeceb2ia.I494*
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 225
^elijfuUOttiCTldiflni arqjjndid marts nuperCnurnrtff;
Olumbud IRegfe claflifl p2^kcms:quc\ bifpaiif If5a!/
nif ratem voctcantrituni resu5 erplozacur^oziennd lie
^ C02a: ct Cali 23erbic? bifpanic vibc nobili: que ejcrra
fauces gaditanaa: quatrrupend 2tlanricudoceamid
fnmaria noflra oifcurritifita eft: poztu celebjumiUti
b^Deleofa. viVkaledasociobiis: aiioa virgieparru-aftcccclrwrwij.
nauea cofcendir: aura vfurus fccudio2c: qu? bcnignucr flare iam cj/
perar.JW nauiu ma!02u minoniqjagmcn erpedini.iflauigia leuifll
ma inulra: barcbtosappelUrtrcfltobiicao.iQuibuenefcrri moles p/
nidtare p^fpediret: ligno t fudib^ magna, cjc parte iiicca lateraȣba
rauell( ire plurime: mino2e9eni5 be iiauee: ad magna tame z rio/
Ienra5 nauigarione robuftf . Cii bis iuncr^ que ad perluftradas in/
dojii infulaspararceram. Jam facra naurarii folcnia: oifcedenriii
cxcepraofcularnauestapedibusamiae: milliscaudaasironos fix
nes infinuanribus. Signaregia puppimrnduis coloaabanr.libiy
dnestcitbaredKnereidasgalatbeasirnenasipasmclIifluomodu/
famine ftupidas tenuere: clang02erubaru flridozc luiio;? refonan/
ribus Iir02ibus:b6bardarum Tdopis imis vndis reboanriDus« Quo
ercpio venerojii naues^ongcrquf mercamrcgrar|3: b2ifanicu ma/
re velificanres in po2mm fo2rc oiuerrerar: ftudio noil Difpari: ccrra/
mine non DifTimiUrbiTpano)? naues emular^ naurfca celebzaurrad 1/
dos abeunribus ( p20 m02e }bene p2ecates ranbus* tibi poftera oi/
<stHurit:pumicanribuspbalert9auro?a comodii remicare;fauoniid
ferenirer nifpiranribus.quinq} nauibus maio2ibus: cbarauellis.;ci|*
ddbibirisrqu^ anno fuperi02etndia]5 fenreranr oceanum; canariaa
verrusnauiganr:IDastnrulasruperio2ibus annisrepcrtasfuiiTc c6
(lar:m mare atlanncum jruris.Ouare noni8oaob2ibus:Depuira ma
riscaligme:Ia5arotarimul 7 9o2reuentura:qua lartni 2}onamfo2/
runam non infulfenominatrmedio fefe oflenrat oce^no. 2}emgna
cellusrfadlis? inoxiaimf: c02U02um tniurta:quod geiuisaiirum in/
futasinfeftat:mercaro2esemmusrepelieremur.^anrQ eft ea iacru/
ra: rr aduerfus jll02U populationes la enei muiolabilis: qua cere/
na co2U02um capita annuamn coloni fmguli ollerre magiftramt pu
Mdtud aftringanniniQui oiaonon paniennc; pccunia mukcan/
226 Christopher Columbus
mr.l9incfnCftnarlammdsnam&dat{:qudm.£.'||blfn(udaaiutm
magnirudtnc fradit r(Te nucupataioic qu( p^orima 6itf :cdmo2anir«
qutcQuid ad vfum dadia ncceflarium vidcbarur foic coemiror targi/
trr: noit mediocri faccari capia: quo canartf abundant: in nauea c6/
gefta.lRam quod Srabia quondam miircbar atq5 ^ndia: giimiunt
tnodo {n arundtntbud coliecnim: candfdii videlicet z fragik: fate in/
dicum niedico2umplurimirocant.duntaorem in canarias rrgum
aufpidis bi(t>ano2umDedua( colonic Cue ad illuflrandam p20/
uindam oecet.oiligcmer funt parata«^cni5 epffcopua bofpitalia:
ccmplumvirinirv<nerabilc.9ratruminino2un) c^nobium reiigo/
nc obreruabilitedtTido vfqs ad cleganriam cictruao* ^am mercaco/
res multiuagiiartifictsreduU omnia fere 0enm9;populu9 nnmero^
ru9.i^a9 inrulaa t ft fouunatas cefeo psopeoccaruj poTuaa Tub me/
ridiem:vt^ubap:odidir:ibidquf oemeridianifinua ambttu reli/
quitinumerofa tamen cmiaiidiu agminaifrumenta paflfim t kmi/
na vo2antium:aquibos t oUm fcnbit-iQ&.CIarro oppidd luflfoiTum
(n l^ifpania: 23Qleared p20pe eoerfaa: nifi po •IKomant MxAiu^ ptc
tto fui(1et;ita Tpore cxtrio psodeunt fementibua: vt i^cum peflia b(c
raltdioi abigi nom.poiTec: rd frumeiarff annui fuppetant pzoocnid.
£t tamen feptem viri: qnibua id per vices re2ionari5 oemadaf : qni/
burqsoaonid oiebnecad milte vrq5CuniculosabQlendo9:nibil quo/
Hdic aliud agut nifi venatu*8ed on iSomera verrua: oic fequeti na
nigaf :que £oucdill^ venatricis prfmarff malierie fubiacet ipiorZTc
neriffa3 p20labnnf:nouem regulozu oitionefuperbienre.Canarij d
icnit indomixi: fine lege: nado C02p02e:qutbu8 animus intrepidus:
pares aodaci^ vires:quare c birpano2um adbuc iugum non renferr.
Ohons arduus JTenaiflam tueror:nubes excedit:caUginoromq5
boe noflrum c^lu ruperat:omnium(vt p2oditur)aittinmus.Oui me/
did nauigatione a magna iCanaria ad 6omera cenim miltbus abdl
palfuum.Cum alij in medifs lfbi$ arenis canarij: fatmsab Silantc
(ncoldntrperfolinidinesnigripulueris: ferpenribus refenos tele/
pbaniisXanarij ob id nuncupart: <f victus dus animatis bispiomi
rcoas fxct vifcera ferarum oiuidua^aiijs aetbiopiam tenentiboe vi
be£piopoli*(.canumciQicateinquaanubtscoUroUiost Umqfil^
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 227
38mdbad(9ttAa9conff&afiid*0af<rmeoffd(it 5om€ira pjooraflf
fi8d:obroiiio;{ t aquanoiUs gratia: mos optato 5irpbfrid efflantib**:
adinfulad ind^iniUmto vOiScant itfnerc* Qao fti vr ad tnM (daa
oaolMd§errarifiino»cdtin6cret:f(ecadaaitrainiffotec<)aoK.£)f^(
rombicfpectam taudito noninraatte.3nrulacamaqtta:foni9m>0
edtderatlaticeeifloemom ctonoitia indiga.*vtOinba'oit casarW
irariiaifitameiniiUt.C.'tfMiiUad in.vi.nanuaU8billo»e Ut>2o:cmi9
ptooris no abze foericflrboz ingea: taarinid folQa oeftdTma: vlro^
re popouo in cdftojcfntul^folUsiooflfundtonroK rdperfa ma/
intinoraqna qu( gniraiim indc flfllat:ln Hagno drcu arbojc ro^tfera
oocto redpttur.i^o alia eifeaqua in ^orariaindla atbotcTRcq^ id
faitoadmiraberc anc fitpza fideopinabere en iEkmaniftaique a $ery
raria'panim toUtrtobronija nn0aIi6C8reat.tlf5am milin nitico no
foananimaUbua canto abunder:vtcarnibo8 folom vdct lu nccclfc
yde iamitis dbodrgallinis t aliilil»i8:crnda perfepe 7 fuo adbnc p/
pfofom oruoje paratnrar.£)am moidonatesHnoa enam'gannfmo
fcatnou^zis veua inbojiulr validaarfluauainnimao^tcaUgo can
m ocmpatrponto atra incobat nov:nift qua fotmina mkabannqiia
conicrua reboat>ant*Ouo genae naufra^i po^loftoa aat (rflUoa
nibiL'^cdloliaponrf tepeftadbaa c^U ininria rupaddita;imbHb9d'
Auntfba8:n{mb(9largit(r iitinnpetftmd:antenf oiffraaf :tacera vc
lazabjuptifuneaHlriderfa tabnlaia:foii falo fluitanteaibij fommo pe
de^fnfUictu:bidbd?irce8 vnda coram inter aparicflitctud.9b(qoa/
cum qairc)5 co:po:id roboze z animi magnttndine |K((lara eq^a:
vire9efriidttaincta8.iQibagno negotiofiiic: nanea regereirecinaat/
Ucenere:necoennted iUidaentur pzooidere: que vafUa perTcpefla
^tflmdincerpoluta velndcnrbinam montibnaivirodiUaconfpkipo
tAancHflfnit tandem oena voco bigiter Vogatua pie cflebiUtaoco/
ratu8.nam fwe fllnd led^ foboles (nericrvr grcd^ partiiafit:gemd
Uftanrea naoigiia TalntarearfinebDmo^ea atcenfi eHeraninruinicd
aretamp:oceUor{; cempeft^oiflbloonc caliginem: vtpbifidoemo
nranRfiutvt cbziltiaiiiaareo:: fanouaqoidam J^remna psodeat:
nanticoaexaodienadamoiearnaafragis pzopidoz: accenf^candd^
0emin( in p»o«$ naniafiKligio fobobfcnra noae micoere ;«-6ta/
5
228 Christopher Columbus
fquo2inllarmarnio:(slettificatuui«ncDuh's oepumd: vbi nou^fol
Dtem fccir: tellune a(pidud( dz^itceocUdcnoiarmc poriiind^'ar/
dcmc0cuptdme;vtporcquJoctmoocrant cmarfttkm: cxmoiilhts
marinid rubKprirrutnfTenr;lon0o corendenresobcura: quCmaxime
Tdlcbanc acfe oculo^o; c (nblimi nauis pmoii^ (pcmlMotcs piofpc/
core fercrra nundatUt ^am mdfmm rcfcrur cacommaiiam ff luam
ocdnuf vir02e:flatjtnq5 amc oculoe feprcm inful^ piodicrc: no ai>/
cca r€CO0nfte. Jbl omnid rcfoctUactB ammidrnaufrasif memozca tx/
09 ptanr: t oc rim pacant TcU^ofiue.ll^i quibas elfirnt inrrrris: qol
ve occani o» rcnerenc: p pauci ojgnofccbahczp^^ccud ^fc igno^a/
barmintmc^ud adaceriHcattm iiialomq5 cosefhss accclfcrar: g^
aqua ocbaufta tota:cpota cunaa f€rd>atOuod parrim tonga naatv
gationc: partfm p^^crf oOarsitfonc conrigfirc copend ca* St quidc
pcrima Ilk regiondtlocojd no isnarusrqui quo rint:qua ve cf It pla
ga r<fpte iU^fnrutf iacerer:p2uderiudoiikret:ruo9cdrolan$: nouam
lellore iridui fpario ad fumma efl polKdcuoiquieta p:<vn(nend Ittro
ra: vitreoa larices fe oftenfunim ac Aueta fpondcs ntdda« Oua oe re
aquam fere rota viritim otuiTerat largfozibua metrenobf drt|rq5 ca/
pad02ibu9: vt Ohof(cn ouce Itnculofag iud^o^u cobone9 coArman/
lemtartdo oicereoin rabulo«Ou( fpeaneqs fodoafrfelltn^admiran
dum ma9i9Doao2eoibu9p2((Utir.^nrnI( canabOliaparenCgea ilia
cfTera t indomitacarnibuoveTdcur bumanta: qtt09anib2opopba^
009 iure nDaipaueri5.aduerru9indo9 moUea fdliot z pauidoa bet
la gernraiUdnead vfum camiu: eaeapniranlle venamazpopulan/
lantur:Dep:edanmncra(rannir fncoTendua indo9.*Deuo:ar ibellea:
9 rui9 abfh'nei .^arcdc eanaiballia^Ouod t infenu9 oHedam oiluddi^*
K^arum pzima a meridie paulo atrolimr puld>nrudine monrin fpt/
cnnda:v(ridiumameniratevtrenda: ingenaarbonim frequencialir
coium renuan^ ibelfalica rempe.banc oominicam appetlauere in tV
liu9 Dlei bonozemrquo refenintreperta5.flfer0o ea retiaa in marO
nolanrem perreteretl^aic enim cum fecunda fuiflcf a oomintca na/
isf9p2(to:ic nomen indtdere:qua5 ct mote cerimoniia adbibiria am
(efaloatoiialnlignicam birpani9re<stbu9arcriprere*i3nde renoM
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 229
lis vtribos t mc^MSdacoXo bfkeientiBitadifn tiactirque a ma/
4iQ0tonte«)CKnc»mdt1nifii9beft pafToom; tonscpi(ftaiicio29dm(rar«:
Mtxm fixtbxe cenoicplanldcmolnoccon: momiitm (nexpbcabtli
tcccn^^Jilxxd iwrram oignum t obrauanonepaftbenfmam. ^o '
ffns floot'ne< moittfodRaic vatkc vndc fluoita motoi t concn/
iia rapida floliam fn marc*Qtii piooil c iiaititHie mfraculd; boc fpe
<oIanmr:bis a pif nc^fo Dobio foftrniiKa tic Qlc candcfco^r'concrc
i(:an Wg cricf lata fodcsfiii(r<t:aim eomm caitdcm inaaluerit op(^
nlo:qa{ vafhiin cffcfltmbxm perftiafKrcnuQaod mor abbiequf <6
pz^fidtoarmaiommadpaloftrandam infutam cn'crannconfirnia^
cum c(l«'5ontq vfddicct acccUto:c mondd (uggdtn emanante 000/
doiisfnti mafozibua (tomiitam9:vdDf(b:ad>fi0 prcpomcmmnlttpli
a'bastqaibisa vtifarrfa frriflamr iruta.Oaarr frddtbudcomalar^^
0rb62ibu9 vcttisatbabtB vcrfxcoloiibae otpidatnon aaiirarno par
<a:ror9 fenHist <xpo(tra«^nicru9fit ea marimc inta*cgabdp2C(hi:
bflcsSlTea nomfnant. napidpcrnmaeafigur; raotstnifiq^pauto
fn maiaeejccrcocrint vtpcponea. Jllad non ruMcenddm q^Yapo/
rc9 reddant varies: d vkce mucaocrie oiaMa aperirc Croda bi^
Saftata vc in accrarije folrmua^adinacbad rdcrar: rofta'caftancad:
cum fuaia came dim cucurt^rae cdac xc crcdce.' Ouibue ft amfgda
linumlacfnCeccris: nibfl guftaucris molliue: nfbavomhlB sulo/
fiuB* ^ti omncd arrcdcuUnarum vrurq5 popmarioa aptffllttna fer>
cuta: varietarc (ocnnda: fapidftatc sratfitimarvc iudcbmm' maria
(ddl ro2em ffriaoim arbitrcria* £linq) fntima coipbiie non Ifdatit
ncq5 vUo acccpco incomodo vcncrcm graucnr. Tncdiconsni conftUo
€)u(rcs{oratarioocduatmnr:(9-bci9?maUaircaisc]d>^ fa/
lubsftcr.lt^omm fcmfna fgamd^ t mukffapida tic in tioftro oibc be/
fidcrarcnronfn bOpanlam cranflara TunLfftpictaca f^cuiidum fc/
tncnrtogcnudrmagnicudfoclnpMickcriaroroiidtr^^^^ pK>^
dirdfraaoccnnffTimo poWncncrtarvr fttimcnaim:>an(d cbnfidf
fcM fapoHamutrfe qoRwd rcnnfo: viaas:§rzna maiicribue. Hbla^
■fmifrttf(ccs:pfra odoia abode: fjittcftrfb^pomfo rami cuhjaW:vmy
friofr rf(o(:hic(rcU^fi«lRiiUa ihfnrfa fmiM
4
230 Christopher Columbus
fttrdMMtnwmqtL^wimnere Bolapontildcd rakboncrsftlno
i;f0v^e^ticfe9arbaKsbabddfer$:ratuJ obditaf Imagine: qutbits
Bdiihwtt vc(tcs babadnts perfnnilee pfinunf • JDomus tnagiiifof
ortdinibaiB cckt^ crai1t62tbn3:cortop(4 imfcar^^Otiahi riegaria no/
•Oro2um 02a vaterikp:orinustn admirar(onc»2tgnaaffab:et]ctru/
era vohiptatcHjgna eramufrim <labo2ard aipidinc aumetl^c nott
ferronon c^lfbc inc^nnnqnibus carcnrrfcd lapCdtbue p^^acurfe U/
fffozdditopio nianub2iopzo()aniit arboscs: roboza Oiuidiir: tru/
<09 quosTijr rrrgemiitis vlnid pofTdd copleai: valtdos AndnnuJ^e^
'fnimtcrio2'parfecinitma labo2u:qua aduerfue vmb^at ike uidoe pa^
^narepaaloanteniemo2auim^. tJidinrbicfeocutist^flaf iPerms.
mdfgaritaoprimffidci bifpanue: qui in ohenrcm cum pj^ectotnoy
uarnm regionum cuptdine Mcane perraerat : mdoe pluree vmi/
bus alTtxoa ad lunim gulf alTart: fuper ardenttbus p:unt6:cii mulra
tadaucraiacerent accruatim:qutbud capita cxepta exrrrcmaqjcospa
rid cuuira.Oum iliud canabaiti non oifTirenmr: palam bominib^ vc
fcireaflfirnianr«jarcuvranrur in pugna pzfualtdo:bacQtimagnicudi
netaciuncragirradaciicaod'cacauriro pi^xasincin vlncrc acccpm
UcHc acimipoircr.OfTa ilia ribiara fcruncur en'e:nequtd in vfum no
iranfcar: rrunddbumanidDeooiarid. Sagiccan'i perin'« fpiculis pc/
func quod tntendurrnoquam errantc t>crrcra. ikcq^ id felfo btctunt
quieexinima^mifuasfrbiopadmarirfmos in hisoiis clRiHcaflcd
c(Tcteg(mu6:quod ftgnificatremo t quaccrnu oculozum viroemon
quia ftc fir: fed (f fagicris p2cdpud rranmr contcmplarionc* £m^
balk's (Tanira df fupza mediocre: craflioiadta: nuda co2pora.lRaui
gtjaremiganr maioiibus mfnon'burq3:quf canoa appellanr* Obino
ra baber plurima vnico ligno excauato^Xinn-ea ea virgili^ralij Ofbo
noxolas nominar.[Q()aio:a latcribue pfurid longitudtne pedu ocro/
gmra^JEnanr a man quatirare patmoio qufnqs: laricudinis dufdcm.
lP:o rcmid lad anVrcdrcuiufmodt &irnari|S noflrid func in vfn: pau
to rame b2cuio:ee.iRauigam boc paao in vidnae infulad: boc rrai|/
Ciunrremigio:quemo2ibus plurimu) ctngenioDidtdunf^^merdu
cuebeat longiusp^edandt gratis vrq5ad millemiltaria^^nfanr^sfli
pi(ttO9:pt}<ro9rerno9:cxcmpc&jBenfc8ldw0:vfC9po9fd9nare mo/
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 231
rfdcfnles tqoosmoded vaMiatalntXpcCx^.vtvcmtccBimoxopt
tn( z fagtitarf in 0uli rrafcuitr anidioic: fubzepras mnUetce: andllas
t702ib^addicdr: aar feruac ad libjdinc^f x quibua ft nafd fobole cori/
gcrir: Saturni fabella vcrias:quepoct^fai\3 faruram finpinrrrca/
priuo9abramtir.£aUtdJ:fngenfo fadle8:a(hi fagaccd: vc fadlttn no/
nra9 Icgcs viucdt45 racioitc no magno negptfo rradud poflltnt: vbi
noflrom tnozeemiribicdagnouoinr: viraq5 Mpcxcrtnt ctadioicm.
Qvmc {pcrat bicul oepoliruros feriratcrru tdoceribua nolMa: m tV
lud fdcridc irermfnadb^zntfiab bomimVaUlinumrJugu fubimrod
i Mfpanfa capn'nos vfnctofqs frnrod^Ztpozea ferper^dlacerr^ maio
rcBfincnim.€An€B ire cfy^ nuUud oblan-ania: g|b^nulla rabiea:baber
quapIni1mo9«ll^'9 afpina Ofailtd: vbi bomo'db^oefierirrrcmitodid oi
ftcdmU Btxce ofuerH gcnafs;p(iraco|?copia mira^Cdnaballia quos
tmcfc oirimua baa kpti tnrala9i1no2e9 non ofiTimilearpar nudiu5
p:cdandf: eade fertrae in tndodrpoputis alioquin frequcres: odoti/
cidabundar arbo2ibud:qu^ incolta incognirc: a noftris vix plane t>c/
p2ebcr^*qui medirerranea non lufTrarunt:qaf adbuc in morana non
ptTTCxeratMaem mafeflatf Tlegii arcnpfiflfmr infulam faaciflima
fana^ ifl^arif J5adaiup(:quf i babica biTpania cckbiie cianfpic^/
lo'nomine nacupaucre.£)u5'ibf frprc oied^omosanf : p^ofiigi mulcf c
canaballid:capriueq5maIiac88dnaueacdfugiar*Outbdmanfra^^
fcepn:dbi8 largiter rcfmiiDeod fibf alfa{(recredcbant.Cuq5ad rcdi
fo in canaballod boztanf :ab bifpantaramplexari maloa: pedibua ad/
aolutfobfecrabar* lacbjfmia vbrnim flaetAmaorpzecabanfine rur
fu8 imanu8canabaUo20 ranqaa peco2a bcarudcrcnf oilanianda. £
canabalUacapripA-paud: curfoenfm pemfcesr^llacea: lodapz^rc/
rea nafura mnnicf fTimfe nf 09 ptcncbanr^i^inc oiictc vcrtne: indoiix
f nfuf( cemunf in mari indico fparff : rop:a cencu oaogfnra a l(ua ad
fmum arabicum oeflex(. I^aaelfe arabun) infuladpotfud enflitna/
ii€rim:coni.£OPUnij:rum alfo:ii refNmonioceiti(nmo:quibu9 mo/
rt9pIactdinittcai:obno]cij. ^nfulf nauigarioiiernperiozta anni eiv
pI02atc:canaballonim incurfionibua rrpofir^: vi e canabaltis vnua
auralrtr ^ndo^njagmcperfi^pevettar in fagamXanro timoicin/
dttaco:2ipirur:vr Wnaoactia: fiqooa babcatmagnopcrc rdoimi/
5
232 Christopher Columbus
3mci5dddtupa reltoaquattoidttsni^uef^dndffeoiraillli 61911^
vcliBycOisSinn patdaaoc9rb9ra5 IRantdata5V<rftti3ioccuIfr»Qno
in loco fuptrioze anno Mfpani^p^ffecro (utrantrdjcti:qtiiarcc roe^
rcnnir mun{ci(rima;qu{cdmmtdcum inrularfbosiniretrquf oocedo
be bocedoq5 populod reddercr mftiosee: tl W fol nou^ oic fcdc;mol
t$ {nful^ Oetcgjirnr:qua0 adire in cdfiKo n5 fiiic^tlao cum ad.)cvtf j#
fcalcdae btccinbjes canabalttca qn^ fe obmUflct are ocoloarftm k^
€itq5 fpecfabilt (nuicane nauigancea; placafr pom occuparitrco lau^
rancol^ qooq5 z nibt( ap^aniffTcnt ptocuU^mmfira c fcapba cxplo
raro2ta nauicula:vt qu( mfntan^e Unguarqnf leges; que motes ino/
f efcerenLlRattclerittd ca dUquibud armatfa nanicul^ p:f ficit«^0 ount*
ram po^ms tnadere pane HudaiqM facafitl^ pacebat: barbarous
£anoa5 fpeaac pone:ex alto remigame ad cafulae recta^^lU vbi fi^
pins accediirrperegrina clafTem m iratirmaloe j^certojes: ^pugna>
tula ardua obftupercccedroperi (meiiduncardcttuerincumburremid
'fcnixiud.inrpeaa max naufcula cum armariea'nftdtas rati: pioiam fit
p:opi02a inful^ vmunt illtco.lRaucIeriue fmipfr ftibtro: viam ad rer
ram interduditrpugna mferiir canabalUrcertit acriter: ouoe fauciat
€no(ln9:alterbdd quattuo2t>ieculas ejrtinao: male aflfeao alrero;
dfpeo effracto: que babutt p20 falute* tie)? pofteaqua flectj canabal
It Dedtnonid pditiomt)usno po(Tunt:amtdrie fignaauerran^iCupte
bat eni3 nauclenua vtuos ouccrettrrutt ille bofttUud*^n canoa irra>
pi(bianttbu9rimtsnautg(u Di(Toluttur.25drbariqut treeeranttcum
Ouabuemutieribue foUs^indo vnico capritio(bunceim c% vidnis
fub^eptti infuUd oucebar j nibtlo recius nando falutc petur* adnatat
cnf5 volnbtliterrflttitat asititer:capt{ tade oocunf ad p^caiuQuof
vnifa fepte vnlneribus pfofluatT cuC vifcera eyena fojifecus^dibar :
cum fanarf nopolfe crederef :in mare jpijdf. 5lle fumma ebulliens
I yada:elato pedealtero: (iniftra fodllate: intdHnaad Itttoia remea
bat anfohonus. Qu^ res magnum tndi9 {nincufllt tfmoiem; qui in/
rerp2ete9 oucebanmr. ^oimidabant cnim tie verfi pdles canabal^
li arrepta fiiga: molirenf f^ufoza.Quare aio9 e medio toUcdo9 obfK
natecenfebant.;Capimrergorurfu9 Iitt02etenu9:vincn9 manibus
pediVaftricrtojatcrom todtur p?fcep9#iadnabat 8rdentma;barba/
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 233
rud tamm (tie (ngmtid fpfrfmsroonec crcbrfdpfrfoiatSd fyiitttsfpt
riram cfillaoit: vix nio:( loitgiua fpac(u3 tnterccflferanaccurrcrc cana
balljqaaplurcd viTu b02n1>tlcd:colo2C atrotafpccturrud: ruMca in^
cincri: varije tUit|^olo2ibua ad fcroctratan:capiu'6 parte alrcra otto/
fa:nf2roeapiUo:8lcerap20minbcextenro.£quibu9capfiaUttmpIa
rcead nanescanqui 3d aras confusercmuUa oetrnculemia z fori/
care canaballonsm conqadliOPodridic duB oki oeccdemeeab bac
fnfula quam^rucemranctamappdlatuialijd podbabrris quapluri/
mierraoicntm nauigan'one ad tndos odaririnfulam quadam roa^
Sntambtt^ponoofamzciil^cognonienint ^oancsbaprifla: regno bf
fpano addtderejCuiti renafcenre noiio fole Oic poftero in earn (nfu/
lam fe receperen'n qua cb»iUanod fuperioie anno enarrcoimue oU
iniiro8ap2^ao:bii remearer ad regesm btfpantae.l^utu9 ou ozas
legunt:fone in po^ro obirer inddere:qut moii fobiacet celeb2f./9f^d9
cb:jlh'nucttpatttr:a cb:{lh'anfe ferasima ferme milib^Oift^^
Oao ergo oferti nauigaride bU5 (ingula rinianf : cb:ttUano:ii pozot $
arringuf : voluprare inenarrabiliroefiderfo iexplicabtltCupiebam et)
fuos i pn'mis repperire iticolamcsimox indoiiis comertla zmoics
auribua ejcdpere: fed loge fedus acddft $ fpapbaf OPo:m chi^ in/
greHisad noac p^oueaarcn nemo c xpimieiqui i lirro^e arcerene^
bac oaco ftgno refpondtfTeciiii^ro: 019 z oqlot fubijr acerbifltm^: fti^
rpicanrib^ id quod efat: qxinaos videlicet rodo9 f undim9 qno9 M
reliqueranr»]^n tama acerbitatec fo2midolora fufpirione drca.xmo/^
cri9 b02a $ndo2Q canoa qu$da5 e1ir(02e roluit:ad naue9 e]rpediti02«
OI1td>auar ddpeao9 cu aliqm'bu9 p2imo2iba9. Js cniy naaigaridc
dUera:p2{fccrnm inita obferuabar amidria:feflini accurrere granim
regi ^oarbanario birpano2oaducru crplicata'udidu indi^cb2iilia/
no2Q redirii o(lendur:bilaratodpopplo9 (ignificatmom gelhiqs ex/
peoata p2(referunrgaudia:con£^ntu fuaui: qui tenoiirminuta voce
debatur animo9 oemalccre.iSoatbanario ^niAi regi p2(fect^9bten8
birpanoa comendauerat vnice:codliauerat intime* Ouocirca flacfi
naotciila erponif acmaria;quf indp9 confirmaret:qno9 remulcara
ad p2^ro7ia . Jlli t>ubia mete accedere abnuut ^ptu9: no fe p2itt9 pi/
nfb^ credtniri; ^ pT^ccto agnito ocuUfqs fideUbus inrpeaot£)9ta lo/
234 Christopher Columbus
gd ocxpianid acru pquirir cupidi^.l^cfpodct jSoatbanarii} egroia/
re (auaa:x§iMoecncmoB ois* £rcii ofaferrgta muneragfoluunt
cceuro pure gocnirnia ooo:quibtt6 aqua t Diuim abads fcruaf .De
Smcrc mo2ri8 nfbil ea noae moiqucriiqnq canfa neds oedud pla/
nc ab bfe no pomb«Ouib9oomairJde fdlfnataadrege reuerftezaUj
pod miuculuai^oatbanadj mrcrio^ib^oomdlfdatqufad pv^ccm
(alutandii accriTcratrncdd caura5 aperiDr.3^nreif€cro6 fdlkct Mfpa/
ttoe a £oanabo rtge valido c^oren\3fa eni5 faajoftte cfatrigmto
vaH^rcucrid fo:midoIoras: t qa i i rpiano}? cede df^adan quoq5 re/
ge queda fibi Todu fodnoilB afdueracOuo fftdiTcdinmc J^oatbana
reus ou parrtb^ nfo:u faucrcc tnfidus: vulnus oxeperat violcrind f n
bzad^io.Belli caufa odtomq5 trrfcamcca libido iiitr in mnliercd idop
ordcrio2.iRa cubifpani finguUquinad baberet i Dditiie.1bboli6 vt ar
bftrot graria.*parfercrq5 illud nullo paao mariri t ^ptnqui fcrre por
rentrcofpirared barbad ad vindiaa icommeli^ 8botnidaq3 iniuriant
(nutio d3 gen^animani opcrs 5elorfpi(>iumerora tnolritudine rbtf
Oidtt09ranrado:ti«Ouicu (lipaca illoin agmina omrius ncquidciu
fodittcre vrq5 ad vin'mu ftrenue oimicarcd tadem miTcre obrrucanf*
Ou( TCB tu JSoarbanadj verbis e agniprru eadanera ipa oece bifps
no:fi a nfis inneta oedarauerermtfera made Defb2mata:pttluere op/
(tea 7 ffda fanguiezmid afpecns oecolozaca.Z'res cl^ fere ntefee Tub
•Ditto faeoere neglecta Tine mmulo*£)epl02ad fodj z pdamatirqui oi/
Snofdoefo^mfrare no porerar rmanes ejcpiari folenibudferalia rbala
ini:cbH(TianommHni terra cddunf*lt^id peraccis ad vifendum regc
quffermeam^riDeeemilibudpaifuu fecdn'nebar: pz^fcaas oierer/
dofntendiranimum: cenntmq5 bi(t>anfenobili02ibu6Coinirdm9:fn
ram partem oefcenditrqua villnla eflfumabat ;ctt(mina pfpideblmr
plnrfma nibidnibusoirpofitfd: tfmpaniflid adbibiri0:ade infhucta
Indein regiam oeducunmrrfydpiunnir regati lujoi pjomoje.Jntro
fniminwrabbi0:quibu9 id cur^ mandaoim aat.i5oatbanarium fa
lotat lectopefiliiacere ad bambadne r^'s (imilinidiiie affabre dabo
rato.Smfdti? pigno2a camojie ffdera vn-iqs babitariam bifpano^r
jSauderp:frenn'anieniuole(iardntegrat8»midna pfirmatad^^iftia/
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 235
sum aperk foro2^9:turtn9s indkar boftui valcrioicdrpm'cula oflcn
dir:vulnu96ete2irquod dccn>erar«tlbi loqucdifinem fecit crcizli
furgit kctttloibuUam oeponie qtta3 home auream 0e(labdt:pz^f€ao/
<I5 ilia adtnouit fedulo^^ozona quoq5 bambadna itliue (nseric capf
fj e fao octraaamrbalrcos fupsa buodedm mira arte fiilgeres: non/
nulltenimauricrodulisDiftmguebanrur bambado interrcjcto artjfi
do miro.Sddidif ad munificenriatn cucurbitas plures auro iQuIrd
opplerasrquak aaurifodmis kgtrtir: qu^brlTcdOuodedm fupcra/
banci^um bed quihl^er.tvt trape5tcaru mcfc rderur:octo vndaa coii
f mcacS'or muncriVo^nacus picfccmeiz Donia a J^oatbanarfo re/
ferrusfunfcam inreruala apb2icanaarrecooruram nobflibua coloji/
bas vanegatam fiacta verfura induit infientter^^l&alluum quoqsli
tiTparii ejcamicbatcoquomanuslaaanmranulosdagneod coplu
res; poftremo beat? virgmis marris reuerenrer explicat imaginem;
qoam religtoHus ado:andam effe t>oc<u£odc cxcpio indi auro pits
rimo oncrari ad acdp/enda munera biTpanoa bonanrunlRon enirft
omnibudltcebat (ine oiTcn'mine bona ab jndia acdperc: nifx bis qu(
criam muice repedererrminuta videlicet munera fibulaa: vitrea ope
rarfoiiabula f nea:qualia pedibuaalligantur tinnietiu aafpttriirMe
cnim mirifice ^iopes atq5 arabes capiumr: et qutbus merces co^
intttanTolitodtegfmu9ibillonj9*Ouofit vi vtliffimte munufcutis
oilargttisbiTpani eooie fupia.ncX'befTea aur(repo2tarent«3lndf9
^neosum vilitatemrnodris aurj eu aurtcbaico permutationetnuicei
irrtdecib^cu p20 iingiitid cncie bullia tmenra5 aun quatirate mdig/
foluflTent.lReq; id cuipiam mini fuerit: axm raritudo pKtiil pan'ar;
iPuIegiu tnquit ilte apud indoa pipere e pzedoft^^quo nibil vitiud i
p2a(is no(lnd.£)u bee aguf regia vxo: port i^oacbanariu cu pueltis
Duodedm: que nude erac:nulloco2p02istegmeto (ingula admin/
baf : amida ^ ^miltarib^ e mo2e i terra jpfintie. flequid vero ad re
fiate pompa oduifTe credere^Miintna J^oatbanari^esredit: ibi bifpp
fitis fedibud cii p2efeao manet familiarise etee euocato indo iterpre
icapi^kao tubef :qui rege canfas^reaidia edoccretcbifpanos ea (c
ipftttoagnuta i re0t6c9peregrjnae;vioocedo ^docedoqs mttioffS
236 Christopher Columbus
cas rciicret'.MuUd i^don<hi(pMomneSpmedoi& rcdigerenf*
i5oatfoanarm tame rege ante aUos feroamrod (< amkn z finiutiare*-
^c vW ra ab indo acdpit atrar^es fllico terra pedecoplodit: ocu/
los toIUt ad c0O3.*voce (dit t geiue: ad qai c^eti indi qui fere iU re)C/
ceti puenerat acclatnauere.Cu( res maxio noftris cimotifoit atq5 fox
miditii qo( cenm aderac leufozis armaror^: vt nonulUcapuUsman^
admouerinttaimia oia ageda fufpicarf.'Reboa pacaria ? fide condr/
tnata £$oatfoanar{^d vffendab naned Ddccdit.^ibi^ppusnacuta eel
(iota admtrata0:amtameta rimanieiferramcta cofpicaniazin equo9
majcime cotedt oculo8:qoibns carer^lPhtrimi eni; oeducebanf eere
{{j ad cuifura vegeii:t ad armarara vab'dC: qmV frena c^lai a.'epbip
p&ifiicata:tbatte(pobtnfnao2natf(1ima:nortiteindo^ vrcmotcfoi/
midanda flta rpectaatla:rDrpicaban( enim earne bamana .flloa pafce
re.lf5??torf? vW appnlit naui magnifico rufcfpif apparam tfiiipano/
liim ronitiKCfmbaloio tfnnfroibombardard fulmfnantiii.'fsheid glo
bis emidtSm».Jn puppf 005 oeftdetrietatfont (e p^fberbilariua: pa
IhUi ex facca'ro tragemata: t id genua omne mcfam eictruebat opipa
re,tleg{ grauftae Cncntt >rierabafe: maieftaa Cmperio Dfgna :^« ^
reriidfoblluperceretfingula.ad media nocterege ad fuoareuerfo:
bifpanibduftrandalnfula erplowdifqsfinibuacogitant. Qoare op
CO p02tu:que iRanidaib ptunu nauiii capaddTmn yocat: ad quinde/,
om v«ganf mifiarfa noubzii capldi loco?. Jbf poitua feceiTerat tuiif
nmu6:regati6 noncnpa^naotaru tefh'monio qnfmarialuftrarat nul
h' refudud: pbmo;: copia Tpeaabiltef nature Htu p:^ntib:.ll9ine ad
oorifodinasbeataqs flaenca vtterius euecti:aUil naoi fece(Tu5 aihenif
fimo.'gratiara fltu falntat p02ta.3|n littoze ocib Diebue a natali fkaz
to:i9 exponiintur fluufo caudal nitidiflTmoaUabcte: o:a notalnlJ:f(^
Sio planitfe ntnka ambit mottculia interdti leuiter ai1iirge8.3erf0 le
peried miraVvt Vfcee bieuirinu oaturadzirfdmrn genhfnaniru ladle
quid pblTet'cofe^artna fefninaboitefia Cactaquinqs Wejf fpatfo ,|)>
dijflTetbottoi fepente viruifTe: ceptie vberee ? pepbnib'.*rapbantd «
Wxis emerfiife J^dbs: fpe5 oTum mirifia aunt. HTdloa e'l^z ft bo»
ifsqofdoAatf^ximi fimtmagfe gaudeatrnibfl tame recufat q6 Me/
t«f9inM tttipUiqfih^mUo abodaiins inaioteq} reddacfsno:^
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 237
i€<mKVt9d^1V^ino9ob(oni»Mc<m^ vMculc inkrtq:
«ma .pucnerc ri4<nud«*i| KniTj( fpk^il mefl^^^
ne Ottid roto biinio fiiruro ad re fhimcraria dot vinalta ocndertrurf
50a)3anc iofolam Oijccrt5 no inmria:nu€ rjcarabidrmeejcindidilli
^eric»X24jepoO genera mulrolcguminu dnamomu gignicabunde:
qt) mctiri anttqufa nifx oeo ^m jtterc no Itcebar; gfngibcr ferr: gar)*o/
pbilos ramidfria cubiro^ii: co^nc^ pallido:babaa'o ferniie: rcdolcn.i
€afto:co:murciJnoflriappcllar:f$ctida cbure. cume genera onoindii
tab rutffi5 teldens arabicti traditDiorco2ide0:reubarbarodara:re/
medio aduerru0oe6egrimdie9p2(fenraneo:raeonta vocat iPltnf^.
IReq5 rame ta pi^ofaniunera bentgna tellus paree auareq5 miniV
flracTed aflf9rJ5 z largtter Dtifundic:vnde ftruee Ingecea mereea icef
fabiles nterearonV fuggerat* i^erifere arbo^es plurim( viufcnvMni
sere frdderciit:(lragul02ii ztomtntoy vribu9putile9.1inar($ berbc
tnulre ftmilea capitis eofiUoviof ineolf:lune9vnde;pcrabnf muko
ourabtlio;e$:canapt8 tcfiozce^ Odoiar^ ffliif palTi3:piurfma ieogni
tarno are vify farcbiUyn fuma oia ea pprii lellure fpore edere agre
ftia tit qu( abudare t J^adaluppa canaballpf^fupia edocufmua. l^ac
initcp2e bifpani redder Dirdplina feminadiadbibtrfoeolonte: villicis
adducriarq rerra agirerrqCarculta findar:araride:roedri6e;oonfeftica
erdrer:? (i c^liidulgerta nercoiarde no fir op^tJrbf qD( pukberrinia
fxdraf : pon^ iogi^ iftgnis pifaVabiidat moUtflimi fapojla: q a medi
dspz^guftari^Sroriaad valtrudine nii(traf.£apfunf c alij vadi cot
pOM9*1>outd magnirodie:qoo9abrdfi9pedib%euo:ar:rapo2fe ritoU
ni: n guftaueris alia Dtmirrea pifdu efdilera^^Bella ifuta nf ( vocac ca
dttirari jffabelfe nomeoedmr-Bfcco fir^pmodiratete^Ubenignto
ce c^tcTM areearrad pauculoa anoa ppfofa erirrcolonis firequed z eelc
biie (difitdja abrolurtd:muria magni(ice:enriicn*a en quia biTpanicap
preder dnirdre*£oo2die oom^Difpond^ furgar fh(nia:vr pnlcbnmdi
ne V2bi:teolia Teoi;? (if pi^ftinira receptaeulo lara vta "eramufli} 00
era inedtaeiuirareoiuidir:qtta moxaUf mfr^ prrarnerfuj fecar ilat^;
arce magnifica^pugnaculo ardno ejcurgere iltrroieOl^ierecri palana
regiarocat;eaftim?ruaUqii^reoeo:Q(Ofboiiowopife]clargir^^
238 Christopher Columbus
2 optiinad: w r<sed( 8a<IitNi8p20(icof {hta bcatar^sna t>af<6«iin
lon^e pdnavktoHa ruasinfulflfr vffiiil^W nobacKmploeSdftn dl
ooniaof^lenmtmttnm'baardmD.'quf 3ir8Mbi rr^ndjnodcnl
m treitfininiab biTpanCs. I^oc cnfiti p:oofiid( capacfiuoru cfle ffa>
cu w.l9itc ad noaam doicace incoledam misttf oc tMTpanfo virifioW/
l^minfia'c*9nta'qoo80Kdd«J5o:bolan9fii^(o<lar(:paide^
t<8 rero nuiltaro eicpaiauiaJl^oe pt^fcaaetoiuln 6b(02a miBtb^
cerio:a ca etpedito comitata:quf ad 'Rege daba ^daet (vtab fit/
die 8Cceperatjp:ediofte ndlonste itfiMlbtte 0i(laiue.2rartferod ^
beo0eo8eirereccpmc:quo6biftd:ic noftraraDecatant: cper^prfnC
rda-dcanaU&^iUod oifln li triro.Tl<0C9 a faba v^otietaarot^as
oefa-entcd:qufba9infalarcatcrvbmf5:«abndatcopioftr6i^dni
DirilTinii funt frloara fatSimeodojifen auri maallte: agrowmrt/'
Suis fUunmib^:nuUisccrcq5 ^^*Oum buc fnredir 02eda pagod
ptr9lte8:ab {ndi's vicattm bofptoUtcr inoicaC: vtpoie qa( via oocerec
ad resent fifdeUu8:7qu(babd)aitteruf^fraTet Ubedu&Kbasotum
p:(ndpe9Cidqoe9appeUad*£)editcntrq5 abcndidad aurf canldilov
« oiuites arenaazqucad cenim c Dcce mfllaria recelTeraitt: dxmiitn
ibi ninliarrtaod rnp23.ndtii.ofrendit.Dida mirabile t audftn incre/
dibile (am beatisootibue vbere reg{otie.anro legitur ereauata riot
mar0ine.'rq>enteenimaquaebuUied emergir: pamafcatoritturbi/
dioi: pod paujnUul ntcote reccpio grana aur^aqoe tnfnndo grauioia
refidet padunf Umpfdt'rD^idjm^ anref poderishnaioia mino»ae:
e quiboa Ozeda ipfe coUegr pUirima. ^llud pold>errima quod Uti/
berepudttiiretmeDtrioc^cfoliret accepmm: percnfTo danafa^co:
q6 mod adiacecpiofiUjiTe magna anri qoadtaterdfulfiiTe vndiq5 ati
reaa rdntiliad:fid2o:e tenaiTabilt.Oneraro9 Oiedaauro molto Tea
cnn'^id bei(f^iiate:aupidos $35811! magnimditteioomaiiioiKni
parat ad piefeoo cu nndia felidodb^tiSo^boIano fodoea^matiit hi/
fpanof ad rege-coins canfa oifcelTerat alaolua pzogredi&e. 3^0 65
ad illnm aireneradadfeftinat'.flanioinSentfaUqnariiperretardamr:
qui btipante tago otdo:: bibero potendo: in nanigabiUd ftre vide/
(Mcur. I^nc cum tranaretton poiTet pj^alido tonemte fmpe>
iu:.acoirrae'indonm grcges vndi^} c]c vliafotf ripa aojtfliOni
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 239
fym{ii(ititcrpc\\kcnt€Q.Qnzbcrc (oMiddiVid^ indkanvMaeci^
cent;0anq5 ouas liauicQlad imirrunt vatidiotc3.£xapttur i5o:boia
nusa|tera:ritmmo cu Dircrimmerrrat^au logo; tonete vcbcmitioiCp
iQu^ omnia btrpanavirmsconccpfitrou parri^ iinperionudct ^pa^
SandoXontearii alrcn comiam rranrucfoudn5 : oucccis auxtliaribua
indtadrcunaraiutbusrcfmbaouabirpani gdtabarur fublhnedbua.
Z'rateccoftumjnemulrisbonoiious boneitantabindis bcniuolcti^
teducurur p€r caciqiios alTabt(c9 ageres iter, ntarica illis bfferennV
bud:eiTdc penitiis exbtlarattdrntbil potiu9 fibi fumru iudicannb^;^
f\ CA ioca ab biTpanis babirari arq5 cxcoli r ide rcr.£uniq5 be aun cu
iitculie:Drq5 argen 02tgic imrada narraflenrrfoiteaquoda caciquo
ad aurificfnao Deducunrur:\)bt faber quidam aura in b^acreae mtnuy
lifTimas tenuabar.Iapis em^ terc9eas ejrdpicbacpoUtflTimo mar/
Sine c6rptcuu9.Diadcmaru tlic mitraruqjepmfter pentu9f bi9 eni5
ad capiri9 luniriam iodo2U mtfliere9 vruntur ^^p:egradc ibi lamini
cxcudir renuinfime.quc cuiufuio vc\ robuf)i(Timt bomim's vire9 gcila
rirroperaircr.lPoltiaru9auraria p2oderc: eo fe recepcre non p20cul
0 cafuia qua optfexincolebarrvbi quarnioi fpeaarur f1umina:arenaa
ourea9 voluenria.l^icenim longe vberiu9 ^ ab Ozeda fuerat pper
eum:aurea grana rc3ruriebanr:D2acbmara5 ouarii aurirpondere ar
fiencea plurima micabant in (undo»Ouod mm c^It f^liatare acciderc
<Xi(limo:fum aun viUtate.auri eni5 argcnq5 vfu9 apud eoa rariflV
inusrmerallt afHucria p?enu minuerermoiadematii em's folii z mitri
tn beliria9 rranfeanci^o^ed ill 19 placabik9:omnia pmuniarauail^
ti( nulla Aifpiriomo illod flagin'ofumrboc meum boc ruu5.nd alienl
eppenru9:n6 babedi cupidira9 liuo:e pzopulfatocidc animuefoibus
murua beniuolctiarpar fidc9 /obferaanria. R adicibu9 vckunt qu^
IRapis fimillimcriacro femine nulla cnlrura fpote j^ucniut.' e30uUc>
re9 benign^* placid^ t igenio fad(e9.06 edocuen9 accipiuc fubiro: tc
ncrq; fidelircr. 6aluta(ione bear^ virgi9 a nfi9 edoa^ ado^ar fuppM
dfenOuib^lingua.pmpra z erpoUta.lflibil m6flraueri9 qd no funiC
limu eflfinxermf . tlolupranb^ c pehrij9 vacar p!urimQ*Cdporaride9
i1li3 1 ictan6e9a(Tidure-cii aqua5 porct nullo vmi vfu.JDozmidr Ucro^
babarinoawcucurbianorquipcfUiscircuagiftUnicallliawvolio^
240 Christopher Columbus
ptadb(roIcDdir{c.£flpanam (oniemirificc capknttobltawtexl
micvt vix ab Ulfe Drnioaeri poiTVnt.ad quad pertraaandaspulfan/
darq5 b02isferccdrtnuidauidiu9accedur.£02p02a cogruerfam nic>
Inoinm t>eco7cqi funm miner colore furruflfo* tlngacsiUis dcgan
icsi polirf: candet oeres vr cburiocQliccft j : macularu variccace : ni/
fficMB capiUus Unid fdltccr 70enit(ru8:p2C(r( capu€:iromclaca:ra
ricudine pil02um flcrilio barba: viuunc ad pioucaioic cmc: beared
piria rara cmkicsMhulicrib'^cidc fozma arq5 co2pts datura: pfgtnc
cidfe cold2anc t vngucaefucat lururiofiua.d&cdicainctt genus rer>
ra e qu^ m infula p20uenir« rub2ica bac puran^-.comune illud fome/
lam oib^ £o medieamero 02a illintca ft longe fpccranerietcrueta t>i/
jreria oirepra cure.iQf^ane Tub Diiuculu flummc p:oxiino: riuoiimpU
do fe abluut oecerer*^''^^^^^ religioean mudiric graria./5e(lu luol/^
l(cuI^:nioiione lafciuulc^iludur eu noflrta: p20canrur libenuo: modo
niMrnrpiUdrracrernr: olTendunc cni\nf\ioc\eabutms.Qalmmin
buefeime modii* UPlurim^ fimul quibua Diadcmara 7 mur^ cn'nes
vinmniiayno perfolnut liinire: roluro modo: modo greflu fegnio^
re#iamm? "qu? oigiria geftanrur iplicirf inuice percolf?: non in iocu
dum aunt mnm.Bd quo2U fonttu voce non oiTpart canm non in/
ruauf in mollicic Deco2?: flewbus ro2ruori9;exo(Tam ^ eneruc falrario
ncexplicanr:o?dine pulcberrimo: neru inrerdu rario arq5 inexplica
bill: nulla fealijs p2^ferere:cu5 omniu qui fpecrant admirarfone. Zu
fu oebaccbaref petulanriue t fatigar? p20cariu9: equis grefTib^ acele/
canrea: voce cdira corinuaram abfoluut falrarione.K^c vbi^i5o2bola
fxM erpl02auic frngularno oiutius: ram bona3 fo2runa oiflferene: ver
fo if inere quo ad rege Sabeb2U feflinabar: efficad celerirare pedc rei
miir ad p2^recru veluri £If^ercunusopuler{02:indicaruru8 que oe au
rt flucnb^ oculis exceperar: oiuiriaa enarrarurus iedimabileal Qni/
busaccepris: pi^kaus exbilararus Oeo^prfmomaximoimp2imi9
reddirgrarias: morauriparrem riririm infaos oiuidit: quoeroc
bono2U reperro2e8 babuir: quoe focioa Iab02um rerra mariq5 fideli^
(ibiadiunrerar.Quo2a opera bifpano2uregnaaugu(le auaa : rerr?
Icognir? pep2ebere:inumerabae9 gerea recepr?:qu?ad auHrii prine/
barejcrime:vltra(quaro2i9merastrignifai feni02C9:ppIl recogniti
The SyllacioComa Letter 241
gr^Satim fparfi Ititelegerqufad chiifHrcUiionibiaxi ttidncenmu
aQuare oc rebus omnibus z tain pKctare gcdis p2(fecms regcs mo/
tier;cum ra bean's liunciis cbaraucUas«xii.rcmtm( in bifpanias: tnte
cus tile duicati cxrrucdcrm^nibus cdificandis tncambcns roUidrius;
miraindo2um multmidinequotidic In ^rabellam nooam duiratc
c6flocre;quibifpanis gratulatesroffid) monamcnia c bono^esilUs
pjopcoiumoscxbibeni. flftflgna fane atqj ingens tfoldWpjffecrf
lausrquUlciTcm pn'mus nodro euo in tndicu oceanu Dcdujar.(Q^a>
102 Kegiim cxcellenrium glo»a;quomm impe rio b(c gcrunrunOuf
fiddcb2i(liane incubcnres:yiao2ia mcmo2abilt: tropbeo incxpiicabi^
li;biTpaniasp2imo;quo;?pama cftrcjcpurgarut fuperbilTimo £>mnz
re *Kege pairorScrbicc parte opulenno2e iam p2ide occupanre: ^u/
d(os item ex bis rcrris quibus lateiperirant logi^Dircreueruni: fup/
ilidofos omnis radicitus exttnxerunt.lRunc ad cognofcenda 02ieris
lirto2a ad ampuricadam cb2illi religionc d?2inianiirimi iKeges P20/
penfmsinrendmir*
242 Christopher Columbus
ficdlerttpniderfttime vfrooomfnij Jflpbofewoallarie fuwoful/
to Difern'rtimo vfctanccllario regio oignifliino IflicoUus Scyllaoua
!&iculad.S*iD«
Vm mctibiviro piUnariot exMcH lipHdc im t>ao
aa<5Wlhid&metcq50C5ipmo wordigfo^^^ tubdi/
£ dcr(5:al^iTpanijdcom Sidliatpamafcllinafcmo):
l^bflofopbfc t mcdidi ttadio t dfalpina grmnafta tri
A3nid.)n j.anos IPapi^ vcrfarcr trer totiua ^rait^ phi
lofopbos flloftres: c$Id no aiiinitt5 mutafTc mc comperulRiiqua Dni
f mago mibC oc {mo occidir pccroit: itufqua rue man ruetudie venigta
tuimrnicaa vUa Ddeuir: ira cozdis ftbjia memozabik nomen run ra/
didtna ib$rcrac.SUjs rcgfonn emutario: nona loco^n admirarto: pe
rcgrfnadont ointina mcmom adimir fuo^* Bis pcozdia i amo:^ fiv
{d'etre: t qd idigniud rccctiu familianu commio: vatrce amid aio
Ddabncnn£20cdnra:quo logi^ i pegnnaa. narionea longa vtaj^irer
capcdinc rom^grdfud: to tenado: faci^: no modo pterarc i re mei
tcesracuftodfoi: vc^ abfmria oenderiorqaoru'dJe afloierartua adxf*
X3uo facrn c vr en rui vidcdi cupidme marimc flagrare qm adire ror
ImlcrifTimfebid repon'b^ oenegaf : rcripra falre nollra tuITt rua facra/
dflima Umfna cdrigere.acdpie0 igff que nuprfme oe ifutie mdie re
cognitle Tub aufpfdja regu iuicrffTimom: i larfnii cu verrcre:co2datt(
(tmo ludonico 6fo;rie mediolanenum Dad idyto oedicauera.3fn
quibua H quid ppera endrraru: aur Dicrn drcndft^ fiierir: id no a no
bis pscnariearu eidnimabts.^ndid8 illud vjdu:no noftrn fiiir flag(/
cin^IRi p'aerer ea qu^accepiiqueqs audiuf:pmurarealiqd aur ddde>
re no fum aufyB.Cn fllud majtfme i p2idpio me foUidraflrer Coluba
dafllTs regif §feaa ex Cali vibc o:a foluilTe i idku oceanu: no nullid
c gadibud Difceflum aflirmaribua# TCu ftquid remere fcripru oflfen^^
deriaoeleiobfcnriranlumeadde: ftqd vagan'^Iururfauerfr cobibe:
vmb:! afferjUma ma qua ejcacriflima ndnfiiotbua vtere»^(a enim z
me magno onere fubduaueris:? re pofteris coroIntiTe no penirebit;
tialeapapfa 3dlbo8Dccembribn8*^)&ccttIn9}((u^
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 243
CONCERNING THE ISLANDS LATELY DISCOVERED
**The introductory address of Nicolb Syllacio, Doctor of Arts and
Medicine and Lecturer or Philosopher at Pavia, to the most wise Ludovico
Maria Sforza of Angleria and Seventh Duke of Milan, concerning the islands
lately discovered in the Southern and Indian Seas under the auspices of
the invincible Sovereigns of Spain.
"Knowing that you observe from afar with more penetrating glance
than Lynceus, with clearer vision than the many-eyed Argus, and with
consummate forecast, not only what occiirs in Italy and in our own sea,
and, as it were, from a watch-tower (as becomes a good shepherd), direct
your view attentively to every object, but that you endeavour to extend
the prying glance of your eyes and the keen search of your mind to the vast
regions of the entire globe, it has seemed proper to me, that you, whose
mind thus embraces in its grasp the widest lands and seas, should know
early before all others, what empires Ferdinand, the potent King of the
Spains, has lately, with propitious auguries, acqtdred for himself from
races of men hitherto unknown. For this Prince, starting from the Pillars
of Hercules, and, after Hercules's example, reducing to submission the bar-
barous tribes of Africa, annexes the unknown Ethiopians to the dominions
of the Spains; and subjects the whole East to his sceptre and to the Chris-
tian Faith.
**From these events you will readily discover, that some geographers
(men, I admit, of noble parts and high reputation, in whose purstdts, too,
you take a deep interest, influenced by the counsels of Ambrosio Rosato,
the celebrated physician and distinguished astronomer, who, for his ser-
vices in this respect, has been raised to the highest honours) have not
shown much diligence in their researches in reference to the Indian Ocean.
For these writers have again and again asserted, that this vast ocean is
inclosed on all sides by the continent: whereas it is matter of fact, that in
our age, under the more favourable auspices of the Spanish Sovereigns,
voyages have been made beyond the supposed bounds of the Southern
Ocean, the borders of lower Ethiopia have been explored, the nations of
India rediscovered, the happy isles of Arabia, which are to be seen scattered
over the Indian Ocean, found out. Hanno, also, long ago gave a written
244 Christopher Columbus
account of a similar voyage made by him in the flourishing period of the
Carthaginian power, in which, setting out from Cadiz, he penetrated to the
extreme borders of Arabia.
** Though this narrative, which I offer to you, cannot but prove accept-
able on accotmt of the novelty of the matters treated in it, this circtim-
stance, I know, will especially recommend it to you, namely, that you wish
success to the glory and to the greatness of Spain, that you have always
equally admired the majesty and the religious character of her most Chris-
tian Sovereigns.
** You will extend indulgence to the writer, if what regards the boimds
and the extent of the islands and other particulars are not explained by
him with greater fulness and exactitude. It was by no means becoming,
for one ignorant of the ground on which he was treading, to wander from
the beaten paths. My materials are drawn from letters written to me in
his native tongue by Gtdllermo Coma, an illustrious Spaniard, while I was
sojourning with Johannes Antonius Birreta, a highly respectable citizen of
your own Pavia. These I immediately translated into Latin, in the terse
tmartificial manner of Lucian*s narrative.
** Perhaps I am guilty of more than Sicilian impertinence in thus pre-
sumptuously obtruding this narrative on your notice. But to whom could
I present it more appropriately than to you, to whom the charge of the
affairs of the globe especially pertains: and who (for I may subjoin this
as an additional excuse for my presumption) are accustomed to think my
trifles worthy of some consideration?
**Let it suffice that in this voyage the islands have been discovered, a
knowledge obtained of the climate, some of the harbours cursorily exam-
ined. Afterwards, when the navigators on their return shall have had an
opportunity to survey the gulfs and explore the interior regions, I will take
pains to add to the accounts left by the ancients, what has been handed
down from our forefathers concerning the ferocity of the multiform tribes,
their manners, their laws, and their various modes of life; all which Augus-
tine, Bishop of Hippo, the champion of our religion, and a native of Africa,
observed with his own eyes, and recorded in the book entitled Sermmts to
the Eremites,
** Farewell, most illustrious of Princes.
** Given at Pavia, 13 December, 1494."
ACCOUNT OF THE LATELY DISCOVERED ISLANDS OF THE SOUTHERN AND INDIAN
OCEAN ^
"Columbus, commander of the royal fleet (the Spaniards call him
Admiral,) set out to explore the shores of the East, accompanied by a chosen
^ As the following translation was made by the Rev. John Mulligan, A.M., for the
late James Lenox, we have thought it proper to use it here. In a few instances only
have we departed from it.
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 245
body of soldiers, on the twenty-fifth of September, in the year of our Lord,
1493, with a favourable wind. His place of departure was the celebrated
port of Cadiz, a noble city of Andalusia, outside the Straits of Gibraltar,
where the Atlantic Ocean bursts violently into the Mediterranean Sea. In
this port a squadron of larger and smaller ships equipped for speed was
collected. Among these were many light vessels which they call Cantab-
rian barks. The timbers of these were for the most part fastened with
wooden pins, lest the weight of the iron should diminish their velocity.
There were also many caravels; these also are small vessels, but built
strong so as to be fitted for long voyages and tempestuous seas. Besides
these there were also vessels specially prepared to explore the islands of the
Indians.
** Already the religious rites usual on such occasions were performed by
the sailors ; the last embraces were given by those setting out on the voy-
age; the ships were himg with tapestry; streamers were displayed en-
twined with the ropes; the royal standard decorated the stems on all
sides. The pipers and harpers held in mute astonishment the Nereids and
even the sirens themselves with their sweet modulations. The shores re-
echoed the clang of the trumpets and the braying of the clarions, and the
deep waves resotmded with the reports of the cannon.
"Some Venetian galleys, which had been purstdng their commerce in
the British seas, and had accidentally ttxmed into the harbour of Cadiz,
emulating the ships of the Spaniards, joined with equal zeal and earnestness
in the cheers of the sailors; imploring blessings [according to custom] on
the ships setting sail for the Indies.
"When Aurora, resplendent with her bright trappings, ushered in the
next morning, they sailed with gentle breezes for the Canaries, with five
large ships and twelve caravels which had had experience of the Indian
Ocean the year before. It is known that the Canaries were discovered some
time ago by mariners in attempting to proceed into the Atlantic Ocean. On
the seventh of October, the darkness which hung over the sea being dis-
pelled, Lanzarota, and at the same time Forteventura, which the Latins
call, not inappropriately, Bonafortuna, appeared in the midst of the ocean.
These islands have a bountiful soil, easy to cultivate, and free from every-
thing that is noxious, except the nuisance of ravens, which so infest them
that merchant ships are prevented from visiting them. The loss arising
from this is so great, that a most stringent law has been enacted in order
to abate the depredations of these birds. Each colonist is compelled by
this law to bring annually to the magistrate one hundred ravens' heads.
Whoever fails to obey this injunction is subjected to a heavy fine.
"They next arrived at the Grand Canary, which Pliny says has re-
ceived its name from the great size of the dogs found in it. Here they
stopped for a day and purchased liberally whatever seemed necessary for
the use of the fleet. They laid in a large supply of sugar, a commodity
which the Canaries produce abundantly. That which was formerly brought
from Arabia and India, collected in reeds in the same manner as gums, is
246 Christopher Columbus
white and brittle. Many of the physicians call it Indian salt. Colonies
were planted in the Canaries under the auspices of the Spanish Sovereigns;
and whatever was needed to give lustre to the province was industriously
provided. A bishop is found there to dispense hospitality, a venerable
cathedral attracts notice, a convent of Fratres Minores, distinguished for
piety, and occupying a structure approaching to elegance. Already these
islands have become the resort of enterprising merchants, carrying their
commerce to many shores, of industrious artificers of various kinds, and of
a numerous population. Although these islands, situated westward and
under a southern sun, as Juba has informed us in those writings left con-
cerning the extent of the Southern Sea, may be reckoned Fortunate, they
are nevertheless infested by vast nimibers of conies, which devour every-
where the grain and green crops. In ancient times, as M. Varro writes, a
walled town in Spain was undermined by these animals, and the inhabi-
tants of the Belearic Isles almost ruined, if the speedy assistance of the
Roman people had not relieved them. The conies issue out in such num-
bers to destroy the growing crops, that the annual production would
scarcely afford a sufficient supply of grain, if this formidable pest could not
be driven off. Seven men, to whom this business is given in charge by
turns in the several districts, do nothing else the whole day except to hunt
the conies, of which they are expected to kill a thousand every eight
days.
*'0n the next day they directed their course to the island of Gomera,
which is subjected to the authority of the huntress Bovedella, a woman of
great ability. On their way they passed Tenerife, which glories in the rule
of nine chiefs. The unsubjected Canarians occupy this island: a race of
men without law, without any clothing; but possessing intrepid courage,
and strength equal to their daring. Hence they have never been sub-
jected to the yoke of the Spaniards. A lofty mountain overlooks Tene-
rife. It raises its summit above the clouds and our dense foggy atmo-
sphere. It is said to be the highest mountain in the world. It is situated
half way between the Grand Canary and Gomera, about one hundred miles
from both. Other Canarians also inhabit the wild regions extending from
Mount Atlas through the sands of Lybia — places covered with black dust
and filled with serpents and elephants. They are called Canarians, be-
cause they eat in common with the dogs, sharing with them the carcasses
of the wild animals which afford them sustenance. By other Canarians
occupying ^Ethiopia a sort of sacred food is set apart for dogs in the city
of Cynopolis, in which also divine honours are paid to Anubis.
**They remained nearly six dajrs in Gomera for the purpose of taking
in provisions and water, and then with a fair wind set sail for the islands
of the Indians. On the thirteenth of October they reached the shores of
Ferro with favouring breezes and a tranquil sea. A phenomenon which
excites the wonder of the spectator occurs here, of which some description
will not fail to amuse the reader. The island is destitute of water, having
neither springs nor running streams. It may be reasonably conjectured
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 247
from this that it is that Ombrios, of which Pliny makes mention in the
sixth book of his Natural History. On an elevated ridge there is a tree of
imriiense size, thickly covered with leaves like those of the laurel, spreading
its ever verdant boughs, abundantly sprinkled with the morning dew. The
water which trickles down in drops is received by a conduit in a reservoir
aroimd the dew-covered tree. There is no other water in Ferro, except
that which is collected from the tree. Nor will you much wonder at this
or think it incredible, since Bonavista, which is not far distant from Ferro,
is destitute of several kinds of food. It produces neither rice, nor millet,
nor wheat. It abounds only in animals, so that it becomes necessary to
subsist wholly on flesh. The same food is given to the beasts of burden, to
hens and other poultry fed for the table. They feed upon the flesh raw,
and often while it is covered with its own blood.
**0n the 27th of October, while they were sailing through the South-
em seas, the wind rose to a terrible gale, the billows swelled on high, thick
darkness covered all things, gloomy night brooded on the deep, save where
the lightnings flashed and the thunders roared. Nothing can be more
perilous, nothing more dismal than shipwreck under such circumstances;
the havoc of the skies superadded to the boisterous storms of the deep,
rains potiring down, water in large quantities beating into the ships. Their
yards were broken, their sails torn, their ropes snapped asunder, the tim-
bers creaked, the decks were floating with brine, some ships hung suspended
on the summits of the waves, while to others the yawning flood disclosed
the bottom between the billows. There each individual, trying to show
how much he excelled in bodily or in mental energy, put forth his whole
strength. It was with much difficulty that they could steer the ships,
hold fast to the stays, keep the vessels from dashing against one another,
which could scarcely be discovered one from on board the other, on ac-
cotmt of the waves of mountain size which often rose between them. At
length, God, whom they had incessantly supplicated with vows and piously
implored with tears, came to their assistance. Whatever may be assigned
as the cause, whether the sons of Leda, as the Greeks believed — the twin
brothers propitious to those who navigate the deep; — or blazing vapours
carried aloft, which disperse the thick darkness of the storm, as the natural
philosophers assert; or, as I think, more in accordance with Christian
notions, a certain Saint Elmo, the guardian of those encountering ship-
wreck, presents himself in answer to the supplications of the sailors: the
fact is certain, that two lights shone through the darkness of the night on
the topmasts of the Admiral's ship. Forthwith the tempest began to
abate, the sea to remit its fury, the waves their violence, and the surface of
the ocean became as smooth as polished marble. When the clouds were
dispelled and the morning sun arose, those who were most sharp-sighted
made long continued efforts to descry land, earnestly longing once more
to get on shore; as was to be expected in the case of persons who had, as
it were, emerged from the depths of the sea and been rescued from the
jaws of the marine monsters. At last, those who were on the look-out in
248 Christopher Columbus
the tops of the Admiral's ship announced the sight of land; next, that they
saw the summits of mountains ; soon after, the verdure of the woods; and,
presently after, seven islands came fully in view, which had not been dis-
covered in the former voyage. Then all hearts were cheered. Unmind-
ful of the imminent danger of shipwreck which they had escaped, they
returned thanks to God, devoutly engaging in acts of worship. At what
country they had arrived, or in what part of the ocean they were, few of
them could determine. The Admiral, however, was in no doubt about
this.
**To the sun and to the severity of their calamities this aggravation
was added, that the water on board was entirely exhausted. This had hap
pened partly on account of the great length of the voyage, and partly
through the liberality with which the Admiral had lately distributed the
water. For he, having had some experience of the regions, and sagaciously
conjecturing in what place and under what part of the heavens these seven
islands were situated, by way of cheering his followers, promised that they
should see the new world in the space of three days at most, assuring them
that they should find peaceful shores, limpid streams, and fountains clear
as crystal. For this reason he had distributed nearly all the water among
them with large measure, filling vessels more capacious than usual for each
man. You might compare him to Moses encouraging the thirsty armies
of the Israelites in the strid sands of the wilderness. The hopes which he
had thus encouraged did not disappoint his companions, and this circum-
stance increased their admiration of their leader.
*' These islands are under the rule of the Cannibals.' This barbarous
and indomitable race feeds on htmian flesh. I might with propriety call
them anthropophagi. They wage incessant war against the effeminate and
timid Indians for the purpose of obtaining human flesh. This is the booty
which they seek, this is the game for which they hunt. They prey upon
the Indians, assailing them with savage ferocity. They devour these un-
warlike tribes, but abstain from eating their own people, sparing all Canni-
bals. This we shall show more clearly hereafter.
**The first of these islands toward the south is somewhat elevated, and
is conspicuous for the beauty and verdure of its mountains. Trees grow
thick down to the shores, so that it bears a resemblance to Thessalian
Tempe. They named this island Dominica, in honour of the day on which
it was discovered. Leaving this they proceeded to Marivolante, to which,
being next to Dominica, they gave the name of the Admiral's ship. Of
this they took possession in the name of the Spanish Sovereigns with the
usual ceremonies; and in token of this transaction they erected the cross
of the Saviour. With reinvigorated strength, they took their departure
before morning dawned, and reached a third island distant forty miles from
* Dr. Mulligan persistently calls the Canaballi, Caribs. This is the first instance
in a printed form of the use of this word. Peter Martyr, as we have seen, used it
first, but his letter did not publicly appear until it was surreptitiously printed as the
Libretto at Venice in 1504.
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 249
Marivolante. This held the sailors in deeper admiration, being far super-
ior to the others, distinguished by extensive plains and mountains of sur-
passing beauty.
*'One very striking and beautiful object here discovered deserves
special notice. A large river bursts from the simimit of a mountain, which,
dividing into many streams and rapid torrents, flows into the ocean.
Among those who viewed this marvellous phenomenon at a distance from
the ships, it was at first a subject of dispute, whether it was Jight reflected
from masses of compact snow, or the broad surface of a smooth worn road.
At last the opinion prevailed that it was a vast river. This conjecture was
soon after confirmed by those who disembarked, with a guard of armed
men, to explore the island. These found that there was a fountain in the
elevated part of the mountain, from which issued eighteen large streams
like several branches of one great river, by which the whole island was
well watered. Hence it is all clothed with trees covered with foliage, and
carpeted with grasses of various colours. It is all fertile, having a favour-
able exposure, not niggardly or sparing in its products. The production
of this island which excels all others is what they call asses' ; they are very
like turnips of a tapering shape, except that they grow somewhat larger,
like ptunpkins. It must not be omitted that these asses have different
tastes according to the manner in which they are prepared. When eaten
raw, as in salads, they have the taste of parsnips; when roasted, that of
chestnuts; when sodden with pork, that of squashes ; when sprinkled with
juice of almonds, nothing can taste more delicious, or is eaten with greater
avidity. These esculents afford an excellent material for the exercise of
the culinary art, and are well adapted for use in eating houses and taverns.
They furnish an agreeable variety of dishes very palatable on account of
their savoury taste. You might compare them, for their good properties,
to the manna gathered by the Israelites; i.e., the Syrian dew. And,
since they do not injure the body, nor oppress the stomach, they are pre-
scribed, as wholesome food for invalids and the sick by the physicians
appointed by the govenmient to accompany the fleet. Seeds have been
brought over to Spain, that our part of the world may be supplied with
these prolific and many flavoured vegetables.
** There is here, besides, a prolific sort of grain of the size of a lupin,
round like a vetch, from which when broken a very fine flour is made. It
is groimd like wheat. A bread of exquisite taste is made from it. Many
who are stinted in food chew the grains in their natural state. Shrubs of
many kinds abound; and also fragrant pears. The boughs of the trees are
bent down with wild fruits. There are many shady forests and venerable
groves. The seeds that are planted are subject to no kind of injury. They
fear no damage from darnel, tares, or sterile wild oats. The harmless pur-
slain is the only weed which springs up in the cultivated lands. There are
great numbers of cotton trees, spread over with a fine wool, from which
» The writer was trying to say ajes.
250 Christopher Columbus
by the skill of the spinner and the weaver, garments are manufactured
similar to those made of silk. The dwellings of the inhabitants are mag-
nificent, being formed of thick reeds interlaced, and resembling a canopy
in form. The elegance of these habitations called forth the admiration of
our people. The contemplation of the timbers adjusted in a workmanlike
manner, and the beams planed and polished with the most exact finish,
afforded high pleasure. All this was effected, not with iron or with steel,
of which metals they are destitute, but with sharp stones fixed in wooden
handles. With instnmients of this kind they fell trees, cut the hardest
woods, and cleave strong tnmks three fathoms in circiunference.
** These Cannibals are a race of more than ordinary ferocity, capable of
enduring the severest toils; and they are, as we have already said, engaged
in constant hostilities with the feeble Indians. Peter Margarita, a Span-
iard whose testimony is worthy of all confidence, who was impelled, by the
strong desire of visiting newly discovered regions, to join the Admiral in
his expedition to the East, testifies that he had seen with his own eyes sev-
eral Indians fixed on spits and roasted over burning coals to serve the pur-
poses of luxury. At the same time many hvunan bodies lay aroimd in
heaps, from which the heads and the extremities had been separated. The
Cannibals themselves do not deny this, but openly affirm that they eat men.
**In their battles they use very strong bows, with which they shoot
arrows as long as a walking staff, and pointed with a sharp bone formed
with barbs to prevent the head of the arrow from being easily extracted
from a wound. The bones used for this purpose are said to be the shin-
bones of men ; thus they permit no part of their victims to be useless after
their flesh is devoured. They are skilful archers, and hit with unerring
hand whatever they aim at with their shafts. Nor should any one treat
what is now asserted as untrue. We read that the Nisitae, a tribe of mari-
time ^Ethiopians, and the Nisicastes, live in these regions; these names
signify men who have three or four eyes. They are not so called because
they really have this number of eyes, but because they display extraordin-
ary accuracy of sight in directing their arrows.
** The Cannibals are in stature above the middle size, with large paunches.
They are entirely naked. They have larger and smaller vessels, called by
them canoes, which they impel with oars. They have many boats of a
smaller kind formed of a single log hollowed out. Virgil calls such boats
lintres. Others call them monoxylae. The larger vessels have their
sides constructed of timbers fastened together, and are eighty feet long.
They rise five palms above the water, and are about four palms wide. For
oars they have broad boards, such as our bakers use for oven shovels, only
a little shorter. With this kind of boats they cross over to the neighbour-
ing islands, whose inhabitants differ widely from them in manners, in dis-
position, and in talents. Sometimes they make longer voyages, even to
the distance of a thousand miles, for the purpose of plundering. It is
their custom to dismember the male children and young slaves whom they
capture, and fatten them like capons. They feed with greater care those
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 251
that are thin of flesh and emaciated, as we do wethers. By and by, when
well grown and fattened, they are devoured with avidity. They assign the
women whom they carry qff^ as maid-servants to their wives, or use them
as concubines. If these women bear children, the Cannibals eat them, as
they do the captives; thus making what has been fabulously related of
SatiuTi,^whom poetical fiction represents as devouring his own offspring,
no fable in their case. These people are shrewd, ready witted, astute; so
that they may without much difficulty be brought imder subjection to our
laws, and induced to conform to our mode of living, when they have once
become acquainted with the more hiunane customs of our people and have
had an opportunity of observing civilised life. It is therefore hoped that
in a short time they will relinquish their ferocity, when our people can at
once afford them instruction, and, from time to time, hold out the threat,
that tmless they abstain from eating himian flesh, they must be completely
subjected and carried in chains as captives to Spain.
*' Hares, serpents, and lizards of monstrous size are produced in this
island. There are also dogs which do not bark, and are not subject to
canine madness. They divide these at the spine, and after roasting them
slightly, satisfy their himger with them when hiunan flesh cannot be ob-
tained. They have birds of various kinds, among these a prodigious num-
ber of parrots.
**The Cannibals who, as we have said, inhabit these seven islands, are
all similar in their customs and manners; they are all alike addicted to
plundering, alike cruel towards the Indians. As to the rest, these islands
have a targe population. They abound with odoriferous trees, whose prop-
erties are unknown to the inhabitants, and scarcely fully discovered by
our people, who have not explored the interior parts, nor yet reached the
mountainous regions. When the Spaniards took possession of these
islands for their Sovereigns, they gave the most fertile of the group the
auspicious name of Saint Mary of Guadaloupe, to whom a celebrated con-
vent is dedicated in the south of Spain.
** During the seven days that the Spaniards remained in this island,
many fugitives and female captives from the Cannibals sought refuge in
the ships. These being received with humanity and liberally supplied
with food, concluded that the gods had come for their deliverance. When
they were advised by the Spaniards to return to the Cannibals, they threw
themselves at their feet as suppliants, and some clasped their arms round
the masts, entreating with floods of tears that they should not be driven
away to fall again into the hands of the Cannibals to be butchered like
sheep. Very few of the Cannibals were taken, for they are swift of foot
and adroit in concealing themselves; besides, securing themselves in places
-well fortified by nature, they set our people at defiance.
' "From the place where they now were, the islands of the Indians —
more than one hundred and eighty in number — are to be seen scattered
over the Indian sea eastward, stretching on the left side toward the Arabian
gulf. Considering the trustworthy statements of C. Pliny and others, I
252 Christopher Columbus
am led to think that these are the Arabian Isles, whose inhabitants they
describe as mild and placid in their manners and exposed to oppression.
The islands explored in the voyage of the preceding year are exposed to
the incursions of the Cannibals. One or two of the Cannibals often put a
whole army of Indians to flight. The Indians are seized with so much
fear of them, that, even when they have them securely bound, they still
stand in dread of them.
** Leaving Guadaloupe on the tenth of November, as soon as the dark-
ness of night was dispelled, they spread their sails to a favouring breeze
which bore them toward Navidad. In this place a nimiber of Spaniards
had been left by the Admiral the year before, to protect a fortified castle,
to carry on commerce with the inhabitants of the island, and to civilise
them by instructing them in our knowledge, and leading them to relin-
quish their own false principles and evil habits. As soon as the sun arose,
they discovered a great number of islands. It was not their intention to
approach these. But when on the 14th of November a Cannibal island
came in view which, by its fine position and aspect, seemed to invite the
approach of the navigators, it was resolved to enter its harbour. A small
boat of observation was sent off to ascertain what was the language of the
islanders, what their laws and customs. An officer was appointed to the
command with some armed men. While he was intent on approaching
that part of the harbour where he saw half a dozen of huts, the boat's com-
pany discovered behind them a canoe rowing in from the deep sea direct
towards the same huts. When those in the canoe came nearer, they
viewed with wonder the strange fleet, astoimded at the sight of the tall
masts and lofty bulwarks, and then urged their oars more earnestly. Pres-
ently they observed the boat with armed men between them and the har-
bour, and suspecting an ambuscade to intercept them, they immediately
turn the head of their canoe towards the nearest part of the island. The
officer of the boat suddenly dashes forward and intercepts their course to
the shore. On this the Cannibals attack the boat and fight fiercely. They
wound two of our men ; one of these died of his wounds after four days ;
the other was badly hurt, and his shield, which saved his life, pierced
through. When the officer saw that the Cannibals could not be brought
to yield to conditions of surrender, and that they rejected all signs of
friendly intercourse, which, through a desire to take them alive, he held
out to them, he attacked them with greater violence. He pushed his boat
with main force against the canoe and sunk it. The barbarians, being
only three men with two women and a single Indian captive (whom they
had carried away from the neighbouring islands), persevered in seeking
safety by swimming, in which art they are skilful. At last they were cap-
tured and taken to the Admiral. One of them was pierced through in
seven places and his intestines protruded from his wounds. Since it was
believed that he could not be healed, he was thrown into the sea. But
emerging to the surface, with one foot upraised, and with his left hand
holding his intestines in their place, he swam courageously towards the
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 253
shore. This caused great alarm to the Indians who were brought along as
interpreters. For they dreaded that the cunning Cannibals, taking to
flight, would contrive some more savage scheme of vengeance. They ac-
cordingly persisted obstinately in maintaining the opinion that those who
were caught should be put out of the way. The Cannibal was therefore
recaptured near the shore, boxmd hand and foot more tightly, and again
thrown headlong into the sea. This resolute barbarian swam still more
eagerly towards the shore, till, transpierced with many arrows, he at length
expired. Scarcely had this been done when the Cannibals came running
to the shore in great numbers — a horrible sight. They were of a dark
colour, fierce aspect, stained with red interspersed with various colours,
for the piupose of increasing the ferocity of their looks. One side of their
heads was shorn, the other side covered with straight black hair hanging
down at full length. From these also many captives fled to the ships, as it
were to the altars, for safety, complaining loudly of the cruelty and ferocity
of the Cannibals.
"Next day they departed from this island, to which they gave the
name Santa Cruz. Passing many other islands in their course, they came
in six days to the Indians. They annexed to the kingdom of Spain a cer-
tain island, of large extent and abounding with harbours, to which they
gave the name of John the Baptist.
"On the next day when the sun rose, they made sail for that island in
which, as we have before related, the Admiral had left the Christians the
preceding year, when he returned to Spain to inform the King and Queen of
his discoveries. While they were coasting along the shores of this island,
they accidentally entered a harbour on their way, which lies under a majes-
tic mountain. This mountain has received the name Monte Christi, and is
distant about sixty miles from the place where the Christians were left.
Exploring everything on their way, they arrived in eight days at the har-
bour of the Christians — an event which filled them with great joy, mingled
with much anxious solicitude. In the first place they ardently wished to
find their friends safe; and then to become acquainted by personal obser-
vation with the commerce and the manners of the Indians. But the thing
turned out far otherwise than they were hoping it would. For, having
entered the harbour sometime after nightfall, when none of the Christians
from the fort made answer to their signal, sadness and the most acute
grief took possession of their hearts, suspecting, what really was the case,
that the comrades whom they had left there were totally extirpated. While
they were labouring under this load of sorrow and these horrible forebod-
ings, about ten o'clock an Indian canoe put off from the shore, and speedily
approached the ships. Ossichavar was on board this canoe, accompanied
by some of the chief men of the tribe. This chief had manifested much
friendship towards the Admiral on his visit to the place in his former voy-
age. The party came with haste to make known that the arrival of the
Spaniards was an event grateful to the feehngs of Goathanari. They show
that the return of the Christians affords much pleasure to the Indians.
254 Christopher Columbus
They indicate that the people are delighted, and exhibit the joys ex-
pected from their return by various gestures, and by a sweet chant,
which they raised with a low voice, and which had a soothing influence
on the mind. The Admiral, on his departure for Spain, had commended
the Spaniards to the special protection of King Goathanari, and had
endeavoured to conciliate his most intimate friendship. A light boat
was immediately launched to give assurance to the Indians, and to
tow them to the Admiral's ship. They, labouring under suspicion, de-
cline to approach nearer, saying that they would not trust themselves
on board the ships, before they had recognised the Admiral with their
own eyes.
** After the Admiral had got an opportunity of speaking with them, he
first made friendly inqtiiries about Goathanari, and then he questioned
them more eagerly as to what had become of the Christians. They replied
that Goathanari was confined to his couch in consequence of a wound, and
that all the Christians were killed. When these words were spoken, they
delivered the present of the cacique, which was two ewers of pure gold,
such as are used on the tables of the wealthy to hold water. Nothing
could be elicited that night from these messengers in feference to the kind
of death by which the Spaniards perished; nor could the cause of their
destruction be ascertained clearly from them. These having returned
hastily to the cacique, after daylight, others of the more confidential domes-
tics of Goathanari, who came to pay their respects to the Admiral, dis-
closed the cause of the calamity. These said that the Spaniards had been
slain by Coanabo, a strong and powerful cacique in the neighbourhood.
This chief they said was factious, restless, inconstant — an object of terror
to all his neighbours. To effect the destruction of the Christians, he had
also associated with himself a certain cacique called Marian, as an accom-
plice in his atrocious undertaking. In this dangerous conjuncture, Goat-
hanari, while aiding the Spaniards with all his might, had received a severe
wound in the arm. The cause of the war and provocation of hatred arose
from unbridled licence in relation to the women of the Indians. For when
each of the Spaniards appropriated five women to himself, for the purpose,
as I conjecture, of raising a large offspring, the husbands and kindred of
the women could not endure this wrong. [For no race of living beings is
exempt from jealousy.] The barbarians, therefore, conspiring together to
avenge the insult and wrong done to them, attacked the Christians with a
numerous force. These, fighting bravely to the last, when they could no
longer withstand the attack of the thronged battalions of their foes, were
at length cut to pieces. The information conveyed by the words of Goat-
hanari was confirmed by the discovery of the dead bodies of ten Spaniards.
These bodies were emaciated and ghastly, covered with dust and bespat-
tered with blood, discoloured, and retaining still a fierce aspect. They had
lain now nearly three months neglected and unburied under the open air.
Tears were shed and waitings uttered over their comrades, who were so
deformed by decay that they could not be recognised. Their shades were
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 255
propitiated by the solemnities of a funereal couch, and their bodies laid in
the grave with Christian rites.
** After these obseqtiies were performed, the Admiral, on the third day,
resolved to visit the cacique, who made his abode in a place nearly ten
miles from the sea. Attended by one hundred of the more respectable
Spaniards, he proceeded to that place, where the smoke of a small village
was discovered and many roofs seen. With pipers and dnmimers arranged
in order, and line of battle formed, they march to the residence of the
cacique. They are admitted by the officers who have charge of this busi-
ness. They pay their respects to Goathanari reclining in a hammock,
resembling a net made of cotton, wrought in a skilful manner. Tokens
of affection were mutually given and received and covenants of friendship
made. The cacique professes his joy at the presence of the Spaniards, at
the renewal of mutual good- will, the confirmation of their friendship. He
relates the story of the slaughter of the Spaniards with an expression of
commiseration, and explains the details in sorrowful accents. He de-
scribes the furious rage of the caciques who attacked them, the overpower-
ing force of the enemy, the perils of the combat, and imcovers the wound
which he had received in the fight.
'* When he had finished his speech, he rose from his regal couch, took a
golden boss which he wore from his forehead, and handed it respectfully
to the Admiral. He put on his head a crown of cotton texture, taken from
his own head. He gave him more than a dozen belts polished with admir-
able art, and some of them variegated with thin plates of gold, interwoven
in the cotton fabric with wonderful skill. He added to this munificence
several calabashes filled with gold in the condition in which it is collected
from the mines. This gold amounted to more than twelve besses; each
bes containing eight ounces according to the tables of the money changers.
The Admiral, thus adorned with so many marks of the regard of Goat-
hanari, and laden with gifts, by way of return of favours, decorates the
cacique magnificently with an inner vest embroidered with Moorish art
and variegated with splendid colours. He gives him besides a large brazen
wash basin and several rings of tin; lastly, he reverently unfolds an image
of the blessed Virgin Mother, which he teaches him is to be religiously wor-
shipped. Following the example of their chief, the Indians, loaded with
much gold, stimulate the Spaniards to an exchange of gifts. It was not
permitted to all without distinction to accept gifts from the Indians, but
only to those who would make some compensation by giving in return
small gifts, such as buttons, glass beads, and hawks* bells, in which the
^Ethiopians and Arabians take great delight, and for which, as we read in
ancient histories, they are accustomed to exchange their merchandise. In
this manner the Spaniards that day carried back more than thirty besses
of gold, for which they gave in exchange to the Indians some trifling pres-
ents of the cheapest sort. The Indians chuckled with a broad grin at the
cheapness of brazen wares, and our men in turn at this exchange of gold
for brass, when the Indians paid down a large quantity of gold for a single
256 Christopher Columbus
brazen boss. Nor should this appear wonderful to any one, since the rarity
of a thing invests it with value. Pennyroyal, than which nothing in our
meadows is less valuable, brings a higher price, says he, aihong the Indians,
than pepper.
** While they were making these exchanges, after Goathanari had satis-
fied his curiosity, his wife, accompanied by twelve damsels entirely desti-
tute of clothing, inspected with wonder the wares of the Spaniards, while
their friends and domestics lay prostrate on the ground according to the
custom of the Indians. Lest anything should be wanting to complete the
regal ceremonial, Goathanari came out of doors, and seats being arranged,
he continued the interview there on more familiar terms with his guests.
The Admiral who wished to inform the cacique of the purposes of his voy-
age, called an Indian interpreter, and ordered him to say that the Spaniards
had set out to visit foreign regions with the design of rendering the inhabi-
tants more humane by teaching them what is good, and leading them to
renounce evil principles and habits, and for the purpose of subjecting
these islands to the authority of the powerful Spanish Sovereigns. But
that to Goathanari, as their ally and most intimate friend, they would
extend special protection. When the cacique heard these things from the
Indian [interpreter], he rose from his seat immediately, stamped with his
foot on the ground, raised his eyes towards heaven, and uttered a loud shout,
to which the rest of the Indians, who were there present to the number of
about six htmdred, returned a tremendous acclamation. This greatly
alarmed our men, of whom only one hundred in light armour were present,
and so frightened some of them that they laid their hands on the hilts of
their swords, suspecting that all was now to be committed to the decision
of arms.
**When this alarm subsided and confidence was restored, Goathanari
came down to the shore to see the ships. When there, he admired the
lofty bulwarks, examined the tackle of the ships, observed attentively the
instruments of iron, but fixed his eyes most upon the horses, of which the
Indians are destitute. A great number of fine horses — fleet for the course
and strong to bear armour — had been brought out by the Spaniards. These
horses had plated bits, housings of gay colours, and straps highly polished.
The formidable appearatice of these animals was not without terror to the
Indians; for they suspected that they fed on hiunan flesh.
*' When the cacique came alongside the Admiral's ship, he was received
in the most pompous manner — with the beating of drtuns, the clashing of
cymbals, and the flashes of thtmdering cannon. Being seated in the stem
of the ship, they accepted with pleasure an invitation to Ixmch. Sugared
pastils, comfits^ and things of this sort were spread liberally on the table
The cacique displayed a venerable gravity of demeanour — a majesty
worthy of sovereign power; while the other Indians betrayed astonishment
at all they saw. At midnight the cacique returned to his own people.
'*The Spaniards now resolved on making a tour to explore the island.
Accordingly they set out from that harbour which they called Navidad,
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 257
which is capable of containing a great number of ships, and, impelled by
the desire of seeing new places, proceeded to the distance of fifteen miles.
There they found a well-protected harbour receding deep into the coast.
This is called the Royal Harbour, and is, according to the testimony of
sailors who have explored all seas, inferior to none in the world. It is re-
markable for the abundance of fruit around it, but chiefly for its advan-
tageous natural situation. From this place they proceeded further toward
the gold mines, and the streams [rich with golden sands], and found an-
other most charming inlet, which they called the harbour of the Graces.
Eight days from Christmas they landed on the shore where the limpid river
Caudal glides through a region of remarkable beauty. It is surroimded by
much level land, sometimes rising gently into small mountains. The tem-
perature of the atmosphere is admirable. It may be conjectured that, in
this place, vines would in a short time furnish wine, and wheat readily
germinate; for garden seeds came up in five days after they were sown,
and the gardens were speedily clothed in green, producing plentifully
onions and pumpkins, radishes and beets. This greatly increased the
hopes of all. For the soil, though indeed it is more lavish of its products in
gardens near cities, refuses nowhere what is cast upon its bosom, and re-
ceives nothing which it does not return with large usury. So great has
been the increase from the seeds sown by the Spaniards, that it is thought
that the crop will afford them provisions for twenty years. Already vines
are planted, the fields have smiled with growing crops, the tender ears of
com have made their appearance, the bearded grain has come to maturity,
so that there can be no want during the two years to come either of bread
stuffs or the produce of the grape.
**It would not be without reason if I should call this a Happy Island,
whether it should prove to be one of the Arabian or the Indian islands.
Besides many species of leguminous plants, it produces cinnamon in great
abundance — a produce which it was not allowed by the ancients to gather
till the permission of the Deity was first obtained. It produces ginger and
clove-gillyflower trees with branches three cubits long having a pale bark.
It produces silk abundantly; it is redolent with castor, which our people
call musk; it abounds in frankincense, of which Dioscorides says there are
two kinds — the Indian of a reddish colour, and the Arabian of a clear white.
The island is also famous for its rhubarb, which is an efficacious remedy
against all ailments. Pliny calls it raconia. Nor does this boimteous soil
bestow these precious gifts in a sparing and niggardly manner, but lavishes
them most liberally ; so that the great accumulation of them will afford an
endless supply of commodities for commerce. Bread-fruit trees flourish
in vast numbers; wool-bearing trees bloom in every direction, affording
useful materials for making coverlids and for stuffing cushions. There
are great quantities of a flax-like grass, as fine as hair, which the inhabi-
tants use for thread. Ropes can be made of this which are much more
durable and stronger than those made of hemp. Odoriferous species of
wood are found in every direction, and very many things altogether
VOL. II.— 17.
258 Christopher Columbus
unknown, and which were, it was said, never seen before. In a word, it
has been ascertained that this island spontaneously produces all these.things
wild, as well as those which, as we have shown above, abound in the Can-
nibal island, Guadaloupe. The Spaniards will improve this soil by intro-
ducing colonists and farmers to work it and sow it, to break it with their
hoes, and stir it up by ploughing and weeding, though, thanks to the excel-
lence of the climate there may be no need of manuring.
"Adjoining the beautiful city, which they are engaged in building,
there is a fine bay which abounds in fish of the most delicate flavour. These
fish, after having been first tried by the physicians, are given to the sick as
food conducive to their convalescence. Other monstrous fishes are also
caught — of the size of an ox — which they eat after cutting off the feet.
They have the savour of veal. If you should taste these, you would aban-
don the eating of every other kind of fish.
**Our people in fact call this island Belle Isle, since they have given
their city the name Isabella. As this island has the advantage of the rest
in situation, and in the genial temperature of its climate, it will be well-
peopled in a very few years; and abounding in colonists, adorned with
houses then completed, and with magnificent walls, it will vie with any of
the Spanish cities. The houses are so arranged, and the walls so con-
structed as both to impart beauty, and form a secure retreat to the in-
habitants. A wide street laid out perfectly straight divides the city into
two parts, while many cross-streets intersect this transversely. A magnifi-
cent citadel with strong ramparts is erected on the shore. The residence
of the Admiral is called the Royal Palace; since, tmder the favour of God,
the botmtiful giver of so many good gifts, it may at some future time hap-
pen that the Sovereigns themselves setting out from Cadiz, may make
their way to so rich a portion of their dominions, in order to visit their own
islands secured by victories gained in far remote climes under their aus-
pices. There also a magnificent cathedral has been built, rich with gifts
— filled with offerings sent over by Queen Isabella from Spain for the ser-
vice of God; for it is intended that this city shall be the capital of the
province. Many illustrious Spaniards have migrated to this place to
become inhabitants of thp new city. Among these are Oreda ' and Gor-
bolan, men distinguished for talents and for wisdom acqtiired by long
experience in public affairs. The Admiral sent these two men into the in-
terior regions of the Sabaeans with a retinue of light-armed soldiers to push
forward to Saba, a very wealthy chief (as he had heard from the Indians),
who resided at no great distance. It is believed that these are the Sabaeans
whose country produces frankincense, and who are described in our own
histories and in the annals of foreign nations. The saying is in everybody's
mouth, Kings shall come from Saba bringing gold and incense; and in
' Alonzo de Hojeda, or Ojeda, was one of the famous explorers, companion of
Columbus, Vespucius, and La Cosa. There was another Alonzo de Ojeda, of whom
we will hear by and by as the instrument of evil in defeating a cherished scheme of
Bartholomew de las Casas in his efforts to ameliorate the condition of the Indians.
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 259
these products this island greatly abounds. For the Sabaeans are rich in
the possession of odoriferous woods, of gold mines, of lands well watered
with numerous streams, and in the production of honey and beeswax.
** While Oreda was pursuing his journey toward this place, in passing
through the villages, he was hospitably received by the Indians of every
hamlet ; they offered their services to guide him faithfully to the chief, and
cheerfully brought him whatever they had to eat. The head men of the
villages are called caciques. He was conducted by the Indians to the
mines and to the sands rich with gold. They are distant from the Spanish
settlement one hundred and ten miles. He found there many rivers, and
more than twenty-four small streams — a region abounding with such rich
gifts that the thing is marvellous to tell and incredible when heard. Gold
is collected by undermining the bank of a stream. At first, after the bank
falls, the water bubbles up and flows away in a turbid condition, but soon
having recovered its natural clearness, the grains of gold, which are heavier
than the earth in which they are imbedded and settle on the bottom, are
clearly displayed to view. These grains are of the weight of a drachm
more or less. Oreda himself collected many of these grains. The most
splendid thing of all (which I would be ashamed to commit to writing, if
it had not been received from a trustworthy source) is, that a rock adjacent
to a motmtain being struck with a club, a large quantity of gold burst out,
and particles of gold of indescribable brightness glittered all around like
sparks. Oreda was loaded down with much gold by means of this out-
burst of the precious ore, and, amazed at the greatness of his treasure,
prepared to return to the Admiral with this auspicious news. His com-
rade, Gorbolan, with a band of Spaniards hastened his journey with greater
alacrity to the chief whom they had set out to seek. While hurrying for-
ward earnestly, he was retarded for some time by a considerable river,
larger than the Tagus and more rapid than the Ebro. It seemed almost
impossible to cross it. When Gorbolan found it impossible to swim across
this river on accoimt of the strength of the current, great ntunbers of
Indians assembled from all sides on the farther bank, promising him
friendly assistance. With assiduous attention they indicate the places of
fording, show the paths to them, and immediately launch two small but
very strong boats. In one of these Gorbolan was carried over, not without
the greatest risk of life, by reason of the length of the passage and the
violence of the current. But all these dangers Spanish valour held in
contempt, whilst moved by the impulse to extend the empire of the native
coimtry. The supplies were put on board the other boat. Two hundred
atixiliary Indians swam around holding to the boat in which the Spaniards
were carried over. After having crossed the river, they were treated with
many marks of respect by the benevolent Indians, and conducted on their
way by the courteous caciques. They offered provisions for their journey.
They seemed greatly delighted, and indicated that nothing could be more
agreeable to them than to see these regions occupied and cultivated by the
Spaniards.
26o Christopher Columbus
*' When they had related many wonderful stories about the gold mines
and the source from which they got silver, by chance one of the caciques
led the Spaniards to a workshop, where a goldsmith was beating out gold
into very thin plates. The gold was laid on a cylindrical stone with highly
polished surface. This artificer, possessing exquisite skill in making
wreaths and turbans (for the Indian women use these as sumptuous orna-
ments for their heads), was engaged in beating out to an extreme degree
of tenuity, a plate so large, that to carry it would surpass the power of the
strongest man. The workman having promised to discover to them where
the gold was obtained, they went with him to a place not far from the
hut which he occupied. There they saw four rivers rolling down golden
sands. For here the metal was far more abtmdant than where it had been
found by Oreda. Grains of gold were scattered all around, two drachms
in weight. Many grains of silver also glittered in the bottoms of the rivers.
This abimdance, I suppose, is attributable not only to the felicity of the
climate, but to the low value set on gold by the Indians; for the use of
gold and silver among them is rare. The abundance of the metal dimin-
ishes its value in their eyes. It only affords pleasure, and is used solely for
the decoration of wreaths and turbans.
" The dispositions of these people are placable. All things are held in
common; there is not even a suspicion of avarice. 'This is mine, that is
thine ' — the cause of so many crimes — is unknown among them. There
is no desire of what belongs to another, no lust of possession; envy is com-
pletely banished. They live in great harmony and in the exercise of
mutual kindness. They are equally distinguished for good faith and
reverential respect.
"They live upon roots resembling turnips. After the seed is planted
these grow spontaneously without further culture. The women are kind,
placid, and of quick apprehension. Whatever is taught them they learn
rapidly and retain faithfully. Being taught the Ave Maria by our people,
they adore the Virgin with deep htmiility. Their speech is fluent and pol-
ished. There is nothing shown to them of which they will not make a good
imitation. Leisure time abounds and they spend much of it in amusements
and pleasures. They have frequent meetings for drinking and feasting to-
gether; though they drink only water, not knowing the use of wine. They
sleep on couches made of cotton or of gourds, which are suspended like
hammocks and carried from place to place. This is their darling pleasure,
this their special delight. They are wonderfully captivated with the
sound of bells; so delighted, indeed, that they can scarcely be removed
from them. They are eager to come close to them, and spend hours in
succession in handling them and causing them to ring. They preserve
their bodies, the symmetry of their limbs, and their beauty by the use of a
reddish pigment. They have elegant, well polished nails. Their teeth are
white as ivory. Their eyes are grey, with spots of various colours [around
them]. Their hair is black, soft, and hangs straight down. Their heads
are depressed, their foreheads broad. They are beardless, save a few
The Syllacio-Coma Letter 261
straggling hairs. They live to an advanced age, and grey hairs are rare
with those in the decline of life.
**The figure of the women and their stature are similar. They colour
themselves with paints, and are more luxurious in the use of unguents.
They apply as a kind of medicament an earth which is found in the island.
I should suppose that it is red ochre. This is a common application with
them all. When you see their faces at a distance smeared with this medi-
cament (or dye), you would say that they were covered with blood from
the skin being flayed off. Early in the morning they wash themselves in
a seemly manner in the nearest clear running stream. It is not known
whether they do this as an act of devotion or for the sake of cleanliness.
They are somewhat lascivious in their demeanour and movements. They jest
with our people and coquet with great freedom, provided that no improper
subject is treated ; for they take offence when you abuse the liberty of jesting.
** Their manner of dancing is nearly as follows: Several women at once,
having their hair confined tmder wreaths and turbans, start off from the
same line sometimes with an ambling, sometimes with a slower movement.
The plates of metal which they wear attached to their fingers are mutually
struck against one another, not merely in sport, but for the purpose of
producing a tinkling sound. They accompany this sound with a voice not
deficient in modulation, and singing that is not wanting in sweetness; and
in a gracefully voluptuous manner, through winding mazes execute a lan-
guid dance in beautiful order, with multiform involutions, while no one
claims a conspicuity above her companions; the whole performance elicit-
ing the admiration of the spectators. Being at last both excited and
fatigued by the sport, they hurry forward with equally accelerated steps,
and in a more petulant and frolicsome mood, and with voices raised to a
higher pitch, finish their dance.
**When Gorbolan had made the discoveries above mentioned, he was
disposed to delay no longer the announcement of his good fortune. Hav-
ing relinquished the journey which he was hastily making to the chief of
the Sabaeans, he turned his footsteps with speed to the Admiral, like a
wealthy Mercury to announce to him what he had ascertained with his
eyes in regard to the rivers teeming with gold, and to tell him of the ines-
timable riches of the region which he had visited.
*'The Admiral was greatly cheered with these tidings, and first ren-
dered public thanks to God, the greatest and the best of beings; presently
after he distributed a part of the gold among his followers who were sharers
in the discovery of so many good things, and whom he had associated to
himself as the faithful companions of his toils by land and by sea. By
their aid the dominions of the Spaniards had been vastly enlarged, un-
known lands discovered, innumerable nations extending towards the
remotest South beyond the limits of the equator and the ardent heats of
the zodiac [the tropics], received in subjection, races brought within the
knowledge of civilised man, which were scattered in small bodies without
law, and which may soon be converted to the religion of Christ.
262 Christopher Columbus
"The Admiral therefore resolved to give immediate information to the
Sovereigns of all these discoveries, and of the success of his enterprise. He
sent back to Spain twelve caravels with these happy tidings. He himself
is engaged with alacrity in building the city, pressing forward the erection
of the walls. A surprising multitude of Indians is daily crowding into the
new city of Isabella, who take a deep interest in the enterprise of the
Spaniards, bestow on them marks of kindness and attention, and almost
pay them divine honours.
"Immense praise is certainly due to the Admiral Coltunbus, the first
in our age who has conducted a fleet into the Indian Ocean. Greater still
is the glory of those excellent Sovereigns, by whose command these things
have been achieved. Those Sovereigns, who, bending all their efforts to
the promotion of the Christian faith, and obtaining a memorable victory
— a trophy which surpasses all description — were the first to restore the
whole of Spain to those to whom it properly belongs, having expelled from
it the arrogant King of Granada, who had for a long period held the richest
portion of Andalusia. They have also driven the Jews far away from the
wide territories which they rule, and have utterly extirpated all the adher-
ents of false religions. Now these most Christian Sovereigns earnestly
direct their efforts to explore the shores of the East and extend the influence
of Christianity.'*
CHAPTER LXXVII
THE LETTER OF DR. CHANCA^
" Peter Martyr wrote the account of this second navigation
in Latin to Rome, and as a certain Dr. Chanca, a native of Seville,
went on this voyage and armada, by command of the Catholic
Sovereigns, and from the Indies wrote to the Lords of the
Chapter of Seville what befell them and what he saw, I place
below the copy of his letter, althotigh his accoimt and Martyr's
amoimt to the same thing. But the one writer tells the story
as he heard it and the Sevillian tells it as he saw it, and neither
contradicts the other and some little things are left out by the
one which the other relates. And as some have a more pleasing
manner of telling stories than others, below is the letter of the
said Dr. Chanca, which he wrote to the city of Seville in regard
to this second voyage, as follows:''
*'MosT Noble Lord: —
*'As the things which I write personally to others in other letters are
not as interesting as those contained in this communication, I have re-
solved to write the news from here separately and the other matters which
it is fitting for me to entreat of your Lordship. And the news are the
following: —
"That the fleet which the Catholic Sovereigns, our Lords, sent from
Spain to the Indies, under command of their Admiral of the Ocean-sea,
Christopher Coltunbus, by the divine permission, started from Cadiz, Sept.
25 of the year with weather and wind suitable for our journey, and
this weather lasted two days, in which time we were able to go about fifty
leagues. Then the weather changed during two more days, in which time
we made very little or no headway. It pleased God that after these two
days, good weather should set in again, so that in two more days we arrived
at the Grand Canary where we entered a harbour, which it was necessary
' The Spanish from which this introductory passage is taken, as well as the
Letter itself, will be found in Navarrete, vol. i., p. 198.
263
264 Christopher Columbus
for us to do in order to repair a vessel which was leaking badly. We re-
mained there all that day and then the next day we started and were
becalmed several times, so that we were four or five days in reaching
Gomera. At Gomera we were obliged to remain some days to take pro-
visions of meat and as much wood and water as we could carry for the long
journey we expected to make without seeing more land. The time of our
stay in this harbour and one day after our departure from Gomera when
we were becalmed and which delayed us in reaching the island of Fierro,
amounted to nineteen or twenty days. From this time, through the good-
ness of God, we again had good weather, the best ever experienced by a
fleet on such a long voyage, so that having left Fierro, October 13, inside
of twenty days we caught sight of land. And we should have seen it in
fourteen or fifteen days if the ship Capitana had been as good a sailor as
the other ships, for very often the other vessels lowered their sails because
they were leaving us far behind. During all this time we had very fine
weather, for neither at this time nor in all the way did we have a tempest,
except the eve of St. Simon, when we had one which placed us in great
danger for four hours. The first Sunday after All Saints* Day, which was
November 3, about the hour of dawn, a pilot on the ship Capitana cried,
'The reward, land is in sight!* The people were so pleased that it was
astonishing to hear the cries and demonstrations of pleasure made by every
one: and it was with good reason, for the people had become so greatly
worn by the bad living and by pumping out the water, that every one was
very desirous of reaching land. On that day the pilots of the fleet reck-
oned from the island of Fierro to the first land that we saw, — ^some 800
leagues, others 780, so that the difference was not great. And in addition,
300 which they reckoned from the island of Fierro to Cadiz, made in all
1 1 00 leagues. So that I do not think that any one had not been satisfied
with the sight of water. On the Sunday morning aforesaid we saw from
the prows of the vessels, an island, and then at the right hand another
appeared. The first island showed the high land of mountain ranges on
the side that we saw. The other was level land entirely covered with dense
groves of trees, and as soon as it became lighter other islands began to
appear in one direction and another, so that we saw six islands in different
directions that day, and most of them were very large ones. We went directly
toward the one we had first seen so as to examine it, and having reached
the coast we went more than a league looking for a harbour so as to anchor.
This we were unable to find in going that distance. All that we could see
of this island was mountainous and it was very green and beautiful down
to the water's edge, so that it was deUghtful to look at it, because at that
time there is hardly a green thing in our country. When we could not
find a harbour there, the Admiral decided that we would go to the other
island which we could see at the right, which was four or five leagues from
this one. One vessel remained all that day at this island looking for a har-
bour, in preparation for the time when it should be necessary to come
there and they foxmd a good one and saw houses and people, and then that
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 265
night they rettimed to the fleet, which had entered a harbour on the other
island. The Admiral landed on that island with many people and with the
Royal banner in his hands, and there took possession for their Highnesses
in due form. On this island the groves were so dense that it was wonder-
ful and there was such a variety of trees unknown to any one, that it was
astonishing. Some of them bore fruit and some were in bloom, so that all
were green. There was a tree there whose leaf had the finest odour of
cloves I ever noticed and was like a laurel, except it was not as large. I
think therefore that it was of the laurel species. There were wild fruits
there of different kinds and some of the people who were not very wise
tried them: and in tasting them by only touching them with the tongues,
their faces became swollen and they felt such great heat and pain that it
seemed as if they were mad, which conditions were soothed by cool applica-
tions. As no people or signs of them were found on this island, we believe
that it was unpopulated. We remained there a good two hours, as when
we arrived there it was towards evening, and then the next day in the
morning we started for another island, which appeared below this one and
which was very large and was situated at a distance of about seven or
eight leagues. We reached the latter island near a large motmtain which
seemed almost to reach heaven, and in the centre of that mountain there
was a peak which was much higher than all the rest of the mountain, and
from which many streams flowed in different directions, especially toward
the direction in which we lay. At a distance of three leagues a waterfall
appeared as large through as an ox, which precipitated itself from such a
high point that it seemed to fall from heaven. It was at such a distance
that there were many wagers on the ships, as some said that it was white
rocks and others that it was water. As soon as they arrived nearer, the
truth was learned, and it was the most beautiful thing in the world to see
from what a high place it was precipitated and from what a small place
such a large waterfall sprang. As soon as we arrived near the island the
Admiral ordered a light caravel to go along the coast in search of a har-
bour. This caravel went forward and having reached the land some
houses were seen, and the Captain landed with a boat and went to the
houses in which he found some people, and as soon as these people saw the
Spaniards they fled crying out and he [the Captain] entered the houses,
where he found their possessions as they had not taken anything away. He
took two parrots which were very large and very different from any that
had been seen. He found a great deal of cotton spun and ready to spin
and their provisions, and he brought away a little of everything, especially
four or five bones of the arms and legs of men. As soon a3 we saw the
latter we suspected that those islands were the islands of Carib, which are
inhabited by people who eat human flesh. For the Admiral, in accordance
with the indications given him of the situation of these islands on his first
voyage, by the Indians of the islands which he had discovered before, had
taken the way to discover them, because they were nearer Spain and also
because they lay on the direct route to the island of Espafiola, where he
266 Christopher Columbus
had left the people before and to whom, by the goodness of God and the
good judgment of the Admiral, we came as straight as if it had been by a
known and frequented route. This island is very large and it appeared to
us that the coast extended lengthwise 25 leagues. We went along the
coast more than two leagues in search of a harbour. On the side where we
were going there were very high mountains, and the part which we were
leaving appeared to consist of great plains. There were some small settle-
ments on the seashore and as soon as the people saw the sails, they all fled.
Having gone two leagues, we found a harbour and it was very late. That
night the Admiral resolved that in the morning he would send out some one
to talk with the natives and learn what people they were, notwithstanding
the suspicion because of those he had already seen fleeing that they were
a naked people like the others whom the Admiral had already seen on his
first voyage. That morning certain Captains started. Some of them came
back at the hour of eating and brought a youth of towards fourteen years,
as they afterwards learned : and he said that he was one of a number whom
these people were holding as captives. The other Captains separated and
some took a little boy whom a man was leading by the hand and whom he
had abandoned in order to make his own escape. This child they sent on
board immediately with some of their own number. Others remained on
land and took certain women who were natives of the island and other
women who came away willingly, as they were captives. One Captain,
not knowing that communication had been held with the people, strayed
away with six men. He became lost together with those who were with
him and they did not know how to return, until at the end of four days
they encountered the seacoast and following along the coast they again
found the fleet. We already considered that they were lost and had been
eaten by those people who are called Caribs, because there was not sufficient
reason to believe that they were lost in any other manner. There being
pilots among them, sailors who knew how to go to and come from Spain
by means of the North Star, we believed that they could not become lost
in so small a place. That day before we landed there, many men and
women went along the beach near the water looking at the fleet and won-
dering at a thing so new to them. And when a boat reached the shore, in
order that the Spaniards might talk with them, saying tayno, tayno, which
means good, they remained as long as the Spaniards did not leave the water,
keeping near it so that when they wished they could escape. The result
was that we could not take any of the men either by force or willingly,
except two who became confident and then we took them away by force.
More than twenty of the captive women were taken and came away will-
ingly, and others who were natives of the island were attacked and captured
by force. Certain captives, youths, came to us, fleeing from the natives of
the island who had them in captivity. We remained in this harbour eight
days on account of the loss of the aforesaid Captain, during which time we
landed many times, going among the dwellings and villages which were on
the coast. We found a great quantity of human bones there, and the
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 267
skulls fastened in the houses like vessels to hold things. Not many men
appeared here. According to what the women told us this was because ten
canoes filled with men had gone to attack other islands. These people ap-
peared to us more civilised than those who dwell in these other islands
which we have seen, although they all have dwellings made of straw. But
the dwellings of this people are much better constructed and better pro-
vided with food, and they appear to be more industrious, both the males
and females. They had a great deal of cotton spun and ready to spin, and
many woollen blankets woven so well that they lose nothing in comparison
with those of our country. We asked the women who were captives on
this island what people these were and they replied that they were Caribs.
After these captive women understood we abhorred such a people on ac-
count of their bad custom of eating htunan flesh, they were greatly re-
joiced, and if any man or woman of the Caribs was brought anew they said
to us secretly that they were Caribs, because even there where they were
all in our power, the captives showed fear of the Caribs, like a subjugated
people, and from that appearance of fear we knew which were Caribs among
the women and which were not. For the Caribs wear large rings woven of
cotton on each leg, one next the knee and the other next the ankles. This
makes the calves of the legs appear large and the places where the rings are,
appear very small, and it seems to me that they consider this causes a very
pleasing appearance. So that by this difference we knew them one from
the other. The customs of these people of the Caribs are brutal. There
are three islands. This is called Turuqueira, the other which we saw first
is called Ceyre, and the third is called Ayay. They are at peace as if they
were one tribe, which causes no confusion. Both make war on all the other
neighbouring islands and they go out to sea 150 leagues with many canoes
which they possess, to attack them. These canoes are small fustas made
of one single piece of wood. Their arms are arrows instead of iron weapons.
As they have no iron they place upon their arrows tips made of tortoise-
shell. Others of the other island use tips made of fish-bones which are
indented. These bones are naturally indented like very rough saws and
among an unarmed people, as they all are, these weapons can kill and do
great injury. But among people of our nation they are not arms to be
feared. These people attack the other islands and bring away what women
they can captiu-e, especially young and beautiful girls whom they keep to
serve them or to have for mistresses, and they bring away so many that in
fifty houses no men appeared and of the captives more than twenty were
young girls. These women also say that the Caribs use them so cruelly that
it appears incredible : that the children to whom they give birth are eaten
and they only rear those they have by their native wives. Of the men
they capture, those who are alive they take to their houses to slaughter
them, and those they have killed they eat at once. They say that the
flesh of men is so good that there is nothing like it in the world and it cer-
tainly appears to be so. For they had gnawed everything that could be
gnawed from the bones which we found in their houses, as there was noth-
268 Christopher Columbus
ing left upon them except what was so hard that it could not be eaten. In
this place we found the neck of a man boiling in a pot in one house. They
cut off the genital member of the boys they capture and make use of them
as servants until they become men, and then when they wish to make a
feast they kill and eat them, because they say that the flesh of boys and
women is not good to eat. Three of these boys came fleeing to us, all
three having the genital member cut off. At the end of four days the Cap-
tain who had been lost came back. We had already despaired of his com-
ing, for we had twice sent other parties to search for these men, and that
day one party had returned without learning anything certain about them.
We rejoiced at their coming as if they had been found anew. This Cap-
tain brought, besides those who went away with him, ten persons, boys and
women. Neither this party nor the other parties who went to look for
them found any men, because they had fled, or perhaps because there
were few men in that vicinity, as we learned from the women that ten
canoes filled with men had gone to attack other islands. This Captain and
the men who went with him came back from the mountain so exhausted
that it was a pity to see them. Upon our asking them how they had be-
come lost, they said that the trees were so thick that they could not see
the sky and that some of their number, who were sailors, had climbed the
trees to look for the North Star, and that they were continually unable to
see it, and that if they had not come to the sea it would have been impos-
sible to return to the fleet. We left this island eight days after we reached
it. Then the next day at midday we saw another not very large island
which was about twelve leagues from this one. As we were becalmed the
greater part of the first day after we left, we went close to the coast of this
island, and the Indians whom we had with us said that it was not inhab-
ited, for the Caribs had depopulated it and on that account we did not
remain there. Then that afternoon we saw another island. At night near
this latter island we found some shoals for fear of which we anchored, as
we did not dare to go on until daylight. Then in the morning another
very large island appeared. We did not go to any of them, that we might
hasten on and comfort the people who had been left on Espanola; and it
was not pleasing to God as will appear later. The next day at the hour of
eating we arrived at an island and it appeared very good because it seemed
to be well populated according to the great quantity of tilled land there
was upon it. We went there and entered a harbour on the coast. Then
the Admiral sent a boat to land well filled with people to see if they could
talk with the natives in order to learn what people they were and also
because it was necessary for us to obtain information about our course.
Although the Admiral, who had never been over that course before, had
taken a very direct route, as appeared eventually. But as one should
always seek to verify doubtful things with the greatest possible cer-
tainty, the Admiral desired to talk with the people there. For this
purpose certain of the men who went in the boat landed and arrived at a
village from which the people had already gone into hiding. They took
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 269
there five or six women and certain boys, most of whom were also captives
the same as in the other island, for these islands also belonged to the Caribs,
according to what we had already learned from the story of the women we
were taking with us. Just as this boat was about to return to the ships
with the captives which had been taken below this place, a canoe came
along the coast containing four men, two women, and a boy, and as soon as
they saw the wonderful fleet they were so struck with amazement that for
a good hour they did not move from one place at a distance of about two
lombard shots from the vessels. In this position they were seen by those
who were in the boat and even by all the fleet. Then the men in the boat
went toward them, keeping so near the land that in the amazed condition
in which they were, wondenng and thinking what kind of a thing it could
be, they did not see the boat until it was very near them so that they
could not well flee, although they made a great effort to do so. But our
people went so fast that they could not get away. The Caribs, as soon as
they saw that their flight did not serve them, very boldly took up their
bows, the women as well as the men. And I say very boldly, because
there were not more than four men and two women and we numbered more
than twenty-five, of whom they wounded two. One they hit twice with
an arrow in the breast and the other they hit once in the side. And had
it not been that our men carried shields of leather or wood and that they
sheltered themselves with the boat and overturned their canoe, they would
have wounded most of them with their arms. And after their canoe was
overturned they reYnained in the water swimming and at times wading, as
there were some shallow places there, and our men had to riiake great
efforts to capture them, because they still fired upon them when they
could. And with all that, there was one whom they could not take until
he was so badly woimded with a lance that he died, and in this condition
they brought him to the ships. The difference between these and the
other Indians in dress is that the Caribs wear their hair very long and
these others wear it braided and they paint their faces in a hundred thou-
sand different ways with crosses and divers other devices, each one accord-
ing to his fancy. This they do by means of sharp sticks. All the people
of the Caribs as well as the others have no beards, so that they marvel
greatly at a man who wears one.' These Caribs whom they captured
there had their eyes and eyebrows tinted, which as it appears to me they
do for ornamentation, and in that manner they look more frightful. One
of these Indians says that on one of these islands called Cayre, which is the
first one that we saw, and to which we did not go, there is a great quantity
of gold : that they go there with nails and tools to make their canoes and
that they bring away as much gold as they like. When on that day we
started from that island, having remained there not more than about six
or seven hours, we went toward another land which was visible to the eye
and which lay on the route we had to take. At night we arrived near this
' We may infer that Columbus and his companions for the most part wore beards
when upon their voyages.
2^o Christopher Columbus
land. The next day in the morning we went along its coast. It was
of great extent, although not all one island, for there were more than forty
large islets, consisting of very high land, and the most of it bare, which
was unlike any we had seen previously or any we have since seen. It
seemed like land which would naturally contain metals. We did not draw
near enough to land, but one lateen caravel approached one of these large
islets on which they found certain fishermen^s houses. The Indian women
whom we were taking with us said that they were not populated. We
went along this coast the greater part of that day until the next day in the
afternoon, when we arrived in sight of another island called Burenquen,^
along the coast of which we ran for the entire day. We judged that it
extended thirty leagues on that side. This island to appearance is very
beautiful and very fertile. The people from the Caribs come here to make
conquests and they take many people away. These people have no fusias
and do not know how to sail on the sea. But, according to what these
Caribs whom we took, say, they use bows the same as they [the Caribs] do,
and if by chance when the Caribs come to assault them they are able to
capture them, they also eat the Caribs the same as the Caribs eat them.
We remained two days in one harbour of this island, where many of the
people landed. But we never were able to talk with them, for they all
fled away like people who were terrorised by the Caribs. All of these
islands mentioned were discovered on this voyage, for imtil now the Ad-
miral had not seen any of them on the first voyage. All are very beautiful
and the land is very good, but this one appears best of all. At this place
was the end of the islands lying in the direction of Spain which the Admiral
had not previously seen, although we consider it certain that there is land
more than forty leagues nearer Spain than these first islands, because two
days before we saw land we saw some birds called frigate pelicans [which
are marine birds of prey which do not sit or sleep upon the water] go cir-
cling around and then rise in the air and take their way in search of land
so as to sleep. As it was evening these birds could not have been going
more than twelve or fifteen leagues to settle down. And this was on our
right when we were coming, from the direction of Spain. From this fact
every one thought that land lay in that direction, but we did not seek for
it, that in so doing it might not delay us in the course we were pursuing.
I hope that in a few voyages it will be found. We left this aforesaid island
one morning, and that day before night we caught sight of land which was
also unknown to any one of those who had come on the first voyage. But
from the information derived from the Indians we had with us we suspected
that it was Espanola upon which island we are at the present time. Be-
tween this island and the other island of Buriquen, another appeared at
a distance, although it was not large. Then we reached Espailola. The
first part of the island consisted of very low and level land and every one
was doubtful whether it was Espanola or not, because neither the Admiral
' This is Puerto Rico, called by the Admiral San Juan Bautisia. Navarrete or
the manuscript spells the Indian name indifferently, Burenquen and Buriquen.
The Letter of Dr. Chanca
271
nor the others who had come with him had seen that part. And this island,
as it is large, is named by provinces. The part where we first arrived is
called Hayti ' and then the province next this is called Xamand and the
other Bohio in which we are at the present time. Moreover there are many
other provinces in these regions because the island is a large one. Accord-
ing to what those persons who have seen the coast along the side say, it is
about 200 leagues in length. It seems to me to be at least 150 leagues
long. Its width is not now known. A caravel has been gone forty days
for the purpose of sailing around it and up to the present has not returned.
It is a remarkable coimtry where there are an infinite ntunber of large
rivers and extensive mountain ranges and great level valleys and high
mountains. I suspect that the grass is never dry in all the year. I do not
believe that there is any winter in this island or in the others, because at
Christmas many birds' nests are found, some with birds and some contain-
ing eggs. Neither in this island nor in the others has a four-footed animal
ever been seen, except dogs of all colours the same as in our country, which
are shaped like large curs. There are no wild animals. Besides, there is
an animal the colour of a rabbit and the size of a young one, with fur like
one, the tail long and the fore and hind feet like a rat. They ascend the
trees. Many have eaten them and say that they are very good to eat.
There are many snakes, but they are not large ones. There are not many
lizards, because the Indians make as much of a feast out of them as we
would yonder in Spain out of pheasants. They are the same size as our
lizards, but they are different in shape. Although on a small island which
lies next to a harbour called Monte Cristi where we remained some time,
they saw repeatedly a very large lizard which they said was about as large
around as a calf and as long as a lance. They many times started to kill
it, but the woods being so thick it got away from them into the sea so that
they were unable to finish it. On this island and the others there are an
infinite number of birds like those of our country and many others that
never were seen there. No domestic fowls have ever been seen here save
that in Zuruquia there were some ducks in the houses, most of them white
as snow and some of them black, very pretty with flat crests. They are
larger than those in Spain, but smaller than geese. We ran along the
coast of this island nearly 100 leagues, because it was about this distance
to the place where the Admiral had left the people, which was in the middle
or centre of the island. In going by the province called Xamand we sent
one of the Indians whom the Admiral had taken on the first voyage directly
to land, clothed and carrying some trifles which the Admiral had ordered
given to him. There, a Biscayan sailor who had been wounded by the
Caribs, died. These Caribs, as I have already said, were captured because
of their lack of caution. And as we were going along the shore it gave us
an opportunity to send a boat to bury the sailor and two caravels ap-
proached the land to gudrd this boat. On reaching land many Indians
* This is the first time this exact form is used to designate Espaflolaor any part there-
of. It will be observed that this form now is applied to the western part of the island.
272 Christopher Columbus
came out to the boat, some of whom wore gold on their necks and in their
ears. They desired to come with the Christians to the ships and thie Chris-
tians did not wish to take them as they did not have permission from the
Admiral. As soon as these Indians saw that they would not take them,
two of them got into a small canoe and came to one of the caravels which
had drawn near the land, upon which they were kindly received and were
taken to the Admiral's ship, where they said by means of an interpreter
that a certain king sent them to learn what people we were and to beg us
to land, as they had a great deal of gold and would give it to us as well as
their articles of food. The Admiral ordered that each should be given
shirts and caps and other trifles and told them that as he was going to the
place v/here Guacamarf was, he could not delay, but that at another time
he would be able to see them. And at this they went away. We pursued
our course until we reached a harbour called Monte Cristi, where we re-
mained two days to examine the situation of the land as the place where
the Admiral had left the Christians to make a settlement had not appeared
to him to be healthful. We landed to investigate the situation. There
was a large river of very good water near there, but the land is all sub-
merged and very ill disposed for habitations. In going along looking at
the river and country some of our people found two dead men on one side
near the river, one with a rope on his neck and the other with one on his
foot. This was the first day. The next day following they found the
bodies of two more dead men farther along than the others. One of these
bodies was in such condition that it could be seen he had been heavily
bearded. Some of our people suspected more evil than good and with
good reason. The Indians are all beardless as I have said. This harbour
is 12 leagues from the place where the Christians were left. Two days
having passed, we made sail for the place where the Admiral had left the
aforesaid people in company with an Indian king who is called Guacamarf,
who I think is one of the leading men of this island. That day we arrived
directly at this place; but it was already late and as there were some
shoals there upon which, on that other day, the ship upon which the Ad-
miral was going had been lost, we did not dare enter the harbour near land
until the morning of the next day, when we would be able to enter in safety.
We remained that night less than a league from land. That afternoon a
canoe came quickly toward us from some distance away, in which were
five or six Indians. The Admiral, believing that he was assuring our
safety by raising his sails, would not wait for them, but they persisted and
arrived within a lombard shot from us and stopped to look. At that dis-
tance, as soon as they saw that we would not await them, they turned
about and retraced their course. After we had anchored in that spot on
the aforesaid afternoon, the Admiral ordered two lombards to be fired to
see if the Christians whom he had left with the said Guacamarf would reply,
as they also had lombards. They did not reply and further there appeared
no fires or signs of houses in that place. On this account the people be-
came very depressed and began to entertain the suspicion which would
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 273
naturally be held in such a case. In this state with every one very sad,
four or five hours of the night having passed, the same canoe came which
we had seen that afternoon, and the Indians came calling aloud and asking
of the Captain of the caravel which they first reached, for the Admiral.
They were conducted to the ship of the Admiral, but would not enter until
the Admiral spoke to them. They demanded a light in order that they
might recognise him and when they recognised him they entered. One of
them was a cousin of Guacamarf , who [Guacamari] had sent these Indians
the first time. Then they had returned that afternoon bringing masks of
gold which Guacamarf sent as a present. One was for the Admiral and
the other for a Captain who had been with him on the first voyage. The
Indians remained on the ship three hours talking with the Admiral in the
presence of all and manifesting great pleasure. He asked them for the
Christians who had remained there, and the cousin of the King said that
they were all well, although there had been some deaths among them from
disease and others caused by quarrels which had arisen among them.» He
said that Guacamarf was at another place, being wounded in the leg, and
that he had not come on that account, but that he would come the next
day. They said that two other kings, one called Caonab6 and the other
Ma5rrenf had come to fight with him and had burned his village. Then that
night the Indians returned saying that the next day they would come with
the said Guacamarf, and at this they left us comforted for that night. The
next day in the morning we were waiting for the said Guacamarf to come,
and in the meantime by command of the Admiral some of the Christians
landed and went to the village where they had been accustomed to stay
and found it was burned. A certain strong house somewhat fortified by a
palisade where the Christians had dwelt was burned and destroyed, and
they found certain cloaks and clothing which the Indians had brought and
thrown into the house. The said Indians who made their appearance
there, seemed very wild, so much so that they did not approach us but on
the contrary fled away. This did not appear well to us for the Admiral
had told us that on reaching that place so many canoes would come out
to the sides of the vessels to see us that we would not be able to defend
ourselves from them, and that on the first voyage they had done so. And
as we saw now that they were suspicious of us it did not seem favourable
to us. Notwithstanding, by flattering them that day and throwing them
some things such as hawks' bells and beads we reassured the said relative of
Guacamarf and three others who entered the boat and we brought them to
the vessel. After they were asked about the Christians they said that all
were dead, although we had already been told that by one of the Indians
we had brought from Castile, who had been told so by the two Indians who
had previously come to the ship and who had remained beside the ship
with their canoe, but we had not beUeved this Indian. This relative of
Guacamarf was asked who had killed them. He said that it was the King
' The account of the fate of the forty- three Spaniards at La Navidad.as given by
Dr. Chanca, is somewhat fuller than that given by Peter Martyr or in the narrative of
Coma.
74 Christopher Columbus
of Caonab6 and the King Mayrenf , and that they burned the things in the
village and that many were wounded by them. That the said Guacamarf
had also been woimded in the thigh and that he was in another place, and
that he wished to go there immediately to call him. These Indians were
given some things and they immediately started for the place where Gua-
camarf was staying. All that day we were awaiting them and as soon as
we saw that they did not come, many began to suspect that the Indians
who had come the previous night had been drowned, because they had
been given wine to drink two or three times and they came in a small canoe
which could easily have been overturned. The morning of the next day
the Admiral and some of our people landed and went where the village
had been situated and saw everything burned and the clothing of the
Christians was found in the grass. At that time we saw no dead bodies.
There were many different opinions among us, some suspecting that Gua-
camarf himself was concerned in the treason or death of the Christians.
Others thought that it appeared not to be so since his village was burned,
so that the matter was very doubtful. The Admiral ordered all the place
where the Christians had had their fortress to be investigated, for he had
given them orders as soon as they found any quantity of gold to bury it.
While this was being done he wished to go and explore about a league from
there where it appeared to us that it might be a site for the building of a
settlement as it was already time to do this. Certain ones of us went there
with him looking along the coast until we arrived at a village where there
were seven or eight houses which the Indians had g.bandoned when they
saw us coming and had carried away what they could, leaving the rest
hidden in the grass near their houses. Thev are such an unintelligent
people that they have not sense enough to seek for a place to dwell. It
is wonderful how miserably those who live by the sea build, for the houses
they have in that vicinity are so covered with grass and are so damp that
it is astonishing to me how they live. In these houses we found many
things belonging to the Christians which we did not believe they had
traded away, such as a very pretty Moorish garment which had not been
unfolded by those who brought it from Castile, and trousers and pieces of
cloth and an anchor belonging to the vessel which the Admiral had lost
there on the first voyage and other things. The finding of these things
strengthened us more in our opinion. In that place in searching for the
things they had concealed we found in a small pannier closely woven and
very secure, the head of a man very well hidden. We concluded from this
that it might be the head of a father or mother or of some person whom
they greatly loved. Since then I have heard that many have been found
in this way, from which I believe that the conclusion we arrived at there
was correct. We returned from that village on that day and came by way
of the place where the village had been and when we arrived there we
found many Indians who had become reassured and who were bartering
gold. They had bartered it to the value of a mark. We found that they
had shown the place where were the dead bodies of eleven Christians already
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 275
covered with grass which had grown over them, and the Indians were all
agreed in saying that Caonab6 and Mayrenf had killed them. But never-
theless it began to appear that one of the Christians had three wives and
another four, from which we believed that the evil which had befallen
them had come from jealousy. The morning of the next day — as during
all that day no place had been found where we could make a settlement —
the Admiral decided to send a caravel in one direction to look for a con-
venient place, and some who were with him went in another direction,
where they found a very safe harbour and the land very well situated for
a building spot. But as it was a long distance from where we desired to
locate the gold notine the Admiral resolved not to settle there but in another
direction, which would be safer provided it should be found to be con-
veniently situated. When we came back we found that the caravel which
had gone to seek for the said building spot in the other direction and upon
which Melchior had gone and four or five other worthy men, had arrived.
As they were going along the coast a canoe containing two Indians had
come out to meet them. One Indian was the brother of Guacamarf, who
was known to a pilot on the said caravel, and he asked who was going
there. The Indians said to the officers on the caravel that Guacamarf
begged them to land at his village which contained as many as fifty houses.
The said officers jumped into the boat and landed and went where Guaca-
marf was, whom they found in his bed and pretending that he was suffering
from a wound. They talked with him, asking him for the Christians. He
replied, agreeing with the story of the other Indians, that it was Caonab6
and Mayrenf who had killed them, and that they had wounded him in the
thigh, which he showed them all bandaged up. It seemed to those who
saw him in this condition that what he said was true. When they took
leave of him he gave to each one of them a golden ornament, its value
being according as it appeared to him that each one merited it. They pre-
pare this gold in very thin leaves as they want it to make masks, and so
that they can set it in bitumen which they make, and if it were not so pre-
pared they could not use it in this manner. They prepare it otherwise
to wear on the head and to hang in their ears and nostrils, so that it is yet
necessary that it should be thin, since they value it not at all for riches,
but only for ornamentation. The said Guacamarf said by signs and as
well as he could that since he was thus wounded they must tell the Admiral
to kindly come and see him. As soon as the Admiral arrived the afore-
said Captain told him this story. The morning of the next day he decided
to start to see Guacamarf, at whose village they would arrive inside of three
ho\irs, as it was distant hardly three leagues from where they were. There-
fore when they reached that place it was the hour for eating. We ate
before landing. As soon as we had eaten the Adrniral ordered all the Cap-
tains to assemble with their boats so as to land, for already that m.oming
before we started from the place where we were, the aforesaid brother of
Guacamarf had come to talk with the Admiral and hasten his departure
from the village of the said Guacamarf. The Admiral landed at that place
276 Christopher Columbus
with all the worthy men with him decked out in such manner as seemed
fitting in such an important city. He carried some things to present to
the King as he had already received quite a quantity of gold from him, and
it was right to respond with the same good deeds and with the same good-
will as Guacamarf had shown. The said Guacamarf himself had made
ready to give the Admiral a present. When we arrived we found him in
his bed, the bed being the kind they use, hung in the air and made of cotton
like a net. He did not arise, but from his bed he made as courteous a
salutation as he knew how and showed much feeling with tears in his eyes
for the death of the Christians and commenced to talk about it, showing as
well as he could how some died of disease and how others had gone to
Caonab6 to search for the mine of gold and that Caonabo had killed them
there and that he had come there to kill others in his own village. Ac-
cording to the appearance of the bodies it was not two months since it hap-
pened. Then Guacamarf presented the Admiral with [the value of] eight
and one half marks of gold and five or six hundred cut stones of different
colours and a cap set with the same stone, which stpne it seems to me they
must value greatly. In the cap was a jewel which Guacamarf gave the
Admiral with great veneration. It seems to me that they value copper
more highly than gold. I was present with a surgeon of the fleet. Then
the Admiral said to the said Guacamarf that we were skilled in the diseases
of men and that perhaps he would like to show us his wound. He replied
that it was pleasing to him to do so, for which purpose I told him that it
would be necessary (if he was able to do so) to go out of the house, because
there being so many people it was dark and I could not see well. This he
did immediately, I believe more from fear than desire. Leaning upon
some one he went outside. After he was seated the surgeon approached
him and began to unbind his leg. Then he said to the Admiral that the
wound was done with a ciba, which means with a stone. After taking off
the bandage we felt his leg with our hands. It is certain that he felt no
more pain in that leg than in the other, although he artfully pretended
that it pained him greatly. Certainly we could not well determine the
truth since the reasons were unknown, and surely there were many things
which showed that a hostile people had come to attack him. So the Ad-
miral did not know what to do. It seemed to him and to many of the
others that for the time and until the truth should be exactly learned we
had better dissimulate, because after learning the truth every one who
might so desire could obtain compensation from Guacamari. And that
afternoon Guacamari came with the Admiral to the ships and they showed
him the horses and all that they had there, at which he was greatly amazed
as such things were unknown to him. He partook of a repast on the ves-
sel and then that afternoon he returned to his house. The Admiral said
that he would like to go and live there with him and would like to build
houses, and he replied that it was agreeable to him, but that the place
was unhealthy as it was very damp: and unquestionably it was true.
All this conversation took place by means of two Indian interpreters of
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 277
those who had gone to Castile on the first voyage. These two Indians had
lived out of seven whom we took in the harbour, for five died on the way
and these escaped by only a hair's breadth. The next day we remained
at anchor in the harbour and Guacamarf wished to know when the Admiral
would start. The Admiral gave orders that he should be told that it would
be the next day. That day the aforesaid brother of the King with others
came to the ship and brought some gold for trading. Thus the day that
we left that place a good quantity of gold was obtained in trade. There
were ten women on the ship of those who had been taken in the islands of
Cariby. Most of them were from Boriquen. That brother of Guacamarf
talked with them. We believe he told them the plan which they at once
carried out that night, and that is that early in the night they very quietly
threw themselves into the water and went to land, so that when it was dis-
covered that they were missing they were such a distance away that we
could only capture four with the boats, which four we took as they were
getting out of the water. They swam more than a good half league. The
morning of the next day the Admiral sent to say to Guacamarf that he
must send back to him those women who had fled the night before and
that he must look for them at once. When the messengers went they
found the village deserted for there was not a person in it. At this many
were strongly confirmed in their suspicions and others said that the Indians
had moved to another settlement and that such is their custom. We
remained there that day as the weather was unfavourable for our starting
out. The morning of the next day, the Admiral decided, since the weather
was contrary, that it would be well to go with the boats to examine a har-
bour up the coast, which was about two leagues away, so as to see if the
land was favourably situated for the making of a settlement. We went
there with all the ships' boats, leaving the ships in the harbour. We ran
along the coast, and the Indians wherever we went did not show much
confidence in us. We reached one village from which all had fled. In
going about this village we found near the houses, lying on the mountain,
an Indian wounded with a dart, whose wound gaped open at his shoulders,
and who had been unable to flee any farther. The people of this island
fight with sharp darts which they fire by means of straps like those which
the boys use for firing rods in Castile, with which they shoot very accur-
ately at a long distance. It is certain that they can inflict great injuries
for an unarmed people. This wounded Indian told us that Caonab6 and
his people had wounded him and had burned the houses of Guacamarf.
Therefore our imperfect understanding of the Indians and the equivocal
reasons they gave us have rendered us so puzzled that up to the present
time we have not been able to learn the truth in regard to the death of
our people. And we did not find that the situation of the harbour was
healthful enough for the making of a settlement. The Admiral resolved
that we should return up the coast whence we had come from Castile, as
the reports of the gold were from that direction. The weather was unfav-
ourable for us so that it was more difficult for us to go thirty leagues
2 78 Christopher Columbus
backward than to come from Castile, and with the bad weather and length
of the course three months had already passed when we landed. It pleased
our Lord that by means of the unfavourable weather which would not
allow us to go farther onward, we were obliged to land on the best and
most favourably disposed site that could be found where there is a very
good harbour and most excellent fishing. We are in great need of the
fish on account of the lack of meat. There are in this coimtry very strange
fish which are better food than the fish in Spain. It is true that the climate
does not permit of fish being kept from one day to the other as it is warm
and damp, and for that reason animal foods become quickly corrupted.
The land is very rich for all purposes. There is a large river near and
somewhat farther away is another quite large one of very remarkable
water. The city of Marta ' is building on the bank of this large river
so near that the water marks its boundaries in such a manner that half the
city is surrounded by water with a ravine of cleft rock so that there is no
need of any defence on that side. The other half is surrounded by so dense
a grove that a rabbit could hardly get through it. This grove is so green
that fire could not consume it at any time of the year. A canal has been
commenced from the river which the engineers say they will put through
the centre of the place and construct upon its banks wind-mills, sawmills,
and whatever mills can be operated by water. A great deal of garden
stuff has been sown and it is certain that it grows more in eight days than
it does in Spain in twenty days. Many Indians come here continually and
caciques with them, who are their captains and also many Indian women.
They all come laden with ages which are like turnips, a very excellent food,
and of which they make many kinds of dishes here, in different ways. It
is such an invigorating food that we are all much revived by it, for in truth
our provisions upon the sea have been the most meagre that men ever
lived upon, and it had to be so, as we did not know what weather we would
have and how long God would permit us to be on the way. Therefore it
was prudent to limit ourselves in order that however long a time we might
be in coming, we would be able to preserve life. They trade the gold and
provisions and all that they bring for the ends of straps, for beads, for pins,
and for broken bits of porringers and of plates. The people of Caribi call
this age, nabi, and the Indians call it hage. All these people, as I have
said, go naked as they were bom, except that the women of these islands
have their genital parts covered, some of them with cotton cloths which
they gird around the hips and others with grasses and the leaves of trees.
The gala attire of the men and women consists in painting themselves,
some black, others white and red, making such visages that it is very
laughable to see them. Their heads are shaved in places and in places
have tufts of tangled hair arranged in so many ways that they cannot be
described. Finally, ever)rthing that a madman would do to his head in
Spain, here the highest of them consider a great compliment to you. We
* This contradicts the statement of Coma that the earliest name given the site of
the first city was Isabella. See the account in the Libretto.
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 279
are near many gold-mines here, for according to what they say no one of
them is more than twenty-five or thirty leagues away. Some say that
they are in Niti in possession of Caonab6, he who killed the Christians.
There are others in another place which is called Cibao, which if it pleases
our Lord, we will examine and will see with our own eyes before many
days pass. This would be done now, but that there are so many things
to do that there are not enough people for everything, as a third of them
have fallen ill in four or five days. I believe the principal cause of this
has been the labour and hardship endured and the bad passage. Besides
there is the difference in the country. But I hope in our Lord that all will
get up restored to health. From what appears of this people it seems that
if we could talk with them, all would be converted, because those who
observe us do as much as they can by kneeling at the altars, repeating the
Ave Maria and the other prayers and crossing themselves. They all say
that they would like to be Christians, although they really are idolaters,
because there are many kinds of images in their houses. I have asked
them what they are and they tell me that it is something from Turey,
which means from heaven. I undertook to throw them into the fire and
it disturbed them so greatly that they would weep. But likewise they
think that whatever we bring is something from heaven, all of which they
call Turey, which means heaven. The day that I went to sleep on land
was the first day of the Lord. The little time that we have spent on land
has been passed more in building a place to stay and in seeking the neces-
sary things than in learning what there is in the country. But, although
this latter time has been short, things greatly to be wondered at have
been seen, for trees have been seen which bear very excellent wool, of such
quality that those who understand the art say that good cloth could be
made from it. There are so many of these trees that the caravels could
be loaded with the wool, although it is hard to gather as the trees are very
thorny. But a way could very well be found to gather it. There is a
great amount of cotton on ever-living trees as large as peach trees. There
are trees which bear wax as good in colour and in taste and for burning as
that made by be^s, so that there is not much difference in these two kinds
of wax. There is a great quantity of turpentine here, very remarkable
and excellent. There is a great deal of tragacanth [a gum], also very
good. There are trees which I think bear nutmegs but they are now
without fruit, and I say that I think so because the taste and smell of the
bark is like that of nutmeg trees. I saw a ginger root which an Indian
was wearing fastened on his neck. There are also aloes, although not of
the kind which up to the present have been seen in our lands. But it is
not to be doubted that it is one of the kinds of aloes which we doctors use.
Also a kind of cinnamon has been found. True it is not as good as that
which has been seen yonder. We do not know whether, by chance, this
poor quality is caused by their not knowing how to gather it in due season
as it should be gathered, or whether by chance the land does not bear a
better quality. Also lemon-coloured myrobalans have been found, but at
28o Christopher Columbus
present they are only found under the trees. As the land is very damp
they are rotten and have a very bitter taste, which I believe is caused by
their being rotten. But in every other respect except the taste, which is
corrupted, they are like true myrobalans. There is also very good mastic.
None of the people of these islands which have been seen up to the present
time possesses any iron. They have many tools like hatchets and fish-
hooks made of stone, so good and well done that it is wonderful how they
can make them without iron. Their bread is fruit made of the root of a
tree which is between a tree and an herb in size, and the age, of which I
have already said that it is like turnips, which is a very good food. They
have for a spice to season their food, something which is called agi, which
they eat with fish, also with birds when they can obtain them, as there
are many birds of many different kinds. They also have grain like hazel-
nuts, very good to eat. They eat what snakes, lizards, spiders, and worms
are found on the ground. So that it seems to me that they are more
beastly than any beasts in the world. Although the Admiral had at one time
determined to leave the discovery of the mines until after sending away
the ships which were to leave for Castile, on account of the great amount
of sickness which had been among the people, he resolved to send two
parties with two captains, one party to Cibao and the other to Niti, where
Caonab6 was, of whom I have already told. They went and one party
returned January 20 and the other January 21. The one that went to
Cibao found gold in so many places that a man dare not tell it, but truly
they found gold in more than fifty streams and rivers and outside the
rivers on land. So that they say that wherever they wish to seek for gold
in all that province they will find it. They brought specimens from many
places, viz., in the sand of the rivers and in the springs which are in the
country. It can be believed that by digging as we know how to do, it
will be foimd in larger nuggets, as the Indians do not know how to dig nor
have they anything with which to dig down the length of a palm. The
other party which went to Niti also brought news of a great deal of gold
in three or four places and likewise they brought specimens of it. So that
certainly the Sovereigns, our Lords, from the present can consider them-
selves the most prosperous and richest Princes in the world, for no such
thing has been seen or read of before in the world. Truly when the ships
return on another voyage they can take away such a quantity of gold that
whoever knows of it may wonder at it. Here it appears to me well to
end the story. I believe that those who do not know me who will hear
these things, will consider me prolix and a man who has somewhat spun
out his story. But God is my witness that I have not passed the boimds
of the truth one jot."
" Up to this point this is the copy of what pertains to the news
from these regions and Indies. The remainder which was con-
tained in the letter does not relate to the case, as they are per-
The Letter of Dr. Chanca 281
sonal matters which the said Dr. Chanca, as a native of Seville,
entreated and recommended to the Chapter of Seville in regard
to his household and people whom he had left in the said city.
And this reached Seville in the month of , 1493.*' '
(Navarrete, Vol. I. p. 198.)
» Navarrete found the month and day wanting in the manuscript preserved for
a long time in the monastery of Mejorada. It is evident, however, that the letter
was sent to Spain at the time the twelve ships returned under Antonio de Torres.
As this fleet only put to sea from Isabella on the second day of February in the year
1494, the memorandum is not correct as to the year in which it was received in
Seville. The original manuscript is lost, that at Mejorada being only a copy some-
what later.
CHAPTER LXXVIII
THE CITY OF ISABELLA
As the principal narrative here recorded was taken from a
letter written by Guglielmo Coma and forwarded in the ships
returning tmder Antonio de Torres on February 2, 1494, it
necessarily gives us only the early events experienced on this
voyage. It carried the Admiral and his expedition from the
ill-fated La Navidad along the coast eastward until finally, on
December 17, 1493, a site was selected for a permanent settle-
ment. Here a harbour called by the Spaniards the "Port of
the Graces*' and some ten leagues east of Monte Christi, opened
its arms to the fleet and a narrow channel admitted the vessels,
one by one, through the reefs to the shore. A beach of yellow
sand, stretching not more than 275 feet, invited the tired Span-
iards to embark and rest. On either end of this beach was a
coral bluff, while back of the sandy landing-place toward the
east were forest-covered hills. North and south were mangrove
swamps, the one to the north, when filled with water pouring
into it from the neighbouring range of hills, forming a good-sized
lake. It was around this lake that the Spaniards began to con-
struct the first city in the New World and to which they gave
the name Isabella, in honour of the Queen of Castile.' Coma
' Las Casas says:
** . . cuvo nombre quiso que fuese la Isabela, por memoria de la reina Dofla
Isabel, d quien 6\ singularmente tenia en gran reverencia, y deseaba mds servirla y
agradarla que d otra persona del mundo."
" . . . the name of which he desired should be Isabella, in remembrance of the
Queen, Dofla Isabella, whom he singularly held in great reverence, and he was more
desirous of serving and pleasing her than any other person in the world."
The first printed news we have of the name of the earliest European settlement is
where in 1495 Syllacius — quoting Guglielmo Coma — says that the new city was called
Isabella. The second is where in the Libretto the city is said to have been established
at Locinfrone, a place near a harbour. Later on the Libretto tells us the city was called
282
The City of Isabella 283
says: **Chir people indeed call this island Belle Isle, since they
have given their city the name of Isabella/' The ground cov-
ered by the buildings probably did not comprise more than a
few acres. The surrotmding hills made admirable natural fort-
resses. Coma speaks particularly of the f ruitf ulness of the earth ;
some seed developed in five days after they were planted: but
the soil, however rich, seems to have been very thin and found
on the hills only in crevices of the white coral rocks. Here were
the feeding-places for the cactus, the ligntmi-vitae, and other
vines and thorny bushes found growing in almost impenetrable
masses. The impression of wealth made by sea, air, river, soil,
and rock must have been strong in the mind of each member
of that expedition, and if afterward there was to be some dis-
appointment we must remember the expectations aroused by
the accounts sent home by the Admiral, by Coma, and Dr.
Chanca, as well as the more elaborate descriptions written by
Peter Martyr and distributed among the learned in many foreign
countries.'
Isabella. Dr. Chanca writing at the end of January, 1494, says it was called Marta,
meaning Martha.
The nearest port is Puerto Plata, some fifty miles still farther to the east. Here
the traveller should have his point of departure, finding transportation in some little
coasting boat likely to pass the ancient site of Isabella. The ideal way would be to
engage a small steam launch in some of the larger ports of Cuba or San Domingo for
the entire joiuTiey.
* In the month of May, 1891, some officers belonging to the steamship Enterprise
of the United States Navy made an examination of the ruins of the ancient city of
Isabella, and their Report we now present to the public for the first time:
*'U. S. S. Enterprise (3rd Rate)
*'Lat. N. 23*»4o'
**At Sea
**Long. W. 70*^ 31'
"May i6th, 1891.
•*Conmiander G. A. Converse,
"Commanding U. S. S. Enterprise.
"Sir:—
" In obedience to your orders of the 13th inst. we respectfully submit the fol-
lowing report of the results of an exploration of the ruins of tne city of Isabella.
"The party left the Enterprise, then anchored off Puerto Plata, Island of Santo
Domingo, at 6.^0 on the morning of the 14th of May and proceeded in the steam-
cutter thirty miles to the westward along the north shore of the island of Santo Do-
mingo. We were acconipanied by an old native pilot who was recommended by thf.
U. S. Consul at Puerto Plata as familiar with the coast and such traditions as exist
among the natives respecting the first settlement of Colimibus. He has piloted ves-
sels to and from the port of Isabella for many years.
"About eight miles inside the cape now known as Isabella there is a bay of con-
siderable size; on its easter shore a slight rocky projection of land formed oy one of
the numerous bluffs was chosen for the first permanent settlement of the Spaniards in
the New World. Small craft may anchor in this bay in from one to three fathoms of
water, while larger vessels would have to remain outside the coral reef that extends
out some four hundred yards from shore. This position would be quite convenient
for communicating with the ruins at Isabella, and boats of the size of cutters may
284 Christopher Columbus
Here in Isabella we see exhibited for the first time the execu-
tive ability of Christopher Columbus. His colony, or at least
his expedition, consisted of twelve htmdred persons, Spanish
knights and Castilian labourers, proud hidalgos, exacting priests,
irresponsible magistrates, and wild soldiers. Every element,
except the presence of the Spanish woman, which could make
approach the shore and land upon a smooth sandy beach. The anchorage is open to
the northward and north-westward. A shallow inlet marks the landing place near the
ruins. About a mile further up the bay is the Isabella river, a swift nmning stream
of shallow, muddy water quite broad at this season.
"The shore at this part of the bay is generally low and interspersed with lagoons
and dry sandy watercourses but rises rapidly to hills behind. The country is thickly
covered with young trees, cactus plants, tangled vines and bushes. Clins of lime-
stone and coral formations rise abruptly from the water at intervals and extend some
ten miles to the eastward of Cape Isabella, they present a curious appearance, es-
pecially near the cape, where their fantastic shapes closely resemble the battlements
and towers of castles and forts and the similarity is increased by niunerous caves that
appear like doors, windows and port holes cut in the faces of the gray walls.
'* For manj^ years Isabella has been a port of shipment for mahogany and lignum
vitae, woods which grow in abundance in the neighborhood.
**No habitations are to be found within a mile and a half of the ruins, but the
native wood-cutter that we met verified the statements of the pilot as to the traditional
genuineness of the site which he pointed out.
**On landing we tiuTied to the right and ascended a gentle slope to a little plain
about two acres in area; this slightly projects into the bay and is bounded on the north
and south by two dry watercourses forming natiu*al ditches, or moats, and terminat-
ing abruptly on the western, or water side, in cliffs from twenty to thirty feet high
formed by large boulders containing fossil coral and shells. Tradition points to this
little plateau as the site of the ancient city and here were found scattered at intervals
various small, ill-defined heaps of stones, remnants of walls built of small unhewn
stones, evidently laid in mortar, pieces of old tiles and potsherds, some of the latter
glazed, and fragments of broad roughly made bricks. There were a half dozen or
more blocks of dressed limestone that may have been part of the walls of buildings
somewhat finished and permanent in character. The trees, matted roots and trailing
vines overspread the ground and rendered progress slightly difficult. The soil is
shallow, covering in some places only a foot or so a bed of limestone rock. The
application of pick and spade brought to light nothing of particular interest but
enabled us to follow the traces of walls in some instances.
** It should be stated that the piles of stones that we saw convey very little idea of
the original forms of the structures to which they belonged and give no indication of
their uses. Our guide took us first to what he called * the fort,' a pile of stones a little
larger than the others; there is nothing to indicate that it was a fort, either in position
or form. In describing the accompanying plan the terms * tower* and ' bastion ' have
been used, but it is merely a conjecture that they were such.
** By digging and working with the pick at intervals we were able to form some
idea of the ground plan of the place and follow a portion of the lines of walls. The
general outline of the ground occupied seems to have been a slightly irregular paral-
lelogram inclosing less than two acres of surface. There are no traces of a continuous
wall about this space. The site was well chosen for defence and the watercourses to
the north and south are convenient substitutes for trenches; there is no sign of their
having been connected by a trench in the eastern or land side, from which an attack
by Indians might have been most naturally expected. The thickness of trees and
bushes to the eastward renders examination more difficult there, but as we traversed
the ground for about a mile in every direction without finding other remains it is
probable that they are confined to the little plateau in question.
**In the N. W. angle of this plateau and near the shore are the remains of a wall
connecting three small martello towers or bastions, marked A, B, C on the plan; they
were probably circular in form and their remains are mounds of reddish earth scat-
tered with small unhewn stones, many pieces of roofing tile and a few fragments of
brick; the mounds are about three feet high and twenty feet in diameter. The wall
is about a foot high and runs S. S. W. from the northern to the middle bastion for
about one hundred feet; it there curves to the southward for about eighty feet and
joins the third mound or bastion, which is of the same character as those described
above. At right angles to the wall between the first two bastions are traces of walls
3^
^ OF rS^Bszz
Plan of fhe Ruins
of
THE CITY OF ISABELLA
Santo Domingo
1891
Si
285
_10«
286 Christopher Columbus
a settlement, had its representative. Over all these was an
Italian adventurer lately promoted to a station more lofty
than that filled by any of their own race except their King. In
the New World, it was reported he was to be supreme. He
was a partner, the Spaniards heard, of the Sovereigns, and
was to share almost equally with them in the gold and honours
about forty feet long (marked d, f, g, on plan) connecting with a fourth wall (marked
h) that runs nearly parallel with the first and a rectangular space is thus divided into
three portions.
"About one hundred yards S. E. of this are the fo\mdations of a rectangular
building (marked k) forty feet long by twenty feet broad. Sixty yards south and a
little east of this is another mound marking what was apparently a circular building
inclosed on its east side by a semicircular wall, here were found several stones about
18" X I S'' X S'' in place, not cemented and a few squared stones with mortar on them;
this is what is known as the ' fort ' ; the debris here is about four feet high by fifty feet
broad (marked L on the plan) . Nearljr due east of this appear at intervals of forty
and fifty yards what may have been circular towers (marked M, N, on plan) their
remains are mounds of stone, earth and tile from three to four feet high and thirty feet
in diameter. On the north side and nearly opposite in position to those last men-
tioned are two ruins of a similar kind but less extensive (marked O, P). Near the
centre of the eastern limit is a pit some twenty feet in diameter by from ten to fifteen
feet deep (marked S) ; it is said to have been dug by treasure-seekers; it may be that a
cellar or cistern was found here, as the depth 01 the pit would perhaps indicate some-
thing of the kind.
•*Th€ space between the limits mentioned bears traces of other structures of
small rough stones and doubtful evidences of a cement pavement or flooring.
"There are many holes dug among the ruins whicn we were informed were the
work of treasure-hunters, and as vessels touching at this port have carried away relics
from time to time the remains are much diminished; the pilot remembered when he
was a boy the walls were much higher and a hewn circular stone was removed some
fifteen years ago by an American ship master.
"A block of hewn limestone twenty inches long, twenty-seven inches wide and
from six to eight inches thick we brought away with us. It has a square moulding
worked on one side and was the most finished stone that we saw.
"We overturned all the cut blocks of stone and examined them carefully in the
hope of finding some marks or dates, but without success, and it is our belief that
nothing of the kind exists.
"Of the surface remains at Isabella it is our opinion that there is nothing that is
of sufficient interest to be removed, except, perhaps, the few blocks of cut limestone
and there is nothing that would convey an idea of the architecture and workmanship
of the buildings erected by the first settlers.
"It does not api>ear to us that any extended excavations would be rewarded with
better results. Isabella was occupied for only about two years by the original set-
tlers, the rough and unfinished character of the work is manifest in the ruins and
further research could accomplish nothing more than, perhaps, to determine more
clearly the ground plan of the place.
* By giving two or three days' notice a sufficient number of workmen could be
procured from among the wood-cutters in the neighborhood to undertake any clearing
of the ground or excavating that might be thought necessary. Laborer's wages are
fifty cents a day, but probably they would charge more if working for foreigners.
"Tools and implements should be carried to Isabella if any work is contemplated ;
the natives generally use nothing but the machete. A force of twenty men superin-
tended by two intelligent overseers would be able in a week to clear the ground and
make an exhaustive examination. December, January and February are the most
favorable months for such work.
"Should further exploration be made it would be of undoubted scientific interest
to examine the faima and flora of this region and there are evidences of interesting
fossil remains. The caves in the cliffs of Cape Isabella and vicinity would probably
yield interesting relics of the aborigines — the now extinct Caribs.
"These cliffs are full of caves and from the description given by the pilot of
stones found in them they probably contain metals, rollers, etc.
"In 1872 Isabella was visited by Mr. Samuel Hazard who describes it as follows
in his work entitled Santo Domingo, Past and Present: 'There was absolutely nothing
to repay me for my trouble, the place possessing no natural beauty and the few ruins
The City of Isabella 287
oi the new lands. Power of an extraordinary kind was lodged
in his hands and obedience to his authority was demanded of
all. There were those who drew a somewhat different picture
and told of other interests more powerful than his and nearer to
the light from the throne, which were not preparing to bow the
knee to an Italian upstart, but whose interests would be best
subserved by his downfall and a redistribution of honours and
a freer opportunity for fortune and promotion.
Putting hand to this work, moulding and forming these ele-
remaining having no partictdar form or meaning, being mostly covered with running
vines and vegetation. With much difficulty can be made out where has originally run
a small village street.'
'*The second voyage of Columbus brought to Samana Bay, Nov. 226., 1493, ^
fleet of seventeen vessels and twelve hundred men of various ranks and conditions
together with provisions and animals for a permanent settlement. After some ex-
plorations a colony was established near a small river on the north side of the island
which was named Isabella in honor of the Queen.
•' It was the intention to make this settlement permanent, and it was laid out in
the form of a regular town and a substantial stone church and houses for officers were
built. The whole was surrounded by a wall and ditch. After this establishment
was made expeditions were sent to tne interior chiefly with a view to finding gold
and silver. Columbus gave some personal attention to this settlement and selected
a council over which his brother Diego presided.
"Misfortune, however, marked the attempt; fevers caused by the unhealthy
location, mutiny and insubordination soon produced much discontent among the
colonists and in 1496, after an occupation of about two vears the City of Isabella was
abandoned for the banks of the Ozama on the south sidfe of the island, where a more
healthy and convenient location and the romantic stories of Miguel Diaz and his
Indian queen, with visions of silver mines offered inducements to the Spanish mind
that resulted in the foimding of the city of Santo Domingo.
"Santo Doming is now the oldest existing city in the New World and it is an
historical fact that Isabella was not the first attempt made by Colimibus at a settle-
ment. During his first voyage in Dec. 1492 he crossed from Cuba to Santo Domingo
which he named Hispaniola, or little Spain, imagining that it resembled the *most
favored province of Andalusia.*
"The island was called by the natives Haiti, which signifies high land. The first
place where Columbus landed he called St. Nicholas, it being the fete day of that saint
(6th Dec.) and the first settlement was made on the bay of St. Thomas, to-day called
Aeul, in Haiti; this originated through the wrecking of one of the two remaining
caravels; for Martin Pinzon had deserted Columbus off the coast of Cuba with the
third.
"From the materials of the wreck a fort, or tower, was built, which was called
La Navidad and a part of the crew were left to occiipy it. They were probably killed
by the natives as no traces of them were found bv Colimibus on his second voyage.
"We desire to express our appreciation of the valuable aid and advice rendered
us in examining the ruins by Lieuts. H. S. Waring and Walter McLean, U. S. N.
These gentlemen accompanied us as volunteers on the expedition.
"Very respectfully,
"Your obdt. servants,
"G. P. CoLVocoRESSEs, Lieutenant, U. S. N.,
"M. H. Simons, Surgeon, U. S. N.,
"M. M. Taylor, Naval Cadet, U. S. N.
" Report of a Reconnoissance of the
"Ruins of the City of Isabella, Santo Domingo, May 13, 1891,
"by
"Lieutenant G. P. Colvocoresses, U. S. N.,
"Surgeon M. H. Simons, U. S. N.,
"Naval Cadet M. M. Taylor, U. S. N.,
"of the
"U. S. S. Enterprise (3rd Rate)."
288 Christopher Columbus
ments, the Admiral began his settlement. Streets were laid out,
regular and broad, crossing each other in symmetrical right lines,
houses of brick and wood were erected, pubUc warehouses and
hospitals were builded, and a dignified palace was constructed
above the other edifices as a home for the Admiral not im-
worthy the Royal representative. Even a temple was raised to
the glory of Gk)d and the religious professions of the Spaniards.
Some fifty years ago there was still to be seen a conspicuous
monument on the site of Isabella. It was a pillar of masonry
and was supposed to have been among the first work of the col-
ony, erected to indicate from its towering height the location of
the settlement.' About the year 1876 some persons supposed
to have been treasure-seekers destroyed this pillar and carried
away a memorial marble tablet. The monument was mined
and demolished by powder, but no treasure was foimd, and to-
day there remains a hollow in the earth and heaps of debris
to speak of the recklessness and folly of ignorant and greedy
men. A traveller has left on record the following description
of his visit to the site of ancient Isabella:
"Fifty years ago much of the original city [Isabella] was visible, and
in the midst of the forest the traveller saw all the remains of the struc-
tures erected by Columbus: the pillars of the church; remains of the
King's storehouse; part of the residence of Columbus; the small fortress,
and a circular battlemented tower. When Mr. Gibbs was here he saw the
ruins of the church, fifty feet wide by one hundred feet long; now nothing
can be seen but the faintest outline. Nothing remains here as a structure,
or of great importance as a niin: shapeless heaps, only, or montones, of
stone and brick, with here and there a hewn rock, occasional shards of pot-
tery and fragments of tiles. From the northern point of the bluff, where
the pillar stood, following along the shore, there is a semi-lunar-shaped
heap of debris about a hundred feet long. A little farther on, at about the
centre, a quadrilateral depression in the soil, where the church once stood,
and near there are some traces of what may have been a fortified wall, and
scattered stones. At the southern bluff, overlooking the river, and per-
haps five hundred feet from the pillar-site, is the most conspicuous monton,
or heap of stones, mixed together with tiles. This is conjectured to have
been the * King's house ' or the smelting works, where the gold was assayed
* Others regard it as a commemorative shaft, made to record some great event,
and a comparison has been instituted between that and others on Turk Island and at
Sand Key. Hon. George Gibbs read a paper on October 6, 1846, before the New
York Historical Society, in which he sought to prove that the landfall of Coltmibus
took place on Turk's Island, presenting the alleged resemblance between those
columns or pillars as an argument of one and the same construction sources.
The City of Isabella 289
that the explorers brought from the mountains. I found several hewn
stones here, as well as heaps of tiles, and what we think were the fragments
of crucibles. This is the most commanding point of the bluff, and it
appears possible that the river, though now some distance away, once
laved the base of the cliff. Not far away, buried in the woods, is another
large heap of stones and bricks near a hole some ten feet deep. This is
supposed to have been the powder-magazine, and has often been searched
for treasure.*'
Columbus chose this particular place not from chance, nor
yet from its natural advantages as a refuge for ships and as a
position of defence, but rather because it was near the province
of Cibao, the place of gold, of which the natives had never ceased
to speak when importtmed to locate the principal source of that
metal, so common and abimdant.
The Admiral having decided to build a city, pushed it to
completion with tmtisual vigour. The Plaza was planned after
the manner of the places at home where the citizens met and
enjoyed poptilar pastimes. The public buildings were con-
structed of stone. Those for residence were less elaborately
builded, wood serving for the frames and thatched straw for the
roofs. So diligent was the Admiral and so constant and hard
were the hours of toil that scarcely was the city ready for habi-
tation when nearly all were taken ill. The provisions brought
from Spain had been husbanded with great care and the food of
the Indians, new to the colonists, had been substituted, caus-
ing many disorders. The climate, delightful as it was, proved
enervating, and in the middle of the day seemed ill adapted to
extreme exertions such as were exacted of them. To crown all,
the location which at first seemed so inviting was not whole-
some or healthful, and as Las Casas says: "There scarcely re-
mained a man from among the hidalgos or plebeians, however
robust he might be, who did not fall ill of terrible fevers.''
Homesickness, common to all peoples and to men of all ages,
and a growing sense of despondency at finding gold less plenti-
ful than they had been led to expect, deprived them of the mental
buoyancy which can sometimes fight off and coimteract bodily
infirmities. The Admiral himself was confined to his bed,
brought low by his responsibility, his constant vigils on the
sea, his anxieties in building the city, and his solicitude for the
welfare of his colony. Las Casas here calls attention to the
VOU II.— XQ.
290 Christopher Columbus
marvellous care Providence had thus far exhibited toward its
precious instrument, Christopher Columbus, who was suffered to
guide a few men over an unknown sea, curbing for him the vio-
lence of the waves, encouraging the winds to blow favourably
on his sails, giving him a great discovery such as had never
come to another human being, providing him with the help of
earthly sovereigns and the moral support of the supreme Head
of the Church, furnishing him an immense fleet of ships and a
large concourse of eager colonists for a new voyage, and per-
mitting him to erect a city like imto one in Andalusia where
men should live in law and order, and to build a great church
where God should be praised for His goodness to men, and for
all this time tmtil this very hour, says Las Casas, the Admiral
had never once been sick or succumbed to any bodily ailment,
thus proving the watchfulness of the Divine Paternity over its
chosen instrument. Whether the Bishop would have us infer
that the Divine arm was now shortened that it could not help
or the Divine ear heavy that it could not hear, we do not know,
but we do know that at this time the leader of the expedition,
the skilled captain, the indefatigable discoverer, was ill of body
and sick like the meanest of his men. The reins of government
reached into the sick man's room and from his bed the Admiral
directed an important expedition, headed by Alonzo de Hojeda
and Ginfes de Gorbalan, to travel back into the island and to
learn what they could of the region called Cibao and the Indian
settlements thereabouts. He also arranged for the return of
twelve of the fleet which had brought over him and his expedi-
tion, leaving five for the necessities of the colonists and to serve
for making further discoveries. After a few days Alonzo de
Hojeda returned with the glad tidings that he had foimd a rich
coimtry, going over at first a somewhat unsatisfactory territory
but making his way through a pass ' and coming out into a
delightful land, where he met with many settlements and many
courteous natives whose chief received him with demonstrations
of pleasure as if, says Las Casas, they had been angels. Ginfes
de Gorbalan,* continuing his journey, arrived at the province of
Cibao in five or six days, which province commenced after pass-
ing the great river Yaqul, the mouth of which the Admiral had
' The Sierras of Cibao between the coast and the plains.
^ Coma speaks of this man simply as Gorbalan. So also does Las Casas.
The City of Isabella 291
himself named on his first voyage, when he was on the coast,
Rio del Oro, and the land at its mouth he had called Monte
Christi. The Indians, in the presence of the Spaniards, gathered
many specimens of gold, proving it to be a country very rich in
this respect, *'as in truth it is," says Las Casas, **an untold
quantity and the purest in the world, being afterward taken
from it." Gorbalan also returned in haste to the Admiral to
impart his story of the further revelations made of the very
rich coimtry by the Cibians.
CHAPTER LXXIX
SLAVERY
The Admiral, most pleased of all at the news brought by
Hojeda and Grorbalan, determined to go and see with his own
eyes this province of Cibao. But first he must send back some
ships to Spain with the glad tidings. He wrote a long accoimt
to the Sovereigns and sent with it specimens of the gold, confid-
ing both to the care of Antonio de Torres, the brother of the
Nurse to the Prince. This Captain departed from Isabella with
the twelve ships on the second day of February in the year 1494.
The letter which Columbus sent home by Torres is so interesting
that we venttire to print it in full. According to Navarrete the
document was drawn up in the city of Isabella on January 30,
1494. It contains the first mention of the name given to the
new settlement, referring to Antonio de Torres as the Alcalde
de la Ciudad Isabella.
The Sovereigns dealt with the several items of this document
on August 15, 1494, and their minutes show their regard for the
Admiral and their confidence in his management. We see his
expedition suffering from the same spirit of fraud which has so
often marked the equipment of fleets and armies. The casks
containing the precious wine were cheaply made, inferior beasts
had been substituted for the good horses exhibited for selection
at Seville, and foods and materials seem to have been subject to
the treachery of the contractor.
It is in this interesting doctmient that Columbus suggests
the transportation of the cannibal Caribs as slaves.' The ends
to be gained are expressly stated:
' When Coltmibus was on his first voyage he heard of Indians living on an island
called Charis, Indians eating htiman flesh and warring on neighbouring tribes. The
name Charib or Carib, first employed to identify these cannibals, in later times was
292
Slavery 293
First By taking them to CastUe they would at once be made
to abandon the inhuman custom of eating men.
Second. By their learning the language in Castile, they would
more quickly receive baptism and provide for the safety of their
souls.
Third. Their capture would secure for the Spaniards the sub-
missive respect of the other inhabitants of the islands as they
beheld the comparative weakness of their fellow natives, whole
communities fleeing before a single one of the new enemy.
Those who criticise Columbus and lay at his door the horrible
cruelties which followed for more than three centuries and a half
in the wake of the slavery system should remember the age
in which he lived, and particularly the work he was called upon
to perform. He brought to the New World the people of Europe,
not to tarry for a moment while they gathered gold and then
to return to Europe, but to settle and occupy the new lands, to
found cities, establish colonies, enlarge boundaries, subdue oppo-
sition, and dominate man and beast and field. The New World
was not and never had been a land of peace. There were relative
orders of natives, some mild and gentle, some harsh and fierce.
The weak went down before the strong. The fierce conquered
the gentle. As a mere matter of police regulation there was no
other way. An individual lawbreaker might be locked away in
a prison; but what dimgeon in Spain or Espaiiola could hold a
tribe? Those who ate human flesh were few. They were fierce,
courageous, war-like. They made predatory excursions to Es-
pano'a and Cuba, killing some and capturing others. The cap-
tured were taken back to the island of the Cannibals to a fate
worse than death. It was such natives, not the pacific inhabi-
tants of Espanola, that Columbus proposed to enslave. For
what purpose? For the good of the cannibals themselves and,
further, for the good of the native inhabitants of the islands
occupied by the Europeans. The Spanish and Portuguese had
long been no strangers to slavery. Not only had the dark-
skinned Moors been in bondage, but full black slaves had been
brought from Senegambia and made to wear chains and bear
used for all the natives of the New World in the regions round about the Caribbean
Sea
The name Chans is not found in the Spanish Folio or Quarto Letter of Columbus,
but in the Latin translation of the Letter written to Sanchez.
294 Christopher Columbus
their heavy burdens. In Spain the Moors ransomed their
brethren held in slavery with black people they themselves
had captured in Africa. It was the fifteenth century, the end
of the fifteenth century, somewhat lighted with truth and know-
ledge, but not yet ablaze. It is not for us who have lived in the
nineteenth century to cast stones. It took three and forty years
of agitation for emancipation to strike off English- welded chains.
It took years of appeal, millions of money, and thousands of hu-
man lives to free the bondsmen in the United States. Even if
Columbus had proposed to place in bondage the good and Chris-
tianised Indians of Espaiiola, the age cotdd not call him guilty,
whatever we might call him to-day. But he is to be judged, —
how? Let us hear him plead, for the reader knows how cabals
were formed against him in after years and how designing men
peered out from hypocritical mantles of virtue and accused him
of cruelly enslaving human beings :
*'Yo he perdido (es estos trabajos) mi juventud, y la parte que me
pertenece de estas cosas y la honra dello ; mas non fuera de Castilla adonde
se juzgaran mis fechos y serd juzgado como a capitan que fue a conquistar
de Espafia fasta las Indias y non a gobemar cibdad ni villa ni pueblo,
puesto en regimiento, salvo a poner so el ^efiorio de S.A. gente salvage,
bellicosa y que viven por sierras y monies.*'
"I have lost (in these labours) my youth and the part of these things
which belongs to me, and likewise the honours; but it should not be
outside of Castile where my deeds should be judged, and where I shall be
judged, as a Captain who went to conquer from Spain to the Indies and
not as a governor of a city or of a people already under government, but
to place under the sovereignty of their Majesties a people, savage, warlike
and who live among the hills and moimtains."
These savage cannibals fought as beasts fight, for the love
of killing, but they fought as men fight, with cunning and finesse.
Their arrows were dipped in poison. They hunted the woods
and fastnesses, descending Uke a storm with death in its wing,
slaughtering men and making captives of women and youths.
The cannibals were Ishmael to the other tribes. Their horrid
practices were recognised as contrary to natural rights and at
enmity with natural laws. Justice called for their punishment,
and this punishment would have been administered by the rest
of the tribes, but these were of far less physical courage and
strength. Into such a world the Europeans penetrated. Were
Slavery 295
they to be more gentle than the fierce, or less fierce than the
gentle; or were they to assume control over the gentle and
fierce alike ? The meek must be content to occupy the kingdom
of which they are heirs when they are entered into it in the
world beyond. In the early colonisation of new and hostile
lands only the strong and forceful should have a part. Some
tribes of the Caribs, the cannibals, were hostile, and if the Span-
iards succumbed to them, the more gentle Indians of Espafiola
would have lost their fear of the Spaniards and have grown
bold and contentious. There were three courses open to the
first colonists : One was to flee before the cannibals, in which
event they would have been obliged to go back to Spain; the
second was to exterminate these savages at once, tribe by tribe,
man by man; the third was to so dominate them that they
would have respect and fear, and imder judicious treatment
gradually become weaned from their inhuman practices. At
that time there was no other way. When, a generation later,
Bartolom6 de las Casas tried his experiment in the Tierra de la
Guerra, the conditions had changed. Columbus suggested the
third method mentioned above and to put this into operation
advised the carrying of some of these man-eating Caribs to
Spain for civilising and Christianising influences. That he did
not contemplate their perpetual slavery is evident from his sug-
gestion in regard to their acting as interpreters among the natives
when once they had learned the Castilian tongue. If once we
comprehend the situation of the colonists and the conditions sur-
roimding them, the slavery proposition, confined as it was to
tribes of neighbouring cannibals, is not discreditable to Colum-
bus. To expect that the Europeans would abandon their dis-
coveries would be absurd. As regarded the cannibals, slavery of
a few was better than the extermination of the whole. As re-
garded the little European colony, slavery of the cannibals was
a measure of safety founded on the principle of self-preserva-
tion.
A distinction surely should be made between enslaving an
enemy like the Carib, a cannibal, preying on the weaker inhabi-
tants of Espafiola and the neighbouring islands, and that system
of involuntary servitude which afterward sprang up in the col-
onies and under which the most horrible cruelties were perpe-
trated. The Admiral never proposed, encouraged, or approved
296 Christopher Columbus
of that system. Indeed, he is on record as protesting vehemently
against its horrors. He did permit servitude as a punishment for
infringement of law. When an Indian thief was taken in the
act, he did permit justice to slit the offender's ear, according to
the ancient code of Valencia, and the institutes of the Her-
mandad. But here again, the exigencies of a first colony in the
New World, the presence of mixed elements, of wild and turbu-
lent adventurers, the jealousy of authority, the observant eyes
of the Indians, all suggested the rigorous application of the rod
when the rules were disobeyed. A government must govern.
The workman employs the tools at hand. How could there be
the process of courts when there were no courts! Ptmishment
for crime had to be prompt in its administration. The hand of
justice had to fall with rapid stroke. If anywhere we find
Columbus proposing the perpetual slavery of a human being
or of a tribe, we shall condemn him. But we cannot convict
him on the indictment that he proposed to bind the hands of a
cannibal lest he kill and eat.
CHAPTER LXXX
THE DE TORRES MEMORANDUM
Memorandum in regard to the success of his second voyage
to the Indies, and at the end of each item the reply of their
Highnesses, which the Admiral, Don Christopher Columbus, gave
to Antonio de Torres, January 30, 1494, in the city of Isabella,
for the Catholic Sovereigns:
"What you, Antonio de Torres, captain of the ship Marigalante and
Alcalde of the City of Isabella, are to say and supplicate on my part to the
King and Queen, our Lords, — is as follows: —
"First. — Having delivered the letters of credence which you carry
from me for their Highnesses, you will kiss for me their Royal feet and
hands and will recommend me to their Highnesses as to a King and Queen,
my natural Lords, in whose service I desire to end my days: as you will
be able to say this more fully to their Highnesses, according to what you
have seen and known of me.
''Their Highnesses hold him in their favour.^
" Item. Although by the letters I write to their Highnesses, and also
the father Friar Buil and the Treasurer, they will be able to understand
all that has been done here since our arrival, and this very minutely and
extensively: nevertheless, you will say to their Highnesses on my part,
that it has pleased God to give me such favotu* in their service, that up
to the present time I do not find less, nor has less been found in anything
than what I wrote and said and affirmed to their Highnesses, in the past:
but rather, by the Grace of God, I hope that it will appear by works much
more clearly and very soon, because such signs and indications of spices
have been found on the shores of the sea alone, without having gone in-
land, that there is reason that very much better results may be hoped for:
and this also may be hoped for in the mines of gold, because by two per-
sons only who went to investigate, each one on his own part, without
' "The replies are on the margin of each item, in the original memorandum
and in the copy in the Register, from which this copy is taken." — Navarrete, vol. i.,
p. 225.
297
298 Christopher Columbus
remaining there because there was not many people, so many rivers have
been discovered so filled with gold, that all who saw it and gathered speci-
mens of it with the hands alone, came away so pleased and say such things
in regard to its abundance, that I am timid about telling it and writing it
to their Highnesses: but because, Gorbalan, who was one of the discov-
erers, is going yonder, he will tell what he saw, although another named
Hojeda remains here, a servant of the Duke of Medinaceli, a very discreet
youth and very prudent, who without doubt and without comparison even,
discovered much more according to the memorandum which he brought of
the rivers, saying that there is an incredible quantity in each one of them:
for this their Highnesses may give thanks to God, since He has been so
favourable to them in all their affairs.
" Tlieir Highnesses give many thanks to God for this, and consider as a
very signal service all that the Admiral has done in this }natter and is doing:
because they know that after God they are indebted to him for all they have had,
and mill have in this affair: and as they are writing him more fully about
this, they refer him to their letter.
"Item. You will say to their Highnesses, although I already have
written it to them, that I desired greatly to be able to send them a larger
quantity of gold in this fleet, from that which it is hoped may be gathered
here, but the greater part of our people who are here, have fallen suddenly
ill: besides, this fleet cannot remain here longer, both on account of the
great expense it occasions and because this time is suitable for those per-
sons who are to bring the things which are greatly needed here, to go and
be able to return: as, if they delay going away from here, those who are
to return will not be able to do so by May: and besides this, if I wished to
undertake to go to the mines or rivers now, with the well people who are
here, both on the sea and in the settlement on land, I would have many
difficulties and even dangers, because in order to go 23 or 24 leagues from
here where there are harbours and rivers to cross, and in order to cover
such a long route and reach there at the time which would be necessary to
gather the gold, a large quantity of provisions would have to be carried,
which cannot be carried on the shoulders, nor are there beasts of burden
here which could be used for this purpose : nor are the roads and passes
sufficiently prepared, although I have commenced to get them in readiness
so as to be passable: and also it was very inconvenient to leave the sick
here in an open place, in huts, with the provisions and supplies which are
on land: for although these Indians may have shown themselves to the
discoverers and show themselves every day, to be very simple and not
malicious: nevertheless, as they come here among us each day, it did not
appear that it would be a good idea to risk losing these people and the
supplies. This loss an Indian with a piece of burning wood would be able
to cause by setting fire to the huts because they are always going and
coming by night and by day: on their account, we have guards in the
camp, while the settlement is open and defenceless.
** That he did well.
The De Torres Memorandum 299
"Moreover, as we have seen among those who went by land to make
discoveries that the greater part fell sick after returning, and some of them
even were obliged to turn back on the road, it was also reasonable to fear
that the same thing would happen to those who are well, who would now
go, and as a consequence they would run the risk of two dangers : the one,
that of falling sick yonder, in the same work, where there is no house nor
any defence against that Cacique who is called Caonab6, who is a very bad
man according to all accounts and much more audacious and who, seeing
us there, sick and in such disorder, would be able to undertake what he
would not dare if we were well : and with this difficulty there is another —
that of bringing here what gold we might obtain, because we must either
bring a small quantity and go and come each day and undergo the risk of
sickness, or it must be sent with some part of the people, incurring the
same danger of losing it.
''He did well
*'So that, you will say to their Highnesses, that these are the causes
why the fleet has not been at present detained, and why more gold than
the specimens has not been sent them : but confiding in the mercy of God
who in everything and for everything has guided us as far as here, these
people will quickly become convalescent, as they are already doing, be-
cause only certain places in the country suit them and they then recover;
and it is certain that if they had some fresh meat in order to convalesce,
all with the aid of God would very quickly be on foot, and even the greater
part would already be convalescent at this time : nevertheless they will be
re-established. With the few healthy ones who remain here, each day
work is done toward inclosing the settlement and placing it in a state of
some defence and the supplies in safety, which will be accomplished in a
short time, because it is to be only a small dry wall. For the Indians are
not a people to undertake anything unless they should find us sleeping,
even though they might have thought of it in the manner in which they
served the others who remained here. Only on account of their [the
Spaniards'] lack of caution — ^they being so few — and the great opportuni-
ties they gave the Indians to have and do what they did, they would never
have dared to undertake to injure them if they had seen that they were
cautious. And this work being finished, I will then undertake to go to
the said rivers, either starting upon the road from here and seeking the
best possible expedients or going around the island by sea as far as that
place from which it is said it cannot be more than 6 or 7 leagues to the
said rivers. In such a manner that the gold can be gathered and placed
in security in some fortress or tower which can then be constructed there,
in order to keep it securely until the time when the two caravels return
here, and in order that then, with the first suitable weather for sailing this
course, it may be sent to a place of safety.
*' That this is well and must be done in this manner.
" Item. You will say to their Highnesses, as has been said, that the
cause of the general sicknesses common to all is the change of water and
300 Christopher Columbus
air, becatise we see that it extends to all conditions and few are in danger:
consequently, for the preservation of health, after God, it is necessary that
these people be provided with the provisions to which they are accustomed
in Spain, because neither they, nor others who may come anew, will be
able to serve their Highnesses if they are not well: and this provision
must continue until a supply is accumulated here from what shall be sowed
and planted here. I say wheat and barley, and vines, of which little has
been done this year: because a site for the town could not be selected
before, and then when it was selected the few labourers who were here be-
came sick, and they, even though they had been well, had so few and such
lean and meagre beasts of burden, that they were able to do but little:
nevertheless, they have sown something, more in order to try the soil which
appears very wonderful, so that from it some relief may be hoped in our
necessities. We are very sure, as the result makes it apparent to us, that
in this cotmtry wheat as well as the vine will grow very well : but the fruit
must be waited for, which, if it corresponds to the quickness with which the
wheat grows and of some few vine-shoots which were planted, certainly
will not cause regret here for the productions of Andalusia or Sicily: neither
is it different with the sugar-canes according to the manner in which some
few that were planted have grown. For it is certain that the sight of the
land of these islands, as well of the mountains and sierras and waters as of
the plains where there are rich rivers, is so beautiful, that no other land
on which the sun shines can appear better or as beautiful.
" Since the land is such, it mtist be managed that the greatest possible quan-
tity of all things shall be sown attd Don Juan de Fonseca is to be written to
send continually all that is necessary for this purpose.
**Item. You will say that, inasmuch as much of the wine which the
fleet brought was wasted on this journey, and this, according to what the
greater number say, was because of the bad workmanship which the coopers
did in Seville, — ^the greatest necessity we feel here at the present time is
for wines and it is what we desire most to have: and although we may
have biscuit as well as wheat sufficient for a longer time, nevertheless it
is necessary that a reasonable quantity should also be sent, because the
journey is long and provision cannot be made each day: and in the same
manner some salted meat, I say bacon, and other salt meat better than
that we brought on this journey. It is necessary that each time a caravel
comes here, fresh meat shall be sent, and even more than that, lambs and
little ewe lambs, more females than males, and some little yearling calves,
male and female, and some he-asses and she-asses and some mares for
labour and breeding as there are none of these animals here of any value
or which can be made use of by man. And because I apprehend that
their Highnesses may not be in Seville, and that the officials or ministers will
not provide these things without their express order and as it is necessary
they should come at the first opportunity and as in consultation and reply,
the time for the departure of the vessels — ^which must be here during all of
May — will be past: you will say to their Highnesses that I charged and
The De Torres Memorandum 301
commanded you to pledge the gold you are carrying yonder and place it
in possession of some merchant in Seville who will furnish therefor the
necessary maravedis to load two caravels with wine and wheat and the
other things of which you are taking a memorandum; which merchant will
carry or send the said gold to their Highnesses that they may see it and
receive it, and cause wh^t shall have been expended for the fitting out
and loading of the said two caravels to be paid: and in order to comfort
and strengthen these people remaining here, the utmost efforts must be
made for the return of these caravels for all the month of May, that the
people before commencing the stinmier may see and have some refresh-
ment from these things, especially the invalids: the things of which we
are already in great need here are such as raisins, sugar, almonds, honey
and rice, which should have been sent in large quantities and very little
was sent, and that which came is already used and consumed and even the
greater part of the medicines which were brought from there, on account
of the multitude of sick people. You are carrying memoranda signed by
my hand, as has been said, of things for the people in good health as well
as for the sick. You will provide these things fully if the money is suffi-
cient, or at least the things which it is most necessary to send at once, in
order that the said two vessels can bring them, and you can arrange with
their Highnesses, to have the remaining things sent by other vessels as
quickly as possible.
** Their Highnesses sent an order to Don Juan de Fonseca to at once obtain
information about the persons who committed the fraud of the casks, and to
cause all the damage to the wine to he recovered from them, with the costs: and
he must see that the canes which are sent are of good quality, and that the other
things mentioned here are provided at once,
**Item. You will say to their Highnesses that as there is no language
here by means of which this people can be made to understand our Holy
Faith, as your Highnesses and also we who are here, desire, although we
will do all we can towards it — I am sending some of the cannibals in the
vessels, men and women and male and female children, whom their High-
nesses can order placed with persons from whom they can better learn the
language, making use of them in service, and ordering that little by little
more pains be taken with them than with other slaves, that they may
learn one from the other: if they do not see or speak to each other until
some time has passed, they will learn more quickly there than here and
will be better interpreters, — although we will not cease to do as much as
possible here. It is true that as there is little intercourse between these
people from one island to another, there is some difference in their lan-
guage, according to how far distant they are from each other. And as, of
the other islands, those of the cannibals are very large and very well popu-
lated, it would appear best to take some of their men and women and send
thcjm yonder to Castile, because by taking them away, it may cause them
to abandon at once that inhuman custom which they have of eating men:
and by learning the language there in Castile, they will receive the baptism
302 Christopher Columbus
much more quickly, and provide for the safety of their souls. Even among
the peoples who are not cannibals we shall gain great credit, by their seeing
that we can seize and take captive those from whom they are accustomed
to receive injuries, and of whom they are in such terror that they are
frightened by one man alone. You will certify to their Highnesses that
the arrival here and sight of such a fine fleet all together has inspired very
great authority here and assured very great security for future things:
because all the people on this great island and in the other islands, seeing
the good treatment which those who behave well receive and the bad
treatment given those who behave ill, will very quickly render obedience
so that they can be considered as vassals of their Highnesses. And as
now they not only do willingly whatever is required of them by our people,
but further, they voluntarily undertake everything which they under-
stand may please us, their Highnesses may also be certain that in many
respects as much for the present as for the future, the coming of this fleet
has given them a great reputation, and not less yonder among the Chris-
tian princes: which their Highnesses will be better able to consider and
understand than I can tell them.
** That he is to be told what has befallen the cannibals who came here. That
it is very well and must be done in this manner, but that he must try there as
much as possible to bring them to our Holy Catholic faith and do the same
with the inhabitants of the islaftds where he is,
**Item. You will say to their Highnesses that the safety of the souls
of the said cannibals, and further of those here, has inspired the thought
that the more there are taken yonder, the better it will be and their High-
nesses can be served by it in this manner: having seen how necessary the
flocks and beasts of burden are here, for the sustenance of the people who
must be here, and even of all these islands, their Highnesses can give
licence and permission to a sufficient ntunber of caravels to come here each
year, and bring the said flocks and other supplies and things to settle the
country and make use of the land: and this at reasonable prices at the
expense of those who bring them: and these things can be paid for in
slaves from among these cannibals, a very proud and comely people, well
proportioned and of good intelligence, who having been freed from that
inhumanity, we believe will be better than any other slaves. They will
be freed from this cruelty as soon as they are outside their country and
many of them can be taken with the row-boats which it is known how to
build here: it being understood, however, that a trustworthy person shall
be placed on each one of the caravels coming here, who shall forbid the
said caravels to stop at any other place or island than this place, where
the loading and unloading of all the merchandise must be done. And
further, their Highnesses will be able to establish their rights over these
slaves which are taken from here yonder to Spain. And you will bring or
send a reply to this, in order that the necessary preparations may be made
here with more confidence if it appears well to their Highnesses.
*' This project must be held in abeyance for the present until another method
The De Torres Memorandum 303
ts suggested from there ^ and the Admiral may write what he thinks in regard
to it.
** Item. Also you will say to their Highnesses that it is more profitable
and costs less to hire the vessels as the merchants hire them for Flanders,
by tons, rather than in any other manner: therefore I charged you to hire
the two caravels which you are to send here, in this manner: and all the
others which their Highnesses send here can be hired thus, if they consider
it for their service : but I do not intend to say this of those vessels which
are to come here with their licence, for the slave-trade.
** Their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to hire the caravels in this
manner if it can be done.
**Item. You will say to their Highnesses, that to avoid any further
cost, I bought these caravels of which you are taking a memorandum in
order to retain them here with these two ships: that is to say the Gallega
and that other, the Capitana, of which I likewise purchased the three
eighths from the Master of it, for the price given in the said memorandum
which you are taking, signed by my hand. These ships not only will give
authority and great security to the people who are obliged to remain in-
land and make arrangements with the Indians to gather the gold, but they
will also be of service in any other dangerous matter which may arise with
a strange people; besides the caravels are necessary for the discovery of
the mainland and the other islands which lie between here and there : and
you will entreat their Highnesses to order the maravedis which these ships
cost, paid at the times which they have been promised, because without
doubt they will soon receive what they cost, according to what I believe
and hope in the mercy of God.
" The Admiral has done well, and to tell him that the sum has been paid
here to the one who sold the ship, and Don Juan de Fonseca has been ordered
to pay for the two caravels which the Admiral bought.
"Item. You will say to their Highnesses and will supplicate on my
part as humbly as possible, that it may please them to reflect on what
they will learn most fully from the letters and other writings in regard to
the peace and tranquillity and concord of those who are here : and that for
the service of their Highnesses such persons may be selected as shall not
be suspected, and who will give more attention to the matters for which
they are sent than to their own interests: and since you saw and knew
everything in regard to this matter, you will speak and will tell their High-
nesses the truth about all the things as you understood them, and you will
endeavour that the provision which their Highnesses make in regard to it
shall come with the first ships if possible, in order that there may be no
scandals here in a matter of so much importance in the service of their
Highnesses.
** Their Highnesses are well informed in regard to this matter and suitable
provision will be made for everything.
" Item. You will tell their Highnesses of the situation of this city, and
the beauty of the surrounding province as you saw and understood it and
304 Christopher Columbus
how I made you its Alcalde, by the powers which I have for same from
their Highnesses: whom I hmnbly entreat to hold the said provision in
part satisfaction of your services, as I hope from their Highnesses.
''It pleases their Highnesses that you shall be Alcalde.
*'Item. Because Mosen Pedro Mkrgarite, servant of their Highnesses,
has done good service, and I hope he will do the same henceforward in mat-
ters which are intrusted to him, I have been pleased to have him remain
here, and also Gaspar and Beltran, because they are recognised servants
of their Highnesses, in order to intrust them with matters of confidence.
You will specially entreat their Highnesses in regard to the said Mosen
Pedro, who is married and has children, to provide him with some charge
in the order of Santiago, whose habit he wears, that his wife and children
may have the wherewith to live. In the same manner you will relate how
well and diligently Juan Aguado, servant of their Highnesses, has rendered
service in everything which he has been ordered to do: and that I suppli-
cate their Highnesses to have him and the aforesaid persons in their charge
and to reward thenj.
** Their Highnesses order 30,000 maravedis to be assigned to Mosen Pedro
each year^ and to Gaspar and Beltran, to each one, 15^000 maravedis each
year, from the present, August 75, I494y henceforward: and thus the Admiral
shall cause to be paid to them whatever must be paid yonder in the Indies,
and Don Juan de Fonseca whatever must be paid here: and in regard to Juan
Aguado, their Highnesses will hold him in remembrance,
" Item. You will tell their Highnesses of the labour performed by Dr.
Chanca, confronted with so many invalids, and still more because of the
lack of provisions: and nevertheless, he acts with great diligence and char-
ity in everything pertaining to his office. And as their Highnesses referred
to me the salary which he was to receive here, because, being here, it is
certain that he cannot take or receive anything from any one, nor earn
money by his office as he earned it in Castile, or would be able to earn it
being at his ease and living in a different manner from the way he lives
here; therefore, notwithstanding he swears that he earned more there,
besides the salary which their Highnesses gave him, I did not wish to
allow more than 50,000 maravedis each year for the work he performs here
while he remains here. This I entreat their Highnesses to order allowed
to him with the salary from here, and that, because he says and affirms
that all the physicians of their Highnesses who are employed in Royal
affairs or things similar to this, are accustomed to have by right one day's
wages in all the year from all the people. Nevertheless, I have been in-
formed and they tell me, that however this may be, the custom is to give
them a certain sum fixed according to the will and command of their High-
nesses in compensation for that day's wages. You will entreat their
Highnesses to order provision made as well in the matter of the salary as
of this custom, in such manner that the said Dr. Chanca may have reason
to be satisfied.
'* Their Highnesses are pleased in regard to this matter of Dr. Chanca,
The De Torres Memorandum 305
and that he shall be paid what the Admiral has assigned him together with his
salary.
''In regard to the day*s wages of the physicians, they are not accustomed
to receive it, save where the King, our Lord, may be in person.
** Item. You will say to their Highnesses that Coronel is a man for the
service of their Highnesses in many things, and how much service he has
rendered up to the present in all the most necessary matters and the need
we feel of him now that he is sick: and that rendering service in such a
manner, it is reasonable that he should receive the fruit of his service, not
only in future favours, but in his present salary, so that he and those who
are here may feel that their service profits them; because, so great is the
laboiu* which must be performed here in gathering the gold that the per-
sons who are so diligent are not to be held in small consideration: and as,
for his skill, he was provided here by me with the office of Alguacil Mayor
of these Indies; and since in the provision the salary is left blank, you will
say that I supplicate their Highnesses to order it filled in with as large an
amount as they may think right, considering his services, confirming to
him the provision I have given him here, and assuring it to him annually.
''Their Highnesses order that 15,000 maravedis more than his salary shall
be assigned him each year, and that it shall be paid to him with his salary.
*' In the same manner you will tell their Highnesses how the lawyer Gil
Garcia came here for Alcalde Mayor and no salary has been named or
assigned to him: and he is a capable person, well educated and diligent and
is very necessary here: that I entreat their Highnesses to order his salary
named and assigned so that he can sustain himself and that it may be paid
from the money allowed for salaries here.
** Their Highnesses order 20,000 maravedis besides his salary assigned to
him each year, as long as he remains yonder, and that it shall be paid him
when his salary is paid.
" Item. You will say to their Highnesses although it is already written
in the letters, that I do not think it will be possible to go to make discov-
eries this year, until these rivers in which gold is found are placed in the
most suitable condition for the service of their Highnesses, as afterwards
it can be done much better. Because it is a thing which no one can do
without my presence, according to my will or for the service of their High-
nesses, however well it may be done, as it is doubtful what will be satis-
factory to a man unless he is present.
"Let him endeavour that the amount of this gold may be known as pre-
cisely as possible.
"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that the Squires who came
from Granada showed good horses in the review which took place at Seville
and afterward at the embarkation I did not see them because I was slightly
unwell, and they replaced them with such horses that the best of them do
not appear to be worth 2000 maravedis, as they sold the others and bought
these; and this was done in the same way to many people as I very well
saw yonder, in the reviews at Seville. It appears that Juan de Soria, after
VOL. II.— ao.
3o6 Christopher Columbus
he had been given the money for the wages, for some interest of his own
substituted others in place of those I expected to find here, and I found
people whom I had never seen. In this matter he was guilty of great
wickedness, so that I do not know if I should complain of him alone. On
this account, — having seen that the expenses of these Squires have been
defrayed until now besides their wages and also wages for their horses, and
it is now being done: and they are persons who, when they are sick or
when they do not desire to do so, will not allow any use to be made of
their horses save by themselves: and their Highnesses do not desire that
these horses should be purchased of them but that they should be used in
the service of their Highnesses : and it does not appear to them that they
should do anything or render any service except on horseback, which at
the present time is not much to the purpose: — on this account, it seems
that it would be better to buy the horses from them, since they are of so
little value and not have these disagreements with them every day. There-
fore their Highnesses may determine this as will best serve them.
** Their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to inform himself in
regard to this matter of the horses, and if it shall be found true that this fraud
was committed, those persons shall be sent to their Highnesses to be punished:
and also he is to inform himself in regard to what is said of the other people,
and seyid the result in the examination to their Highnesses: and in regard to
these Squires, their Highnesses command that they remain there and render
service, since they belong to the guards and servants of their Highnesses: and
their Highnesses order the Squires to give up the horses each time it is neces-
sary and the Admiral orders it, and if the horses receive any injury through
others using them, their Highnesses order that the damage shall be paid to
them by means of the Admiral.
"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that more than 200 persons
have come here without wages, and there are some of them who render
good service. And as it is ordered that the others rendering similar ser-
vice should be paid: and as for these first three years it would be of great
benefit to have 1000 men here to settle and place this island and the rivers
of gold in very great security, and even though there were 100 horse-
men nothing would be lost, but rather it seems necessary, although their
Highnesses will be able to do without these horsemen until gold is sent:
nevertheless, their Highnesses must send to say whether wages shall be
paid to these 200 persons, the same as to the others rendering good ser-
vice, because they are certainly necessary, as I have said in the beginning
of this memorandum.
" In regard to these 200 persons, who are here said to have gone without
wages, their Highnesses order that they shall take the places of those who went
for wages, who have failed or shall fail to fulfil their engagements, if they are
skilful and satisfactory to the Admiral, And their Highnesses order the
Purser [Contador'] to enrol them in place of those who fail to fulfil their en-
gagements, as the Admiral shall instruct him.
*'Item. As the cost of these people can be in some degree lightened
The De Torres Memorandum 307
and the better part of the expense could be avoided by the same means
employed by other Princes in other places : it appears that it would be well
to order brought in the ships, besides the other things which are for the
common maintenance and the medicines, shoes and the skins from which
to order the shoes made, common shirts and others, jackets, linen, sack-
coats, trowsers and cloths suitable for wearing apparel, at reasonable
prices: and other things like conserves which are not included in rations
and are for the preservation of health, which things all the people here
would willingly receive to apply on their wages: and if these were pur-
chased yonder in Spain by faithful Ministers who would act for the advan-
tage of their Highnesses, something would be saved. Therefore you will
learn the will of their Highnesses about this matter, and if it appears to
them to be of benefit to them, then it must be placed in operation.
** This arrangement is to be in abeyance until the Admiral writes more
fully and at another time they will send to order Don Juan de Fonseca with
Jimeno de Bribiesca to make provision for the same.
"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that inasmuch as yesterday
in the review people were found who were without arms, which I think
happened in part by that exchange which took place yonder in Seville, or
in the harbour when those who presented themselves armed were left, and
others were taken who gave something to those who made the exchange,
it seems that it would be well to order 200 cuirasses sent and 100 muskets
and 100 cross-bows, and a large quantity of arsenal supplies, which is what
we need most, and all these arms can be given to those who are unarmed.
''Already Don Juan de Fonseca has been written to make provision for this.
"Item. Inasmuch as some artisans who came here, such as masons
and other workman, are married and have wives yonder in Spain and
would like to have what is owing them from their wages given to their
wives or to the persons to whom they will send their requirements in order
that they may buy for them the things which they need here: I suppli-
cate their Highnesses to order it paid to them, because it is for their bene-
fit to have these persons provided for here.
** Their Highnesses have already sent orders to Don Juan de Fonseca to
make provision for this matter.
"Item. Because, besides the other things which are asked for there
according to the memoranda which you are carrying signed by my hand,
for the maintenance of the persons in good health as well as for the sick
ones, it would be very well to have 50 casks of molasses {miel de azucar]
from the island of Madeira, as it is the best sustenance in the world and
the most healthful and it does not usually cost more than 2 ducats per
cask, without the cask: and if their Highnesses order some caravel to stop
there in returning, it can be purchased and also ten cases of sugar, which
is very necessary; as this is the best season of the year to obtain it, I say
between the present time and the month of April, and to obtain it at a
reasonable price. If their Highnesses command it, the order could be
given and it would not be known there for what place it is wanted.
3o8 Christopher Columbus
''Let Don Juan de Fonseca make provision for this matter,
"Item. You will say to their Highnesses that although the rivers con-
tain gold in the quantity related by those who have seen it, yet it is cer-
tain that the gold is not engendered in the rivers but rather on the land,
the waters of the rivers which flow by the mines bringing it enveloped in
the sands: and as among these rivers which have been discovered there
are some very large ones, there are others so small that they are fountains
rather than rivers, which are not more than two fingers of water in depth,
and then the source from which they spring may be found : for this reason
not only labourers to gather it in the sand will be profitable, but others to
dig for it in the earth, which will be the most particular operation and pro-
duce a great quantity. And for this, it will be well for their Highnesses
to send labourers, and from among those who work yonder in Spain in the
mines of Almaden, that the work may be done in both ways. Although we
will not await them here, as with the labourers we have here we hope with
the aid of God, once the people are in good health, to amass a good quantity
of gold to be sent on the first caravels which return.
** This will be fully provided for in another manner. In the meantime
their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to send the best miners he can
obtain; and to write to Almaden to have the greatest possible number taken
from there and sent.
**Item. You will entreat their Highnesses very humbly on my part,
to consider Villacorta as specially recommended to them, who, as their
Highnesses know, has rendered great service in this business and with a
very good will, and as I know him, he is a diligent person and very devoted
to their service: it will be a favour to me if he is given some confidential
charge for which he is fitted, and where he can show his desire to serve
them and his diligence : and this you will obtain in such a way that Villa-
corta may know by the result, that what he has done for me when I needed
him profits him in this manner.
**// will be done thus.
** Item. That the said Mosen Pedro and Gaspar and Belt ran and others
who have remained here gave up the captainship of caravels, which have
now returned, and are not receiving wages : but because they are persons
who must be employed in important matters and of confidence, their com-
pensation which must be different from the others, has not been deter-
mined: You will entreat their Highnesses on my part to determine what
is to be given them each year, or by the month, according to their service.
" Done in the city of Isabella, January 30, i494-
** This has already been replied to above, but as it is stated in the said item
that they enjoy their salary, from the present time their Highnesses order
that their wages shall be paid to all of them from the time they left their captain-
ships.''
CHAPTER LXXXI
REBELLION AND CIBAO
There had evidently been a report that Ginfes de Gorbalan
had rettimed to Spain with Antonio de Torres, but we find Las
Casas saying: "Some say that he [the Admiral] sent a Captain
named Gorbalan with these ships, but it is not so, as I have seen
in a letter written by the Admiral to the Sovereigns, a copy of
which in his own handwriting I have had in my possession/*
The feeling of discontent fanned into flame by the departure of
the twelve ships broke out into a spirited conflagration and a
party, headed by Bemal Diaz de Pisa, sought the capture of one
or more of the five remaining ships with which they hoped to
return to Spain. The Admiral discovered a complaint drawn up
in elaborate form by this Bemal, concealed, as Ferdinand says,
in a secret place in one of the ships, or which, as Las Casas
says, was hidden in a buoy. The Admiral arrested Bemal, the
ringleader, and placed him on a ship to go back to Spain for
ptmishment and himself inflicted penalties on the other princi-
pal heads of the trouble. The ammunition and weapons be-
longing to the four ships were placed in one vessel in charge of
trustworthy persons lest another attempt at their capture might
be made. This was the first outbreak in the New World and
Las Casas is inclined to criticise the Admiral for his harshness
and for the exhibition of characteristics which led afterward to
much more serious difficulties.
** Perhaps," writes Las Casas, **on account of the punishment which he
inflicted on those whom he found guilty in this conspiracy, there began
both with the Sovereigns and in all the realm of Spain an impression that
he was a rigorous judge, insufferably and infamously cruel, an impression
which I well remember to have existed even before I went to those regions,
or before I knew the Admiral, because of its publicity in Castile.**
309
3IO Christopher Columbus
Such is the brief castigation administered the memory of the
Admiral by Las Casas. The condition of affairs on the island
was such as might occasion a mutiny at sea and the chief in
command was botmd to subdue it in the speediest manner. Sur-
rotmded by the paraphernalia of law and justice, such a breach
or offence against authority, had it happened in Spain, might
have been more gently handled, but even Las Casas is obliged
to admit that situated as he was, without adequate judicial
machinery, a leader over jealous and hostile subordinates, the
Admiral was forced to a show of severity which the author of the
Historia seems to think was expressed in the execution of some of
the conspirators. But, nevertheless, the impression of cruelty
doubtless did assume form at that time and may have aroused
at home some of the bitter feeling which met and followed the
Admiral for the remainder of his days.
Having overcome the rebellion, the Admiral resolved him-
self to visit the land of Cibao. He appointed his brother, Diego
Colimibus, his Lieutenant in his absence. This brother was mild,
gentle, a candidate for priesthood, and altogether different from
the second of the Colimibus brothers, Bartholomew, who had not
yet arrived at Espaiiola. In order to impress the Indians, the
Admiral directed that a large part of the soldiers in the form of
an army, with flying banners, armed horsemen, drtims, and trum-
pets, should accompany him. In departing from Isabella,
Wednesday, March 12, 1494, and on entering and leaving every
town, he emphasised the power and importance of his expedi-
tion by the firing of musketry. At the end of that day they
came to a motmtain at the foot of which they encamped. The
path used by the natives was inadequate for the purpose of a
large force and the Admiral, the next day, set to the work of
constructing a road through the pass many of the hidalgos
and common labourers. Because of the efficient if htimiliating
work of these gentlemen of Spain, the pass was named by the
Admiral, El Ptcerto de los Hidalgos.^ Before the sim set that
night of Thursday, March 13, 1494, the eyes of the Spaniards
beheld from the top of the mountain, or the summit of El Puerto
de los Hidalgos, the magnificent plain extending eighty leagues,
* Hidalgo is in Spanish the son of somebody, compounded from hijo, son, and
d*alguno^ of somebody. Hence, the meaning of nobility or of a higher class of
persons.
Rebellion and Cibao 311
a fotirth part of which was plainly visible, so green, level, lux-
uriant, and with all so beautiful, that the Admiral gave thanks
to "God and christened it La Vega Real, or, the Royal Plain.
On descending the sierra to the plain, which was there five
leagues in width, they came to the river called Yaqui, seen a
few weeks before by Hojeda and Gk)rbalan. This river the Ad-
miral named Rio de las Cahas, not knowing that he had called
this same river Rio del Oro when by its mouth at Monte Christi,
on his first voyage. The camp that night was laid at the bank
of the river. Wherever the Indians were met the inhabitants
received them with joy and showered upon them all they possessed,
treating them. Las Casas says, as if they had come from heaven.
This common ownership of goods seemed natural to the natives,
for at first they did not hesitate to enter the tents of the Span-
iards and appropriate for themselves such things as they liked.
They seemed to think that this was a custom which must pre-
vail in the homes whence their strange guests had come. Fri-
day, March 14, 1494, they crossed the Yaqul and came to another
river which the Admiral called Rio del Oro, because they found
some gold in the waters. This stream flows into the Yaqul and
is identified by Las Casas as either the Nicayagua or else the
Mao. The sands of these rivers, and indeed of all the rivers of
this region, were golden grains, covering not the treasure-
chambers themselves, but simply holding the overflow which
the rains had washed out into the swiftly flowing streams to
scatter the shining particles on their way to the sea. Back in
the hills were the golden vaults of wealth, and to this day they
have been practically tmtouched by man. About eleven leagues
from the pass of the Hidalgos and farther to the south-east,
they came to another pass which the Admiral called Puerto de
Cibao, because from it commenced the province of Cibao. Here
the Admiral sent a force of men with beasts of burden back to
Isabella for provisions, for the expedition, not satisfied with the
native foods, had soon constmied the supply brought with them.
On Sunday, March 16, they entered the land of Cibao, a region
of hills, barren and stony. Las Casas says the Indians named
the region Cibao, from a native word meaning * * stone. ' ' Arrived
at a point eighteen leagues from Isabella, he selected a site on a
hill above a river so still and pure that its waters seemed to
have been distilled. The land was dry and the air bracing.
312 Christopher Columbus
The river he called Xanique, although it was the same river to
which he had twice before given names, the Yaqtii. Here the
Admiral built a fortress to which he gave the name of Sancto
Tomas.' At the base of the hill was a plain called by the In-
dians, Cabana. Las Casas tells us that some years afterward,
when this fortress was no longer utilised, he had a farm on that
same plain. There is still a small village in the hollow of the
hills called Sancto Tomas, from which a peon, or peasant, will
guide the traveller to the ruins of the fortress a short distance
away on a commanding bluff. This fortress was the first mile-
stone of the march of the Europeans in the New World. From
here the trail reached across the island, over into Cuba, to
Puerto Rico, to Jamaica, to the Continental lands on the north
and on the south. It was a march of progress, but directly in
its wake were distress, cruelty, ruin, and decay.
The Admiral appointed Pedro Margarite, an Aragonese gen-
tleman, a Knight of Spain, to be commander of the fortress,
and gave him command over fifty-two men. Then on Friday,
March 21, the Admiral started on his homeward journey to
Isabella, meeting on his way the returning train of provisions,
which he sent onward to the fortress of Sancto Tomas. On
Saturday, March 29, 1494, he arrived at Isabella to find great
disorder existing within its walls, many of the people sick and
dying, the food nearly all gone, and abject despair clouding the
settlement. Immediately the Admiral set the people at work,
making no distinction between the priests and their attendants,
the hidalgos and their satellites, and the common people to
whom toil was their natural condition. It was this failure to
observe customs and lines of social separation which aroused
in the proud Spaniards bitter resentment and which made of
Father Buil an inveterate and imrelenting enemy.'
^ It is said that the name was suggested as a rebuke to the doubting sentiments
of some who declared that there was no gold in the New World, and who would not
believe it until they saw its gleaming grains with their own eyes.
* Andreas Bemaldez, the Curate of Los Palacios, relates that much of the trouble
arose from the actions of a Spanish assayer, named Fermin Cedo, who accompanied
the expedition and who was ignorant of his art. He reported that the nuggets of gold
brought by the Indians to Columbus were pieces of melted gold and had not been
found free in the rivers and streams, but had been for generations preserved in the
families and tribes of the Indian nations. Moreover, he declared that the gold was
alloyed with brass and was worth but little. So he made an important alloy himself in
the life of the settlement and contributed his full share to the discontent of the colony.
Irving and later historians have anticipated this action of Fermin Cedo, and
Rebellion and Cibao 313
The Admiral had scarcely returned to Isabella when he was
followed by a messenger from the fortress of Sancto Tomas,
bearing news from Pedro Margarite, the commander, that the
Indians were making hostile demonstrations, leaving the settle-
ments near the fort, and that a cacique named Caonabo was
preparing to . descend upon the Spaniards. This report was
brought in on Tuesday, April i, 1494, and the following day the
Admiral despatched seventy men to the fort, twenty-five of whom
were to act as soldiers and guards, and the remainder were to build
a road for easier communication between the two settlements.
One week later, Wednesday, April 9, 1494, Hojeda was sent with
four htmdred men to explore and subjugate the country. Some-
time before, a small party of Spaniards had been travelling
from Sancto Tomas to Isabella and had been given by the
cacique a few Indians to carry their baggage and to help them
in crossing the fords of the many streams in their route. At
one of these fords the Indians left the Spaniards and took with
them the clothing of the little party. The matter was reported
to the cacique and the ptmishment of the Indians demanded.
This was not accorded them, and when Hojeda arrived in the
cotmtry he proceeded to visit upon the Indians what he believed
was an adequate ptmishment. He made prisoners of the chief
of the settlement, together with his brother and his nephew,
sending them in chains back to Isabella and in the presence of
the Indians he caused the ears of one of the Indian servants to
be severed. A neighbouring chief, across the river Yaqul, who
had witnessed the scene, made a journey to Isabella to see the
Admiral and to make peace with him, giving assurances that
no such tmfriendly act should again occur. He arrived in time
to behold the Plaza of Isabella filled with the populace gathered
to witness the execution of the three prisoners who had been
sent to Columbus by Hojeda and whose death had been decreed
by the Admiral. The friendly cacique, on seeing this, besought
the Admiral to spare their lives, promising obedience in the
placed it at the time of the return to Isabella of the expedition headed by Hojeda and
Gorbalan, giving it as a contributing cause of the rebellion of Bemal Diaz de Pisa,
whereas, according to the Curate of Los Palacios, it occurred after the establishment
of the settlement in Sancto Tomas, and was the result of an examination by Fermin
Cedo of the gold nuggets which Coltmibus himself obtained when at that fortress in
Cibao. Bemaldez says this Fermin Cedo was at the fortress of Sancto Tomas at the
time. Neither Las Casas nor Ferdinand relates this incident.
314 Christopher Columbus
futiire on the part of all the Indians, and this prayer was heard
and the lives of the three important natives were spared. While
this scene was enacting, a horseman rode up to relate that in
passing through the village of that cacique who had been con-
demned to death, he found five of the Spaniards surrounded by
Indians who were about to kill them, when, by aid of his horse,
he put them to flight, woimding many of the natives. The sight
of a horse never failed to excite the terror of the Indians and one
mounted Spaniard was able to put to flight an entire army of
the natives. Las Casas assumes that some of these Indians
were killed and declares that this was the first shedding of blood
by the Spaniards and the beginning of a shower which never fell
in more copious floods in any land or among any people.
The Admiral, having decided to explore the neighbouring
land of Cuba, appointed a Council with his brother Diego at
the head, consisting of Father Buil, who held power from the
Pope and was his Legate in the newly discovered lands; Pedro
Hernandez Coronel, Alguazil Mayor or High Constable ; Alonzo
Sanchez de Carvajal, formerly Gk)vemor of Baza and in the
future to be the personal representative of Columbus in Es-
pafiola and elsewhere in the New World; Juan de Luxan, a
Gentleman of Madrid and an attendant in the Royal House-
hold. To these five the Admiral intrusted the government of
the island. He charged Mosen Pedro Margarite and the four
hundred soldiers under him with the subjugation of the Indians,
giving to each detailed instructions according to what, says
Las Casas, seemed to him proper for the service of Gk)d and
their Highnesses. On Thursday, April 24, 1494, with one
large vessel and two caravels he departed from Espafiola to
go to Cuba.
CHAPTER LXXXII
ATTEMPT TO EXPLORE CUBA
These ships were the San Jimn, the Cardera, and the NiHa^
The fleet moved to the westward and first anchored at the port
of Monte Christi, the mouth of the river Yaqtil. The following
day he went to the port of La Navidad, the scene of the terrible
disaster to the forty-three men left there when the Admiral re-
turned to Spain from his first voyage, all of whom were massa-
cred by the Indians/ The King Guacanagari fled when he beheld
the Spaniards, his servants promising his retiim, but Colimibus
did not care to wait for him. The Admiral then sailed six leagues
farther west to the island of Tortuga, where he met with such
contrary currents that on Sunday, April 27, 1494, he was obliged
to go back to a port at the mouth of the river which he had, on
his first voyage, called Guadalquivir.^ On Tuesday, April 29,
1494, according to Ferdinand he arrived at the port of St. Nicho-
las, whence he sailed across the gulf to the eastern end of Cuba,
the point which he had named on his first voyage Alpha and
* We do not think this is the same gallant little vessel which bore Columbus back
to Spain from his first voyage. Experience had taught him that small vessels were
best adapted to exploring the coasts of the islands, but the NiHa of the first voyage,
none too good a vessel to begin with, had been sadly handled by the tempests and
storms, and she certainly stood in dire need of repair and strengthening after her
return.
This NiAa was sometimes called the Santa Clara.
^ Las Casas says that the number of men left in the fort of La Navidad was
thirty-eight. This is according to the holograph manuscript! The printed edition
gives this number as thirty-nine. As the reader knows, we give the nimiber of forty-
three from the list itself as ^ven in Navarrete.
3 This is the Port Paix of to-day. The island of Tortuga, so called by the Span-
iards from its resemblance to a sea-turtle or tortuga de Mar, is a fine strategic point,
commanding the marine channel between Cuba and the island of San Domingo as well
as the sea road to Jamaica. It was headquarters for the buccaneers who later preyed
on the commerce of the New World and the revenues of Spain.
315
3i6 Christopher Columbus
Omega,' the Cape Maysi of to-day. Ferdinand Columbus says
he sailed along the southern coast of Cuba one league to a Cape
Forte, and from there to a port which he called Piierto Grande.
On Thursday, May i, 1494,'' he continued on his way, always
coasting. He found in the sea much of that grass which he
had noticed in coming from Spain. The natives came out to
meet them, beUeving their visitors to have come from heaven, and
offered them their foods, cassava-bread and fish as well as fresh
water, for which things the Admiral ordered payment to be
made by his men. The Indians told Coltmibus that in a south-
erly direction lay a land rich in gold, and on Sunday, May 4,
1494, he approached the land, which was the island of Jamaica,
anchoring there the following day, Monday, May 5, 1494. The
island appeared to him the finest and most beautiful he had yet
seen. He gave it the name of Sant Yago, or Santiago ; but, as
Charlevoix remarks, the name by which the Indians themselves
designated the island has prevailed to this day. The Admiral
sailed along the island in search of a good port, which he found
in the beautiful harbour of St. Anne and of which we shall hear
more on his fourth voyage. Coltmibus gave the name Santa
Gloria to this harbour. Four leagues to the west he found
another harbour which Bemaldez says was a singular port, into
which he entered and anchored. This was probably Puerto
Bueno, which is a bay shaped like a horseshoe. The shore was
well adapted to his present purpose and the Admiral careened
his ships and put them in repair. The Indians were painted
divers colours, principally black, and seemed inclined to be
hostile. Here, if we are to believe the Curate of Los Palacios,
the Spaniards let loose a dog which they had with, them, at
which the Indians fled in terror.^ After this the natives sent
* The reader will recall that the Admiral gave to this |>oint the title of Alpha and
Omega, because he thought it the end of the journey to one travelling around the
world eastwardly and the beginning to one going in a westerly direction.
^ Las Casas says this occtirred on Sunday, May i, 1494. As he afterwards says
that May 4 fell on Simday, we can charge the good Bishop with a lapsus pentuB.
The reader is cautioned against accepting the dates in the printed edition of Las
Casas, and is advised to turn to the Scritii di Crista foro Colombo by Cesare de LoUis,
since this writer has carefiilly collated the printed edition with the holograph manu-
script displayed in Madrid at the Columbian Exposition.
3 Las Casas does not mention the introduction of the dog, which, if we may
believe the not altogether trustworthy Bemaldez, is the first instance of the use of
this animal as an accessory of war. For the earliest employment of this ferocious
beast we must blame Columbus, for, even if this scene on the island of Jamaica is not
Attempt to Explore Cuba 317
ambassadors to testify their willingness for friendship with the
Spaniards, and from that time on, while the latter were on the
island, they were profuse in their attentions.
On Friday, May 9, 1494, the Admiral left this Puerto Bueno,
sailing along the coast of the island, meeting the Indians in
friendship wherever he had occasion to land. The Admiral de-
termined, on Tuesday, May 13, 1494, to cross over to Cuba, in-
tending to navigate several hundred leagues along the coast to
settle the vexed question as to whether it was an island or the
mainland. The day he departed from Jamaica an Indian
youth, followed by his relatives and friends, came to the -vessel
and asked the Admiral to take him back to the home of the
veritable, a little later, as we shall see, on the island of Espafiola, in the expedition
against the King Manicatex, March 24, 1495, *^® Admiral and his brother Bartholo-
mew made use of twenty fierce dogs to aid in intimidating and subjugating the In-
dians. From that day on, running side by side with the slave-master, ready to spring
on any escaping bondsman, was the dog of the Spaniard. Not only was the dog the
plantation detective, but in time of war the etiquette of the field permitted him a
sanguinary part. As late as 1802, Humboldt says the French expedition to Santa
Domingo shows us not only negro prisoners burned at the stake, in the midst of a
great population, but also the dogs of Cuba, possessors of a miserable reputation,
employed in hunting men. What a contrast in the use of the dog. the natural friend
and companion of man, is presented by his present employment in the German army,
where he is attached to the hospital corps and made to administer to the wants of the
wounded and unfortunate!
Even while we gaze with horror at the blood-dripping jaws of the Spanish hounds,
we pause to admire the courage, sagacity, and fidelity of the noble dog Becerillo, so
called as the diminutive of becerro, a calf. The war-like propensities of this hoimd
were employed by Juan Ponce de Leon in subduing the first revolt of the Indians on
Puerto Rico. Father Charlevoix, Histoire de VIsle Espagnole, Paris, 1730, honours
this intelligent animal with a recital of his bravery and virtues. When heated with
the chase, Becerillo was more to be feared than many armed soldiers. He was an
animal of rare judgment, and was able to discover friends from foes and foes in the
disguise of friends. While he possessed the strength and ferocity of a lion, he had the
generosity which in more unfamiliar days was generally accorded to the King of Beasts.
There is an anecdote related by Charlevoix which reveals the illimitable moral gulf in
that day between a dog and a man. An aged Indian woman had the misfortune to dis-
please some of the Spaniards, who determined to give her to be devoured by Becerillo.
They gave her a letter with instructions to bear it to a certain place where the dog was
to be loosed. Thither faithfully she went, and soon came in sight of the beast,
who, with open jaws, made ready to spring upon her. Throwing herself upon her
knees and showing him her letter, she thus supplicated Becerillo: "O Lord Dog! I
am on my way with this letter which I carry to the Christians. I beseech thee, do me
no harm." At these words the dog hesitated, for a moment peered into the frightened
face of the old woman, and turned from her in dignified consent, suffering her to go
on her way unmolested. History records that he died as a warrior should, on the
field of battle, where, pursxiing some fleeing natives along the shore, far from the
assisting firearms of his Spanish masters, he received in his body an arrow from an
Indian in his canoe, and soon lay stiffened on the ground. Thus died Becerillo,
worthy his place in the Parthenon for dogs.
o
1 8 Christopher Columbus
white men. This is the first instance of that desire to see other
peoples and other lands told of any native Indian. Curiosity
brought them to the shore and even on board the Spanish ships,
but before this ambitious youth none ever asked to be taken
away from home and kindred and to be indulged in travel and
mysterious journeys. He finally hid himself on the ships and
when his relatives departed he again appealed to the Admiral,
who consented to his joining the expedition. The youth may
have had his ambition justified by a sight of European lands,
powerful peoples, great cities, and rich coasts, but if so, his
experiences have been told by no historian or sung by no poet.'
On Wednesday, May 14, 1494, the Admiral arrived off Cabo
de Cruz.^ Continuous lightnings and violent storms met him
on his approach, and the shore was guarded by dangerous
shoals. To avoid the latter he needed the use of his sails, and
to guard against the violence of the storm he required bare
poles. Thus he was in an unpleasant dilemma. His skill as a
sailor came to his aid and enabled him to escape both kinds of
danger. He discovered innumerable islands, some small, but
others nearer the coast large and green, and to the cluster he
gave the name of Jardin de la Reina,^ They saw on these
islands many cranes of the kind seen in Castile, only bright in
colour, most of them being scarlet. Turtles of many kinds
were noticed and their eggs were discovered in the sands. The
air was sweet with the odour of flowers, as if roses were grown
in eveiy comer. Some natives were fishing for turtles with a
fish having a sort of sucker under its body, which was let down
with a cord imtil, striking a turtle, it fastened on its prey and
both were drawn up to the canoes of the Indians. It is to be
remarked that the Admiral and the Spaniards with him were
observant persons. Wherever they found themselves they
noticed natural objects, made comparisons with similar things
in their own country, inquired concerning the customs and
habits of the natives, and generally showed themselves alert
' The Curate of Los Palacios, whom Irving loves so to follow, tells us nothing of
this youth.
' Ferdinand and Las Casas give this date, but the printed edition of the latter —
Madrid, 1875 — gives this date as Tuesday, May 18, 1494. On the very same page
the printed edition says of another event, Wednesday, May 18.
Ferdinand calls this point of Cuba **Capo di Santa Croce."
3 Ferdinand says they nimibered no less than one hundred and sixty islands.
Attempt to Explore Cuba 319
and active in studying the new and strange lands to which for-
ttine had brought them. Ferdinand speaks of the incessant
fogs, black and thick, which prevailed in this place and which
made coasting so dangerous for vessels. He says, moreover,
that during the night the prevailing winds blew from the north
and when the sun arose the course of the winds was changed. On
Thursday, May 22, 1494, the Admiral arrived at a large island,
to which he gave the name of Santa Maria. There was a great
village from which the inhabitants had fled and in which there
were found some forty dogs unlearned in the art of barking and
which, from their appearance, they judged to be fattening for
food.' Passing on among a lot of other islands and over bother-
some shoals, he was obliged to follow the channel whithersoever
it led, regardless of the direction. He finally succeeded in get-
ting out into open water and resolved to make for Cuba to re-
plenish his water-casks. He reached that land ' on Tuesday,
Jime 3, 1494, at a point where there was much wood, so that
the Admiral could not determine if there were native settle-
ments or not. He sent a boat to shore, when one of the sailors
encountered a band of Indians to the nimiber of thirty, armed
with spears and bows and arrows. This sailor told a weird
stoiy of seeing in the midst of this crowd one being wearing a
white tunic falling to his feet.^ This meeting with a being dif-
fering from the Indians hitherto seen and the war-like attitude
of the natives frightened the sailor, who shouted for his com-
panions, whereat the Indians fled. Much has been made of
this incident. There are those, among them Irving and Hum-
boldt, who explained this strange figure by imagining the fright-
ened sailor to have seen a white crane feeding in a marsh. We
have just called attention to the alertness with which natural
objects were noticed, examined, and recorded by the people
with Coltmibus. Each man was trained to see quickly and
accurately, and it is absurd that any sailor could have made
such a mistake. But if the record is any guide at all, it should
^ Irving places this incident in the islands of the Jar din de la Reina.
* The first European settlement on the island of Cuba was not until 151 1, when
Don Diego Velasquez founded the town which took its name from his patron saint and
whose waters lately witnessed the overthrow of the Spanish power in Cuba.
3 Ferdinand, in relating this, speaks of the tunic-wearers being three in number,
two wearing that civilised garment to the knees, the third having it extended to the
feet.
320 Christopher Columbus
be taken in its entirety, — ^meagre as it is, — and that includes
this one or more white figures in the crowd of thirty armed
savages. If the sailor could observe the spears, the bows and
arrows and count the figures, he could have told the differ-
ence between a white crane and a figure wearing a white tunic
falling to its feet. However much like a white-robed man a
crane may look as to its folded wings, its thin legs would not
convey an impression of a gracefully falling garment. From
Columbus in his cabin reading Marco Polo and Sir John Mande-
ville, to the common sailors forward telling yams by the
moon*s pale light, all were prepared for the sight of a people
more civilised than any yet seen. And there were legends of
far-away days when some priests sailed westward from the
shores of Ireland, whose return never was chronicled, and who
were believed to have found their way to a mysterious land
out in the Ocean-sea. A little farther on we shall hear a saintly
cacique whom the Spaniards met in the Jardin de la Reina
telling of a chief on the island of Cuba whose habit it was to
wear a garment like that of a priest, he having observed the
dress of one who accompanied the expedition and whom he saw
engaged in reciting mass. This, to our mind, explains the pre-
sence in Cuba of men dressed like Europeans and it disposes of
the legend — so stoutly urged by the believers in the Pilot story
— that when the Europeans first visited the New World, the
natives declared they had seen before men clothed like unto
them.
The following day the Admiral sent on shore some explorers
to see if they could verify this strange report of the sailor, but
the marshes on the shore prevented them making the necessary
search. He continued sailing to the westward and after going
ten leagues they foimd a settlement from which the people
came with food and water. He ordered one Indian to be re-
tained, desiring his services as a guide and promising to return
him safely to his people. This Indian certified to the Admiral
that this land was an island surrotmded by water and that it
was governed by a king who did not speak, but at whose sign
all things were done.
CHAPTER LXXXIII
THE PSEUDO-CONTINENT
It was a few days after this, on Thursday, June 12, 1494,
that a most interesting event occurred and which has entered
into history with a decidedly wrong colouring. The Admiral
on this day called to him one of the public notaries, Femand
Perez de Lima, and told him that he believed this land of Cuba
which on his first voyage he had called the island Juana was
really continental land, since they had sailed along it for a dis-
tance of 335 leagues without finding any ending and seeing the
land turn to the south-west, and that no one might belittle the
great achievement of having found continental land, he directed
the said notary to take witnesses and go to each ship, interview
each person, whether officer, mariner, or ship's boy, on the three
caravels, and ask each whether he had any doubt that this land
was the mainland and that if such a one had any doubt the
notary was to beg him to make it known, because then the Ad-
miral wotild remove the doubt and would show him that it was
true and that it was indeed the continental land. This was all,
absolutely all the notary was ordered to do. Now what did he
do? He went to each man with a prepared form, submitting to
each the same words, and then fixing, upon his own responsi-
bility, a penalty of ten thousand maravedis and the cutting out of
the tongue for every time that any one of them should say any-
thing to the contrary, — not that it was not continental land but,
having agreed that it was continental land, he must abide by his
statement under this penalty. The Admiral never authorised
this enforced expression of opinion. He never even suggested it.
It was the officious action of Femand Perez de Lima. Fortimately
this agent repeats the exact directions given him by the Admiral
VOL. II.— ai.
321
322 Christopher Columbus
and then shows that he exceeded his instructions by adding, " I
placed them under a penalty. . . .''It seems that the
Admiral himself had no copy of this paper. He appears to
have attached no great importance to it. After the death
of the notary, which soon followed this event, the Admiral
being in the city of Isabella on Wednesday, June 14, 1495,
caused Diego de Penalosa to make a search among the papers of
the late Fernand Perez de Luna and see if he could find this very
paper. Columbus wanted the circumstances explained to each
man and if any doubted the continental character of the land, he
would explain his reasons for considering it the mainland. The
Admiral never required any oath and never imposed a penalty.
INFORMACION Y TESTIMONIO ETC.
*'En la carabela Nina, que ha por nombre Santa Clara, Jueves doce
dias del mes de Junio, ano del Nascimiento de nuestro Senor Jesucristo de
mil 6 cuatrocientos 6 noventa 6 cuatro anos, el muy magnffico Senor D.
Crist6bal Colon, Almirante mayor del mar Oc^ano, Visorey 6 Gobernador
perpetuo de la isla de S. Salvador, 6 de todas las otras islas 6 tierra-firme
de las Indias descubiertas 6 por descubrir por el Rey 6 por la Reina nues-
tros Senores, 6 su Capitan general de la mar, requirid d mf Fernand Perez
de Luna, Escribano ptiblico del numero de la Cibdad Isabela, por parte
de sus Altezas, que por cuanto ^1 habia partido de la dicha Cibdad Isabela
con tres carabelas por venir i, descubrir la tierra-firme de las Indias puesto
que ya tenia descubierto parte della el otro viage que acd primero habia
hecho el ano pasado del Senor de mil 6 cuatrocientos 6 noventa 6 tres anos,
y no habia podido saber lo cierto dello; porque puesto que andobiese
mucho por ella non habia fallado personas en la costa de la mar que le
supiesen dar cierto relacion dello, porque eran todos gente desnuda que
no tiene bienes propios, ni t rat an, ni van fuera de sus casas, ni otros vienen
d ellos, segund dellos mismos supo, y por esto no declar6 afirmativo que
fuese la tierra-firme, salvo que lo pronunci6 dubitativo, y la habia puesto
nombre La Juana, d memoria del Prfncipe D. Juan, nuestro Senor, y agora
parti6 de la Cibdad Isabela d veinte y cuatro dias del mes de Abril, 6 vino
i. demandar la tierra de la dicha Juana mas propinca de la isla Isabela, la
cual es fecha como un giron que va de Oriente d Occidente, y la punta est^
de la parte del Oriente propinca i, la Isabela veinte € dos leguas, y sigui6
la costa della al Occidente de la parte del Austro para ir i, una isla muy
grande ^ que los Indios Uaman Jamayca, la cual fall6 despues de haber
andado mucho camino, y le puso nombre la Isla de Santiago, y anduvo
la costa toda della de Oriente d Occidente, y despues volvid d la tierra
firme. d que llama la Juana, al lugar que el habia dejado, y siguid la costa
della al Poniente muchos dias, atanto que dijo que por su navegacion pasaba
de trescientas 6 treinta 6 cinco leguas desde que comenzd entrar en ella
fasta agora, en el cual camino conoci6 muchas veces, y lo pronunci6, que
The Pseudo-Continent 323
esta era tierra firme por la fechura 6 la noticia que de ella tenia, y el nombre
de la gente de las Provincias, en especial la provincia de Mango ; y agora,
despues de haber descubierto infinitfsimas islas que nadie ha podido contar
del todo, y Uegado aquf d una poblacion, tom6 tmos indios, los cuales le
dijeron que esta tierra andaba la costa de ella al Poniente mas de veinte
jomadas, ni sabian si alH hacia fin, que fasta donde llegaba determin6 de
andar mas adelante algo, para que todas las personas que vienen en estos
navfos, entre los cuales hay Maestros de cartas de marear y muy buenos
Pilotos, las mas famosos que ^1 supo. escoger en la armada grande qu^l
trajo de Castilla, y porque ellos viesen como esta tierra es grandisima, y
que de aquf adelante va la costa della al mediodia, asi como les decia, anduvo
cuatro jomadas mas adelante porque todos fuesen muy ciertos que era
tierra firme, porque en todas estas islas 6 tierras no hay puebla d la mar,
salvo gente desnude que se vive de pescado, y nunca van en la tierra aden-
tro, ni saben que sea el mundo, ni d6\ cuatro leguas lejos de sus casas, y
creen que no hay en el mundo salvo islas, y son gente que no tienen ley
ni seta algtma, salvo nacer y morir, ni tienen ninguna polecia porque pueden
saber del mundo; y porque despues del viage acabado que nadie no tenga
causa con malicias, 6 por mal decir y apocar las cosas que merecen mucho
loor, reqtiiri6 ^ m£ el dicho Escribano el dicho Senor Almirante, como de
suso lo reza, de parte de sus Altezas, que yo personalmente con buenos
testigos fuese ^ cada una de las dichas tres carabelas 6 requiriese al Maestre
6 compana, 6 toda otra gente que en ellas son publicamente, que dijesen
si tenian dubda alguna que esta tierra no fuese la tierra firme al comienzo
de las Indias y fin ^ qmen en estas partes qmsiere veni de Espafla por
tierra ; 6 que si alguna dubda 6 sabidurfa dello toviesen que les rogaba que
lo dijesen, porque luego les quitaria la dubda, y les faria ver que esto es
cierto y qu^ la tierra firme. E yo as£ lo cumpli y requerf publicamente
aquf en esta carabela Nina al Maestre 6 compafia que son las personas que
debajo nombrar^ d cada uno, por su nombre y de donde es vecino, ^ asi-
mismo en las otras dos carabelas suso dichas requerf d los Maestres 6 com-
pana y asf les declare por ante los testigos abajo nombrados; todo asf como
el dicho Senor Almirante d mf habia requerido yo requerf d ellos, y les puse
pena de diez mil maravedis por cada vez que lo que dijere cada uno que
despues en ningun tiempo el contrario dijese de lo que agora diria, 6 cortada
la lengua; y si fuere Grumete 6 persona de tal suerte, que le daria ciento
azotes y le cortarian la lengua; y todos asf requeridos en todas las dichas
tres carabelas, cada uno por sf con mucha diligencia, miraron los Pilotos, 6
Maestres, 6 Marineros en sus cartas de marear, y pensaron y dijeron lo
sigtdente :
"Francisco Nino, vecino de Moguer, Piloto de la carabela Nifia, dijo
que para el juramento que habia hecho no oy6 ni vido isla que pudiese
tener trescientas 6 treinta 6 cinco leguas en una costa de Poniente d Le-
vante, y aun no acabada de andar; y que veia agora que la tierra tomaba
al Sur Suduest y al Suduest y Oest, y que ciertamente no tenia dubda al-
guna que fuese la tierra-firme ; antes lo afirma y def enderf a ques la tierra
324 Christopher Columbus
firme y no isla, y que antes de muchas leguas, navegando por la dicha costa, se
f allaria tierra adonde tratan gente poUtica de saber, y que saben el mundo, &c.
"Item: Alonso Medel, vecino de Palos, Maestre de la carabela Nina,
dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho que nunca oy6 ni vido isla que
pudiese tener trescientas 6 treinta 6 cinco leguas en una costa de Poniente
d Levante, y aun no acabada de andar; y que veia agora que la tierra tor-
naba al Sur Suduest y al Suduest y Oest, y que ciertamente no tenia dubda
alguna que fuese la tierra- firme ; antes lo afirmaba y defenderia que es la
tierra-firme y no isla, y que antes de muchas leguas, navegando por la dicha
costa, se fallaria tierra, adonde tratan gente polftica de saber y que saben
el mundo, &c.
"Item: Johan de la Cosa, vecino del Puerto de Santa Maria, Maestro
de hacer cartas, Marinero de la dicha carabela Nina, dijo que para el jura-
mento que habia hecho, que nunca oy6 ni vido isla que pudiese tener tres-
cientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa de Poniente i, Levante, y aun no
acabada de andar; y que veia agora que la tierra firme tomaba al Sur
Suduest y al Suduest y Oest, y que ciertamente no tenia dubda alguna
que fuese la tierra firme, antes lo afirmaba y defenderia que es la tierra-
firme y no isla; y que antes de muchas leguas, navegando por la dicha
costa, se fallaria tierra adonde trata gente polftica de saber, y que saben
el mundo, &c.
"Item: todos los Marineros 6 Grumetes, 6 otras personas que en la
dicha carabela Niiia estaban, que algo se les entendia de la mar, dijeron ^
una voz todas publicamente, 6 cada uno por s£, que para el juramento que
habian hecho, que aquella era la tierra-firme, porque nunca habian visto
isla de trescientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa, y atm no acabada de
andar; y que ciertamente no tenian dubda dello ser aquella la tierra firme,
6 antes lo afimiaban ser asf : los cuales dichos Marineros 6 Grumetes son
los siguientes, 6 nombrados en la manera que se sigue: Johan del Barco,
vecino de Palos, Marinero: Moron, vecino de Moguer: Francisco de Lepe,
vecino de Moguer: Diego Beltran, vecino de Moguer: Domingo Ginoves:
Estefano Veneciano: Juan de Espafia Vizcaino : Gomez Calafar, vecino de
Palos: Ramiro Perez, vecino de Lepe: Mateo de Morales, vecino de S.
Juan del Puerto: Gonzalo Vizcaino, Gnmiete: Alonso de Huelva, vecino
dende, Gnimete: Francisco Ginoves, vecino de C6rdoba: Rodrigo Moli-
nero, vecino de Moguer: Rodrigo Calafar, vecino de Cartaya: Alonso Nifio,
vecino de Moguer: Juan Vizcaino.
"Item: Bartolom^ Perez, vecino de Rota, Piloto de la carabela de San
Juan, dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho, que nunca oy6 ni vido
isla que pudiese tener trescientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa de
Poniente d Levante, y atm no acabada de andar: y que veia agora que la
tierra firme tomaba al Sur Sudueste y al Suest y Est, y que ciertamente no
tenia dubda alguna que fuese la tierra-firme: antes lo afirmaba y lo defend-
eria que es la tierra firme y no isla, y que antes de muchas leguas, nave-
gando por la dicha costa, se fallaria tierra adonde trata gente polftica de
saber, y que saben el mundo, &c.
The Pseudo-Continent 325
**Item: Alonso Perez Roldan, vecino de Malaga, Maestre de la dicha
carabela de S. Juan, dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho, que
nunca oy6 ni vido isla que pudiese tenet trescientas treinta y cinco leguas
en una costa de Poniente i, Levante, y atrn no acababa de andar, y que
veia agora que la tierra-firme tomaba al Sur Suduest y al Suest y Est, y que
ciertamente no tenia dubda alguna que fuese la tierra firme, antes lo afirmaba
y lo defenderfa ques la tierra firme y no isla, y que antes de muchas leguas,
navegando por la dicha costa, se fallaria tierra adonde tratan gente po-
Htica de saber, y que saben el mundo, &c.
**Item: Alonso Rodriguez, vecino de Cartaya, Contramaestre de la
dicha carabela S. Juan, dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho, que
nunca oy6 ni vido isla que pudiese tener trescientas treinta y cinco leguas
en una costa de Poniente i. Levante, y aun no acabada de andar, y que veia
agora que la tierra-firme tomaba al Sur Suduest y al Suest y Est, y que
ciertamente no tenia dubda alguna que fuese la tierra firme, antes lo afir-
maba y lo defenderfa qu^s la tierra firme y no isla, y que antes de muchas
leguas, navegando por la dicha costa, se fallaria tierra adonde tratan gente
polftica de saber, y que saben el mundo, &c.
*'Item: todos los Marineros € Grumetes, € otras personas que en la
dicha carabela de S. Juan estaban, que algo se les entendia de la mar,
dijeron i, una voz todos publicamente, € cada uno de por si, para el jura-
mento que habian hecho, que aquella era la tierra-firme, porque nunca habian
visto isla de trescientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa y aun no acabada
de andar ; y que ciertamente no tenian dubda dello ser aquella la tierra-firme,
antes lo afirmaban ser asi: los cuales dichos Marineros € Grumetes son los
sigtdentes, € nombrados en la manera que se sigue: Johan Rodriguez,
vecino de Ciudad-Rodrigo, Marinero: Sebastian de Ayamonte, vecino
dende, Marinero: Diego del Monte, vecino de Moguer, Marinero: Francisco
Calvo, vecino de Moguer, Marinero: Juan Dominguez, vecino de Palos,
Marinero: Juan Albarracin, vecino del Puerto de Santa Marfa, Marinero:
Nicolas Estefano, Mallorqmn, Tonelero: Crist6bal Vivas, vecino de Mo-
guer, Grtmiete: Rodrigo de Santander, vecino dende, Grumete: Johan
Garces, vecino de Beas, Grumete: Pedro de Salas, Portuguese, vecino de
Lisboa, Gnmiete: Hemand Lopez, vecino de Huelva, Gnimete.
"Item: Crist6bal Perez Nifio, vecino de Palos, Maestre de la carabela
Cardera, dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho, que nunca oy6 ni vido
isla que pudiese tener trescientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa de
Poniente i, Levante, y aun no acabada de andar; y que veia agora que la
tierra firme tomaba al Sur Suduest y al Suest y Est, y que ciertamente no
tenia dubda alguna que fuese la tierra-firme, antes lo afirmaba y lo defen-
derfa qu^s la tierra firme € no isla, y que antes de muchas leguas, nave-
gando por la dicha costa, se fallaria tierra adonde tratan gente polftica de
saber, y que saben el mundo &c.
"Item: Fenerin Ginoves, Contra-maestre de la dicha carabela Cardera
dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho, que nunca oy6 ni vido isla que
pudiese tener trescientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa de Poniente i.
o
26 Christopher Columbus
Levante, y aun no acabada de andar; y que veia agora que la tierra-firme
tornaba al Sur Suduest y al Suest y Est, y que ciertamente no tenia dubda
alguna que fuese la tierra firme antes lo afirmaba y lo defenderfa qu^s la
tierra firme ^ no isla; y que antes de muchas leguas, navegando por la
dicha costa, se fallaria tierra adonde tratan gente politica de saber, y que
saben el mundo, &c.
*'Item: Gonzalo Alonso Galeote, vecino de Huelva, Marinero de la
dicha carabela Cardera, dijo que para el juramento que habia hecho, que
nunca oy6 ni vido isla que pudiese tener trescientas treinta y cinco leguas
en una costa de Poniente ^ Levante, y aun no acabada de andar; y que
veia agora que la tierra firme tornaba al Sur Suduest y al Suest y Est, y
que ciertamente no tenia dubda algima que fuese tierra-firme, antes lo
afirmaba y lo defenderfa qu^s la tierra-firme 6 no isla, y que antes de muchas
leguas, navegando por la dicha costa, se fallaria tierra adonde tratan gente
polftica de saber, y que saben el mundo, &c.
*'Item: todos los Marineros 6 Grumetes, 6 otras personas que en la
dicha carabela Cardera estaban, que algo se les entendia de la mar, dijeron
d una voz todos ptiblicamente 6 cada uno por sf , que para el juramento que
habian hecho que aquella era la tierra firme, por que nunca habian visto isla
de trescientas treinta y cinco leguas en una costa, y aun no acabada de andar ;
y que ciertamente no tenian dubda dello ser aquella la tierra-firme, antes lo
afirmaban ser asi; los cuales dichos Marineros 6 Grtmietes son los sigtdentes,
6 nombrados en la manera que se sigue: Juan de Jerez, vecino de Moguer,
Marinero: Francisco Carral, vecino de Palos, Marinero: Gorjon, vecino de
Palos, Marinero: Johan Griego, vecino de G^nova, Marinero: Alonso Perez,
vecino de Huelva, Marinero: Juan Vizcaino, vecino de Cartaya, Marinero:
Crist6bal Lorenzo, vecino de Palos, Grumete: Francisco de Medina, vecino
de Moguer, Grumete: Diego Leal, vecino de Moguer, Grumete: Francisco
Nino, vecino de Palos, Grumete: Tristan, vecino de Valduema, Grumete.
"Testigos que fueron presentes d ver jurar d todos 6 d cada tmo por sf
de los suso dichos, segund y en la manera que de suso se contiene, Pedro
de Terreros, Maestre-sala del dicho Senor Almirante; 6 Ifdgo Lopez de
Zuniga, trinchante, criados del dicho Senor Almirante; 6 Diego Tristan,
vecino de Sevilla; ^ Francisco de Morales, vecino de Sevilla, &c.
"En la cibdad Isabela, Miercoles catorce dias del mes de Enero, alio
del Nascimiento de nuestro Salvador Jesucristo de mil cuatrocientos no-
venta y cinco anos, el dicho Sefior Almirante mand6 d mf Diego de Pefialosa,
Escribano de Cdmara del Rey 6 de la Reina, nuestros Senores, 6 su Notario
ptiblico en la su Corte 6 en todos los sus Reinos 6 Senorfos, que catase los
registros 6 protocolos de Femand Perez de Luna, Escribano piiblico del
numero de la dicha cibdad, defunto que Dios haya, que en mi poder habian
quedado por virtud de un mandamiento por el dicho Senor Almirante d m£
el dicho Diego de Penalosa dado, firmado de su nombre, para que yo pudiese
sacar de los dichos registros 6 protocolos cualquier escritura que d mf fuese
demandada autorizadamente ; por el cual dicho mandamiento yo fui re-
querido por parte del dicho Sefior Almirante mirarse los dichos registros 6
The Pseudo-Continent 327
protocolos del dicho Femand Perez de Ltina, en los cuales fallaria el dicho
requerimiento que aqiif en esta dicha escriptura va declarado, 6 ge lo diese
firmado 6 signado con mi signo en ptiblica forma en manera que faga f6, por
cuanto se entiende aprovechar d^l en algun tiempo que le convenga. E yo
Diego de Penalosa, Escribano suso dicho, por virtud del dicho mandamiento
que del dicho Seiior Almirante tengo para sacar cualesquier escripturas en
limpio, autorizadamente, que hayan pasado ante el suso dicho Femand
Perez de Luna, Escribano defunto que Dios haya, que en mi poder estan,
lo fice escrebir 6 saqu^ en limpio 6 conforme, 6 sign6 de mi signo d taL En
testimonio de verdad. Diego de Penalosa/*
[Navarrete, vol. ii., p. 143.]
INFORMATION AND TESTIMONY, ETC.
**0n the caravel Nifla,^ which is named Santa Clara, Thursday, June
12, in the year of the Birth of our Lord Jesus Christ 1494, the Most Mag-
nificent Lord, Don Christopher Coltmibus, High Admiral of the Ocean-Sea,
Vice- Roy and perpetual Governor of the Island of San Salvador, and of all
the other islands and continental land of the Indies, discovered and to be
discovered, for the ICing and for the Queen, our Lords, and their Captain-
General of the sea, — required me, Femand Perez de Luna, one of the Public
Notaries of the City of Isabella, on the part of their Highnesses: that inas-
much as he had left the said City Isabella with three caravels to come and
discover the continental land of the Indies, although he had already dis-
covered part of it on the other voyage which he had first made here the
past year of the Lord 1493, ^^^ ^^^ ^ot been able to learn the truth in
regard to it: because although he travelled a long distance beside it, he
had not found persons on the seacoast who were able to give a trustworthy
account of it, because they were all naked people who did not possess prop-
erty of their own nor trade, nor go outside their houses, nor did others
come to them, according to what he learned from them: and on this ac-
count he did not declare affirmatively that it was the continental land,
except that he pronounced it doubtful, and had named it La Jiiana in
memory of the Prince Don Juan, our Lord: and now he left the said city
of Isabella the 24th day of the month of April and came to seek the land of
the said Juana nearest to the island of Isabella, which is shaped like a tri-
angle extending from east to west, and the point is the eastern part, twenty-
two leagues from Isabella: and he followed its coast from the east to the
west in order to go to a large island which the Indians called Jamaica,
which he found after having gone a long distance, and he named it La Isla
de Santiago, and went along all its coast from East to West, and afterwards
returned to the continental land, which he called La Juana, to the place
which he had left : and he followed the coast of La Juana to the west many
days, so that he said that according to his navigation he passed 335 leagues
from the time he commenced to enter it until the present time, on which
* Notwithstanding the repetition of the several certificates, we have thought it
well to present this document in its entirety, as it records the names and stations of
the first explorers of Cuba.
328 Christopher Columbus
journey he perceived many times and pronounced this to be continental
land, by its formation and the information he had in regard to it, and the
name of the people of the Provinces, especially the Province of Mango: and
now, after having discovered an infinite number of islands, of which nobody
has been able to count the whole, and arrived here at a settlement, he took
some Indians, who told him that the coast of this land extended to the west
more than twenty days' journeys, nor did they know if it ended there: that
from the place at which he had arrived, he determined to go somewhat
farther onward, in order that all the persons who came in these ships,
among whom there are Masters of charts of navigation and very good
Pilots, the most famous that he could select in the great armada which he
brought from Castile ; and in order that they might see how very great this
land is, and that from here the coast extends onward to the south, as he
told them, he went four days farther forward that all might be very certain
that it was continental land, because in all these islands and lands there are
no people by the sea, except naked people who live by fishing, and never
go inland, nor know what the world is, nor anything about it at four leagues
distance from their houses; and they believe that there is nothing in the
world save islands, and are a people who have no law nor doctrine, save to
be bom and to die, nor have they any knowledge that they may be able to
know of the world : and in order that, after having finished the said voyage,
no one might have cause, with malice, to speak ill of, and belittle the things
which merit great praise, the said Lord Admiral required me, the said
Notary, as recited above, on the part of their Highnesses, to go personally
with good witnesses to each one of the said three caravels and publicly re-
quire the Master and company, and all the other people upon them, to say
whether they had any doubt that this land was the mainland of the com-
mencement of the Indies and the end to whomever in these parts might
wish to come to Spain by land: and that if they had any doubt or know-
ledge in regard to it, that I should beg them to make it known, because
then he would remove the doubt and would show them that this is certain
and that it is the continental land. And I complied with the request in
this manner, and publicly reqmred here in the Caravel Nina of the Master
and Company, who are the persons I shall name below, each one by his
name and of what place he is a citizen, and in the same manner in the other
two caravels aforesaid, I required of the Masters and company, and I thus
declared it to them before the witnesses named below: everything in the
manner that the said Lord Admiral had required it of me, I required of
them; and I placed them under a penalty of 10,000 maravedis and the
cutting out of the tongue for every time that each one hereafter should say
contrary to what they should now say: and if it shall be a ship's boy or a
person of such condition, that he should be given one hundred lashes and
have his tongue cut out : and every one having been thus required in all
the three said caravels, each one by himself with great care, the Pilots, and
Masters and Mariners looked at their navigator's charts, and considered
and said as follows:
The Pseudo-Continent 329
** Francisco Nino, citizen of Moguer, Pilot of the caravel Nifia, said that
by the oath he had taken, he did not hear of or see an island which could
have 335 leagues on one coast from west to east, and which extended still
farther: and that he saw now that the land turned to the south-south-west
and to the south-west and west, and that certainly he had no doubt what-
ever that it was continental land: rather, he affirms it, and would maintain
that it is continental land and not an island, and that before many leagues,
in sailing along the said coast, land would be found where there are civilised
people of intelligence, who trade and who know the world, etc.
** Item: Alonso Medel, citizen of Palos, Master of the caravel Nifia, said
that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of or saw an island
which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to east, and which
extended still farther than that : and that he saw now that the land turned
to the south-south-west and to the south-west and west, and that certainly
he had no doubt whatever that it was continental land : rather he affirmed
it and would maintain that it is continental land and not an island, and
that before many leagues in sailing along the said coast, land would be
found where there are civilised people of intelligence, who trade and who
know the world, etc.
" Item: Johan de la Cosa, citizen of the Puerto de Santa Maria, Master
of chart-making. Mariner of the said caravel Nina, said that by the oath he
had taken, that he never heard of nor saw an island which could have 335
leagues on one coast from west to east, and which extended still farther:
and that he saw now that the land turned to the south-south-west and to
the south-west and west, and that certainly he had no doubt whatever that
it was continental land : rather he affirmed it and would maintain that it is
continental land and not an island: and that before many leagues, in sailing
along the said coast, a land would be found where there are civilised people
of intelligence, who trade and who know the world, etc.
** Item: all the Mariners and ship's boys, and other persons who were in
the said caravel Nina, who understood something in regard to the sea, all
said with one voice publicly, and each one for himself, that by the oath he
had taken, that that was the continental land, because they never saw an
island having 335 leagues on one coast, and which extended still farther
than that: and that certainly they had no doubt of its being the conti-
nental land, and rather they affirmed it to be so : which said Mariners and
ship's boys are the following, and named in the following manner: Johan
del Barco, citizen of Palos, Mariner: Moron, citizen of Moguer: Francisco
de Lepe, citizen of Moguer: Diego Beltran, citizen of Moguer: Domingo
Ginoves: Estefano Veneciano: Juan de Espana Vizcaino: Gomez Calafar,
citizen of Palos: Ramiro Perez, citizen of Lepe: Mateo de Morales, citizen
of S. Juan del Puerto: Gonzalo Vizcaino, ship's boy: Francisco Ginoves,
citizen of Cordova: Rodrigo Molinero, citizen of Moguer: Rodrigo Calafar,
citizen of Cartaya: Alonso Nino, citizen of Moguer: Juan Vizcaino.
"Item: Bartholomew Perez, citizen of Rota, Pilot of the caravel San
Juan, said that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of nor saw an
330 Christopher Columbus
island which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to east, and
which extended still farther: and that he saw now that the continental
land turned to the south-south-west and to the south-east and east,' and
that certainly he had no doubt whatever that it was continental land:
rather he affirmed it and would maintain that it is continental land and not
an island, and that before many leagues, in sailing along the said coast, a
land would be found where there are civilised people of intelligence, who
trade and who know the world, etc.
*'Item: Alonso Perez Roldan, citizen of Malaga, Master of the said
caravel S. Juan, said that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of
nor saw an island which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to
east, and which extended still farther: and that he saw now that the con-
tinental land turned to the south-south-west and to the south-east and
east, and that certainly he had no doubt whatever that it was continental
land : rather he affirmed it and would maintain that it is continental land
and not an island, and that before many leagues in sailing along the said
coast, a land would be found where there 'are civilised people of intelligence
who trade and who know the world, etc.
"Item: Alonso Rodriguez, citizen of Cartaya, Boatswain of the said
caravel S. Juan, said that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of
nor saw an island which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to
east, and which extended still farther: and that he saw now that the con- .
tinental land turned to the south-south-west and to the south-east and
east, and that certainly he had no doubt whatever that it was continental
land: rather he affirmed it and would maintain that it is continental
land and not an island, and that before many leagues in sailing along the
said coast, a land would be found where there are civilised people of intel-
ligence, who trade and who know the world, etc.
** Item; all the Mariners and ship's boys and other persons who were in
the said caravel S. Juan, who understood something in regard to the sea,
all said with one voice publicly, and each one for himself, by the oath
which they had taken, that that was continental land, because they never
had seen an island of 335 leagues on one coast, and which extended still
farther than that : and that certainly they had no doubt of its being con-
tinental land, rather they affirmed it to be so: which said Mariners and
ship's boys are the following, and named in the following manner: Johan
Rodriguez, citizen of Ciudad-Rodrigo, Mariner: Sebastian de Ayamonte,
citizen of Ciudad-Rodrigo, Mariner: Diego del Monte, citizen of Moguer,
Mariner: Francisco Calvo, citizen of Moguer, Mariner: Juan Dominguez,
citizen of Palos, Mariner: Juan Albarracin, citizen of Puerto de Santa
Maria, Mariner: Nicolas Estefano, Mallorquin, Cooper: Crist6bal Vivas,
citizen of Moguer, ship's boy: Rodrigo de Santander, citizen of Moguer,
ship's boy: Johan Garces, citizen of Beas, ship's boy: Pedro de Salas,
Portuguese, citizen of Lisbon, ship's boy: Hemand Lopez, citizen of
Huelva, ship's boy.
* So in original, but, of cotirse, an error of Navarrete*s.
The Pseudo-Continent 33f
**Item: Cristdbal Perez Nino, citizen of Palos, Master of the caravel
Cardera, said that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of nor saw
an island which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to east, and
which extended still farther: and that he saw now that the continental
land turned to the south-south-west and to the south-east and east, and
that certainly he had no doubt whatever that it was continental land:
rather he affirmed it and would maintain that it is continental land and not
an island, and that before many leagues in sailing along the said coast a
land would be found where there are civilised people of intelligence, who
trade and who know the world, etc.
**Item: Fenerin Ginoves, Boatswain of the said caravel Cardera, said
that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of nor saw an island
which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to east, and which
extended still farther, and that he saw now that the continental land turned
to the south-south-west and to the south-east and east, and that certainly
he had no doubt whatever that it was continental land : rather he affirmed it
and wotdd maintain that it is continental land and not an island: and that
before many leagues, in sailing along the said coast, a land would be found
where there are civilised people of intelligence who trade and who know the
world, etc.
" Item: Gonzalo Alonso Galeote, citizen of Huelva, Mariner of the said
caravel Cardera, said that by the oath he had taken, that he never heard of
nor saw an island which could have 335 leagues on one coast from west to
east, and which extended still farther: and that he saw now that the con-
tinental land turned to the south-south-west and to the south-east and
east, and that certainly he had no doubt whatever that it was continental
land : rather he affirmed it and would maintain that it is continental land
and not an island, and that before many leagues in sailing along the said
coast, a land would be found where there are civilized people of intelligence,
who trade and who know the world, etc.
" Item : All the Mariners and ship's boys, and other persons who were in
the said caravel Cardera, who understand something in regard to the sea, all
said with one voice publicly, and each one for himself, that by the oath
they had taken that that was the mainland, because they had never seen
an island of 335 leagues on one coast, and which extended still farther than
that : and that certainly they had no doubt of its being the continental land,
rather they affirmed it to be so: which said Mariners and ship's boys are
the following, and named in the following manner: Juan de Jerez, citizen
of Moguer, Mariner: Francisco Carral, citizen of Palos, Mariner: Gorjon,
citizen of Palos, Mariner: Johan Griego, citizen of Genoa, Mariner: Alonso
Perez, citizen of Huelva, Mariner: Juan Vizcaino, citizen of Cartaya,
Mariner: Crist6bal Lorenzo, citizen of Palos, ship's boy: Francisco de
Medina, citizen of Moguer, ship's boy: Diego Leal, citizen of Moguer, ship's
boy: Francisco Nino, citizen of Palos, ship's boy: Tristan, citizen of Val-
duema, ship's boy.
**The witnesses who were present to see all of the aforesaid sworn, and
332 Christopher Columbus
each one by himself, according to, and in the manner contained above,
Pedro de Terreros, Boatswain of the said Lord Admiral: and Ifiigo Lopez
de Zufiiga, Carver, Servants of the said Lord Admiral: and Diego Tristan,
citizen of Seville: and Francisco de Morales, citizen of Seville, etc.
** In the city of Isabella, Wednesday, January 14, in the year of the birth
of our Lord Jesus Christ 1495, ^^^ ^^^ Lord Admiral ordered me, Diego de
Penalosa, Clerk of the Court of the King and of the Queen, our Lords, and
their Notary Public in their Court and in all their realms and seigniories to
investigate the registers and protocols of Femand Perez de Luna, one of
the public notaries of the said city, defunct, — whom God have in His keep-
ing— which had remained in my possession by virtue of an order given
by the said Lord Admiral to me, the said Diego de Pefialosa, signed with his
name, in order that I could copy from the said registers and protocols what-
ever writing might be demanded of me authoritatively : by which said order,
I was required on the part of the said Lord Admiral to search the said
registers and protocols of the said Femand Perez de Luna, in which I would
find the said requisition which is declared in this said writing, and shotdd
give it to him signed and sealed with my seal in public form, in a manner
which shows it to be valid, inasmuch as he intends to make use of it at
some suitable time. And I, Diego de Pefialosa, the aforesaid Notary, in
virtue of the said order which I hold from the said Lord Admiral to copy
clearly and authoritatively, any writings which may have passed before
the aforesaid Femand Perez da Luna, defunct notary — whom may God
have in His keeping — which are in my possession, caused them to be written
and clearly and conformably copied and my signature to be affixed to same.
In witness of the truth. Diego de Penalosa."
CHAPTER LXXXIV
ILLNESS OF THE ADMIRAL
The Indian who had been retained by order of the Admiral
also told him that all the coast on that side of the island where
they were was very low and filled with many islands and shoals.
This information the Admiral accepted, since his own observation
confirmed it to be true, and accordingly, as the navigation was
dangerous and as his provisions were failing, he decided to return
to Espanola and continue the building of the city Isabella, the
condition of the colony being a source of anxiety to him by day
and by night. To replenish his store and to fill his casks he
sailed to an island some thirty leagues in circimiference, to
which he gave the name of TEvangelista and which Las Casas
says was afterwards called Isla de Pinos/ Friday, Jime 13,
1494, the Admiral turned to the south to seek an escape from
a group of islands which seemed to encompass him. After
many days of intricate windings he returned to the island of
Evangelista. On Wednesday, June 25, 1494, he made another
attempt to depart, sailing in a north-westerly direction, passing
through seas strangely coloured, the first green and white, the
second white, and the third blackish like ink, the last condition
marking his way until he drew near to Cuba. These mysterious
seas frightened the sailors and men and they feared lest they
should be lost, regarding as evil portents the dark and angry
waters. We find the Admiral on Monday, June 30, 1494,
coasting the south side of Cuba to the eastward, and while he
was engaged in the very act of transferring to his Journal the
" This is the Isle of Pines of to-day, fifty miles south of Cuba, to which it belongs.
It contains some six hundred square miles, its length being sixty miles and its greatest
breadth fifty-six miles. It is exceedingly picttiresque, with lofty motmtains and
extensive plains, and its numerous bays afford safe refuge for ships.
333
334 Christopher Columbus
account of his day*s experience, his ship grounded on the sand,
from which it was drawn off with difficulty. A few days after-
ward he found himself again in the region of Jardin de la
RetnUy opposite which he landed on the soil of Cuba, on Mon-
day, July 7, 1494, and had mass said. There came to the Span-
iards at this time and as a witness to their pious act an aged
cacique who sat himself down by Columbus and began to address
him. He told the latter that the coming of the Europeans had
greatly frightened his own people and he then proceeded, ac-
cording to Las Casas, to make an exposition of his views con-
cerning the future state, describing a heaven good enough for the
best of men, saying that in the other life there were two places
where the souls go when they leave the bodies, — the one evil
and full of shadows, guarded by those who disturb and do harm
to the sons of men: the other place is full of joy and goodness, to
which go those who while on the earth love peace and practise
virtue, and that therefore, believing after death recompenses
are made according to the deeds done in the body, one should do
no evil or injury to those who have committed no injury against
him. The cacique added that, observing the postures and
actions of the Spaniards participating in the service of the mass,
the worship seemed to him good. His eyes had never seen the
tables of stone nor had his ears heard the beatitudes, but unto
his simple nature there had come a light separating him from
the heathen and he had uttered as sound a faith as any formu-
lated by the schools. This cacique told the Admiral that he
had been on both the island of Espanola and Jamaica and also
on the island of Cuba and that the Lord of that region wore the
garments of a priest. Las Casas tells us that in turn the Admiral,
pleased with the oration of the old cacique, revealed to him his
own conception of the soul and its voyaging: that souls live
for ever and that after this life the evil souls go to a bad place
which was called Inferno, and the pious to a good place which
the Christians call Paradise: that he was greatly pleased to
learn that he — ^the cacique — and the people of that land had so
clear a knowledge of the things of the other world, and that he
wished him to know that he was sent by some great Sove-
reigns, rich and powerful, his Lords, who were Lords of the
realm of Castile, in order to investigate and to study these new
lands for the single purpose of ascertaining if there were any
Illness of the Admiral 335
there who did evil to others, since he had heard it said that
there were some in those seas who were called Caribs or Canni-
bals, who did evil to their neighbours, and that he had come in
order to restrain such from their evil ways and to defend and
do honour to those who were good and to endeavour to have all
live at peace without doing injury to others. The aged chief
having admired all this speech and having been made the re-
cipient of some costly pieces of broken glass and rare hawk's bells,
kneeled down and expressed his belief that such good men must
surely have come from heaven.
On Wednesday, July i6, 1494,^ in the midst of a severe
storm, the Admiral started to go to the Cabo de Sancta Cruz,
on the south coast of Cuba, during which journey his ships suf-
fered much from the violent handling of the winds and waves.
By this time the provisions had been reduced to a pint of wine
and a pound of rotten biscuit, and the expedition was dependant
on the fish they might take for food. While the sailors and
crew all suffered, the Admiral suffered most of all. In a letter
to the Sovereigns ' Columbus says that he was subject to the
same conditions as governed the others and that he hoped it
was all for the glory of God and the Sovereigns, but that so far
as regarded his own interests, never again would he give himself
to such peril and suffering since there was not a day in which
they all were not in danger of losing their lives. The Indians
here welcomed the Spaniards and gave them liberally of their
cassava-bread and other foods. The expedition remained two
or three days at the Cabo de Sancta Cruz, refreshing the sailors.
The winds were still contrary, so that he could not go to Espa-
fiola, and therefore, taking advantage of the wind's course on
Tuesday, July 22, 1494, the Admiral went over to the island of
Jamaica, following the coast to the westward. The beauty of
the island greatly impressed the Admiral and he was pleased to
find from league to league settlements of kindly disposed In-
dians who eagerly and generously supplied the wants of the
visitors with food and drink, as if, says Las Casas, the Indians
were fathers and the Spaniards were sons. The food was the
best the Spaniards had yet foimd. As evening fell, about the
* Las Casas fixes June i8, 1494, as the date of his arriving again at the Cabo de
Sancta Cruz.
' Ferdinand says that this was what the Admiral wrote in his Itinerary or Journal.
336 Christopher Columbus
hour of vespers a shower generally came up and the Admiral
scientifically attributed it to the dense groves fringing the side
of the island, the same conditions having once been true of the
islands of the Azores, Madeira, and the Canaries, until they
had become denuded of the trees and shrubs. The harbours
were particularly pleasing to the sailors, and one very beautiful
little bay with seven small islands ' pleased the Admiral beyond
measure. The Admiral judged the island to be about eight
himdred miles in circumference; but, on a later occasion, — ^his
fourth voyage, — ^he estimated it to be fifty leagues long and
twenty wide. Because of the want of provisions and the leaky
condition of his boats, the Admiral could not longer explore the
island and its coasts, so good weather coming on Tuesday,
August 19, 1494, he departed toward the east for Espanola,
naming on his way the most easterly point on Jamaica Cabo del
Parol, or Cape of the Lantern.' The following day, Wednesday,
August 20, 1494, he sighted the westerly end of the island of
Espanola, distant from Cabo del Parol some twenty-five or
thirty leagues, and gave it the name of Cabo de Sant Miguel, and
which Las Casas says was in his time called Cabo del Tiburon, a
name it still bears on the maps. It would seem that the Admiral
had not identified this point as a part of Espanola imtil a
cacique came, calling to him "Admiral, Admiral,*' and using
other words, by which Columbus knew it was that island. On
the last days of the month of August the Admiral went to
anchor at a small island which, from its resemblance to the
sail of a ship, he called Alto Vela. This island, says Las Casas,
is distant twelve leagues from the island of Beata. The Admiral
directed that certain sailors should ascend to the highest point
on the island to discover if possible the other two ships which
had been lost to view. On their way back to the ships these
sailors killed eight sea-wolves and many birds, the sight of men
not meaning danger to these innocent animals. It was six days
before the two ships rejoined the Nina, or the AdmiraVs ship.
The three ships then sailed to the island of Beata, which,
says Ferdinand, is distant twelve leagues to the east of Alto
' Ferdinand says this bay had nine small islands, and that the Admiral called it
Delle VaccJte, the islands probably looking like a herd of cows. By some it is identified
with the great bay east of Portland Point, in which is found the port known as Old
Harbour.
' This has been identified as Point Morant.
Illness of the Admiral 337
VeloJ From here they coasted to a beautiful shore where a fertile
plain reminded them of the Royal Vega on the other side of the
island, the plain being covered by settlements almost contiguous
the one to the other.' Las Casas says that this land was after-
ward called Caihalina, after a Cacica, a woman whom the Chris-
tians afterward knew as the Princess of that coimtry. The
Indians came out in their canoes and reported that they had
come from the other side of the island and that all there were
well, — ^news which filled the heart of the Admiral with consolation
and joy. Having passed nearly to the present site of San
Domingo, he landed and ordered nine men to go across the island
to Isabella, which was directly north, and to give news of himself
and his company. Pursuing his way eastward, he came to a large
settlement, to which he sent the boats for water. The Indians
came out to meet them with the appearance of hostility, having
arrows tipped with poisonous matter and corks, making gestures
as if they intended binding the Spaniards. Their hostility, how-
ever, was only feigned, for when the men landed they put aside
their weapons and brought food and drink. Las Casas calls this
land the province of Higuey. The Indians asked if it was the
Admiral who commanded the ships and appeared to repose in him
great confidence. According to Las Casas the Indians believed
the intruders at first to be strangers, but recognised them on their
approaching the shore and he considers that this accounted for
their manifestation of peace and friendship. They then con-
tinued on their way to the east, when they met with a fish of so
remarkable an appearance that it astonished all who saw it. It
was nearly as large as a whale, having on the neck a shell similar
to that of a tortoise, carrying its head out of its shell, like the
protruding head of a turtle ; its tail was like that of a tunny-fish
but vastly swelled, and at its sides were two great wings as if
for flight through the air. The Admiral read in the appearance
of this fish the coming of a storm and accordingly with prudence
sought a safe harbour. He found this in a channel between the
shore and a small island called by the Indians Adamaney, later
called, says Las Casas, Saona, which name it received either
' Isla Beata is south-west of the Cape Beataand the island Alto Veto is south-west
of the Isla Beata. In the wretched French translation of Ferdinand, Beata is said to
be twelve leagues west of Alto Velo.
* We believe this to be the plain through which flows the river Nisoo, and not
the Neybo or Neyva, as some have it.
VOL. u.— aa
338 Christopher Columbus
from the Admiral or from the Adelantado, his brother. The
Bishop says many years before the time at which he was writ-
ing he had been in this channel or strait and it appeared to him
to be nearly two leagues in width. The Admiral entered with
the Nina at once, but it was some time after when the other
ships succeeded in finding refuge there. The night of his arrival
the Admiral observed the eclipse of the moon andfoimd that be-
tween where he was — the island of Saona — and the city of
Cadiz there was a difference in longitude of five hours and
thirty-three minutes.' On September 24, 1494, the three ships
reached the extreme easterly point of Espanola, to which point
the Admiral on the first voyage gave the name of Cabo de Sant
Rafael, This point is to-day called El Cabo del Engano, while
the name of Cabo de Sant Rafael has been given to a point on
the north-east coast of the island. From there they went to an
island which is ten leagues from the island of Espanola and
eight from the island of San Juan (Puerto Rico) to which the
name of La Mona was given by the Indians, although Las Casas
says it may have been so called from an island of that same
name in England.^
Las Casas says that in a letter which he wrote to the Sove-
reigns the Admiral declared it had been his intention to go to
the island of the cannibals to punish them for their wickedness
(a statement which is borne out by what the Admiral told the
aged cacique) but that the continual labours and vigils by night
and by day during the entire period of his absence, at one time
when in the region of the dangerous shoals of the Jardin de la
Reina going thirty-two days without sleeping, suddenly re-
sulted in his being attacked with a severe sickness. This took
the form of what Ferdinand says was something between a
pestilential fever and a drowsiness or supreme stupor which
totally deprived him of all his forces and senses, so that he was
believed to be dying and none believed he would last out the
day. On this account the ship hastened to Isabella, where they
arrived on September 29, 1494.
* The longitude of Saona from Cadiz is 62° 20' west, while the Admiral made it
80° 45', an error of 18° 25', which arose from his table of eclipses.
^ This little island lies in the Mona passage (eighty miles wide) between Espanola
and Puerto Rico. It is only seven miles long and two broad. Mona is the ancient
name for Anglesea, and what suggested to Las Casas the possibility that the Spaniards
were naming islands after English lands is difficult to understand. The name must
have been a coincidence.
Illness of the Admiral 339
In chapter lix. of the Historie, the title reads:
Come VAmmiraglio scoprl la partie meridionale della Spagnuola, fin che
tornd per Voriente alia popolatio del natale.
"How the Admiral discovered the southern part of Espanola, until he
returned by way of the east to the settlement of La Navidad.'*
This is the work of the Italian editor, for certainly Ferdinand
knew the difference between the abandoned fort of La Navidad
and the settlement of Isabella. Errors like this have made
some writers doubtful as to the reliability of the Historie, but
with the holograph manuscript of Las Casas to act as a verifier
and with the light coming sometimes from the Curate of Los
Palacios and sometimes from the original documents published
by Navarrete, the reader is enabled to reject what appears to
be the work of the Italian translator and to repose confidence in
what is evidently the composition of Ferdinand himself.
CHAPTER LXXXV
BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS
When his eyes opened and his senses returned to him on
arriving at Isabella, Columbus saw bending over him the face
of his brother Bartholomew, a most commanding figure in the
early history of America, only less conspicuous than that of
the Admiral himself and the figure of that other great man, the
Apostle of the Indians, Bartolom6 de las Casas. Antonio Gallo,
in his chapter, De Navigatione Columbi, says:
''Bartholomew Columbus, the younger brother of Christopher, having
established himself in Portugal, and later in the city of Lisbon, applied him-
self to drawing maps for the use of mariners, upon which charts he repre-
sented all the seas, harbours, coasts, gulfs, and islands. While in Lisbon he
witnessed yearly the return of ships which for forty years had been navigat-
ing to the western lands of Africa by way of the ocean, discovering new
lands and many peoples unknown to previous ages. Bartholomew, en-
lightened and moved by the tales told him by those who thus returned as
one might say from another world, and himself more versed in maritime
affairs communicated to his elder brother his reasons and arguments, prov-
ing to him that in sailing away from the southern part of Africa and direct-
ing his course straight away upon the Ocean-sea, he would surely arrive at
continental land."
This impression of the superior talents of Bartholomew and
his earlier conception of a western voyage, influenced both the
other Genoese historians, Senarega and Giustiniani, and they
incorporated that impression in their works. However, we
may accept the statement that Bartholomew had gone from
Italy to Portugal and in the city of Lisbon was earning a liveli-
hood by designing maritime charts. Las Casas,' who knew
both brothers, says:
' Historia, lib i., Cap xxix.
340
Bartholomew Columbus 341
**Este era hombre muy prudente y muy esforzado, y mis recatado y
astuto, d, lo que parecia, y de m^nos simplicidad que Crist6bal Colon I
latino y muy entendido en todas las cosas de hombres, seflaladamente
sabio y experimentado en las cosas de la mar, y creo que no mucho
m^nos docto en cosmografia y lo d ella tocante, y en hacer 6 pintar cartas
de navegar, y esferas y otros instrumentos de aquella arte, que su hermano»
y presumo que en algunas cosas destas le excedia, puesto que por ventura
las hobiese d^l aprendido. Era mis alto que mediano de cuerpo, tenia
autorizada y honrada persona, aunque no tanto como el Almirante/*
**He [Bartholomew Columbus] was a very discreet and courageous man
and more prudent and astute, as it appears, and of less simplicity than
Christopher Columbus : a Latin scholar and well informed in regard to all
things, especially in matters of seamanship, and I believe not much less
learned in cosmography and in things relating to it and in making or draw-
ing charts for navigation and spheres and other instruments of that art, than
his brother: and I presume in some of these things he excelled him, al-
though, perchance he might have learned them of him. He was tall rather
than of meditun height and was a person of honourable and commanding
appearance, although not as much so as the Admiral.*'
There is still preserved in the Bihliotheca Columbina the Latin
work of Pierre d'Ailly or Petrus Aliacus, consisting of ten '
tracts for the most part taken from the Opus Majus of Roger
Bacon, and printed as a small folio somewhere about the year
1490 under the title of Imago MundiJ" On the margin of one
* M. de la Sema, Santander, in his Dictionnaire Bibliographique (vol. ii., p. 43)
makes no less than sixteen of these tracts, but he gives separate titles to some which
evidently are to be regarded as a single imprint.
* This exceedingly rare little book was probably printed by Johannes de West-
falia de Pandebonne, at Louvain, in the Low Countries, where, about 1474, he estab-
lished the first press in that city. The date of its issue is not determined, Campbell,
in his Annales de la Typographic N^erlandaise, La Haye, 1874, placing it as early as
1483. It is in folio, Gothic characters, and consists of one hundred and seventy- two
folios (the last blank), with signatiu-es /a, kk7/, forty-one lines to a page, with en-
graved figures on wood. It begins on the verso of folio i, Ymago Mundi Jncipit.
This tract ends on the recto of folio 40: ** explicit yinago mundi a dflo Petro de Ayl-
liaco EjSo CameracSn de scriptura z ex pluribus Actorib? recoUecta. Anno dfli
M.CCCC decio Augusti duodecimo."
Our interest in this Pierre d'Ailly comes from the popular belief that it was read-
ing the Imago Mundi which first drew the attention of Columbus to the possibility of
reaching the Indies by travelling a western parallel; and the further belief that the
work itself was composed at St. Die in the Vosgian Motmtains, where, seven and
ninety years after, the little work Cosmographies Introductio was published, and which
first suggested a name for the New World. The imaginative reader sees the mysteri-
ous cords passing into this little moimtain village and connecting these two important
events in American history as by divine sequence. We do not believe in either of these
sentimental mysteries.
Pierre d'Ailly was bom at Compidgne in Picardy in 1350, as appears from the
Public Registry of the church at Cambray. His family was obscure, and it is said of
him that he acted as imder porter of the College of Navarre, but Peter Bayle denies
342 Christopher Columbus
*
of the leaves there is found a manuscript note which Las Casas
thought to be in the hand of Bartholomew Columbus. Las
Casas writes ' :
*' Yo hall^, en un libro viejo de Cristdbal Colon, de las obras de Pedro de
Aliaco, doctfsimo en todas las ciencias y astronomia y cosmografia, escritas
estas palabras en la mdrgen del tratado De Imagine Mundi, cap. 8, de la
misma letra y mano de Bartolom^ Colon, la cual muy bien conocf y agora
tengo hartas cartas y letras-suyas, tratando deste viaje:
***Nota quae hoc anno de ochenta y ocho in mense decembri apulit
Ulisboa Bartholomeus Didacus Capitaneus trium carabelarum quern
miserat serenisimus rex Portugaliae in Guinea, ad tentandum terram, et
renunciavit ipse serenisimo Regi prout navigaverat ultra quam navigatum
leuche seiscientas, videlicet, quadrocientas y cincuenta ad austrum et
ciento y cinquenta ad aquilonem, usque unum promontorium per ipsum
nominatum Cabo de Bueita Esperanza: quern in angelimba estimamus qui-
que in eo loco invenit se distare per astrolabium ultra lineam equinocialem
gradus quarenta y cinco, qui tdtimus locus distat i, Lisboa tres mil y cient
leguas. Quern viaggium punctavit et scripsit de leuca in leucam in una
carta navigationis ut occuli visui ostenderet ipse serenissimo Regi. In
quibus onnibus interfui, etc.*
*' Estas son palabras escritas de la mano de Bartolom^ Colon, no s6 si
las escribi6 de si 6 de su letra por su hermano Cristdbal Colon, la letra yo la
this. In 1384 he became Master of this college in Paris. While in this position
Johannes Gerson was his pupil. In 1389 he was made Confessor to Charles VI. and
Chancellor of the University. In 1394 he was appointed Treasurer of the Holy
Chapel at Paris. He was instrumental in having the King of France acknowledge
Peter de Luna, Benedict XIII., as lawful Pope, instead of Angelus Corarius, Gregory
XII. In 1395 he was made Bishop of Le Puy in Velay, and in 1396 he was promoted
to the See of Cambray. He attended the Great Council of the Church held at Pisa,
March 25, 1409, and where, by the way, the University of Paris, by the voice of the
learned Peter Plaon, seems to have sided against the pretensions of Benedict XIII.
He was doubtless present at that interesting occasion, when, on July i, 1409, Peter of
Candia was inaugurated as Pope Alexander V. Peter of Candia was at this time far ad-
vanced in years, but in his youth he had been instructed both at Oxford and the Uni-
versity of Paris. The last session of this Council was held on August 7, 1409, when the
Bishops were dismissed to their several sees. The purple was conferred upon d* Ailly in
1 4 1 1 . There is no authentic record of his presence at St. Die during the year 1 4 1 o , when
he is said to have written his Imago Mundi. As to the date of its imprint, we regard
it as certainly subsequent to 1487, since the type used has the fifth style of letter em-
ployed by Johannes de Westfalia, and this is not found in any book, so far as we know,
previous to 1492. Now, as we know, Columbus was in Spain in i486, advocating his
projects which he had adopted and urged already many years before in Portugal.
There is nothing to show that Colimibus had this volume with him on his first voyage.
Petrus Aliacus, or Pierre d' Ailly, died on October 9, 1425, while he was Legate of
the Holy See in Lower Germany, and on July 9, 1426, his body was deposited in the
Cathedral of Cambray, where it was buried behind the high altar.
' Historia, lib. i., cap. xxvii., p. 213.
'This note occurs on folio 13, found in chapter viii of the Imago Mundi. The
reader will find the authorship of this note discussed at length in our Chapter cxxiii
on *' The Handwriting of Columbus."
Bartholomew Columbus 343
conozco ser de Bartolom^ colon, porque tuve muchas suyas. Algun mal
latin parece que hay 6 todo lo es malo, pero pongol6 d la letra como lo hall^
de la dicha mano escrito, dice ansf :
***Que el ano de 488, por Diciembre, lleg6 d Lisboa Bartolom^ Diaz,
Capitan de tres carabelas, que el Rey de Portugal envi6 d descubrir la
Guinea, y trujo relacion que habian descubierto 600 leguas, 450 al austro y
150 al Norte, hasta un cabo que se puso de Buena Esperanza, y que por el
astrolabio se hallaron dese Cabo de la equinoccial 45°, el cual cabo dista de
Lisboa 3.100 leguas,' las cuales diz que cont6 el dicho Capitan de legua en
legua, puesto en una carta de navegacion, que presentd al Rey de Portugal:
en todas las cuales, dice, yo me hall^/ Por manera que, 6 ^1 6 su hermano,
el Almirante D. Crist 6bal Colon, que fu^ despues, 6 ambos d dos se hallaron
en el descubrimiento del cabo de Buena Esperanza."
** I found in an old book belonging to Christopher Coltimbus, of the works
of Pierre d'Ailly , who was very learned in all the sciences and astronomy and
cosmography, these words written on the margin of the treatise De Imagine
Mundi, chapter 8, in the letter and hand of Bartholomew Coltmibus which I
knew very well and I now have many of his charts and letters, relating to
this voyage:
"These words are written by the hand of Bartholomew Columbus: I
do not know whether he wrote them of himself or in his handwriting for his
brother Christopher Coltunbtis: the writing I recognise to be that of Bar-
tholomew Columbus, because I possessed a great deal of it. It appears
that there is some poor Latin and all of it is bad, but I give it literally as I
found it written in the said handwriting: it says as follows:
** *That in December of the year 488, Bartholomew Diaz, the Captain of
three Caravels, whom the King of Portugal sent to discover Guinea, arrived
at Lisbon, and brought a report that they had discovered 600 leagues, 450
to the south and 150 to the north, as far as a cape which was named Good
Hope, and that by the astrolabe they found themselves at this cape 45
degrees from the equator, which Cape is 3100 leagues distant from Lisbon,
which the said Captain says he counted from league to league, placed on a
chart of navigation, which he presented to the King of Portugal: I was
present in all the circumstances which he relates/
** So that, either he or his brother, who was afterwards the Admiral, Don
Christopher Columbus, or both, were present at the discovery of the Cape of
Good Hope/*
Bartolom6 Diaz embarked on his memorable voyage to the
Cape of Good Hope at the end of August, i486, and he returned
to Lisbon in December, 1487. Christopher Columbus was about
this time in Spain, sometimes at Seville and sometimes at Cor-
dova. In the middle of November he was probably with
Beatriz Enriques at Cordova. Therefore, if this passage is to
be interpreted that either one of the brothers went upon this
344 Christopher Columbus
expedition it was Bartholomew and not Christopher Colimibus.
But Bartholomew was in London in February, 1488, and must
have been there then some time. He could not well have been
at Lisbon late in December. However, the passage, as Harrisse
has pointed out, is susceptible of another interpretation as re-
gards the words in quibus omnibus interfui and may be read
** in all of which ceremonies'' — attending the rejoicings upon
the return of Diaz and the reception of his news — '* I had a
part." Las Casas was familiar with the handwriting of Bar-
tholomew, and he speaks with assurance of this passage on the
margin of the Imago Mundi as his hologram. In any event,
whether the writer was a member of the famous expedition or
whether he was simply a spectator of its successful return, we
think it was Christopher and not Bartholomew who was present
at Lisbon in December, 1487.
In February, 1488, then, we find Bartholomew at London
urging upon Henry VII. the patronage of his brother and the
equipment of an expedition to attempt the western voyage.
We then lose sight of him until we find, after his brother's great
success when the latter sent for him to join him and share his
fortunes, that he had been for some time, perhaps years, at the
Court of France, where he was serving the Regent Anne of Beau-
jeu (wife of Pierre de Bourbon, Sire de Beaujeu), who was acting
for her brother, Charles VIII.' He served her rather than
the Government and seems to have been engaged in his pro-
fessional occupation of designing maps.
Bartholomew, as we learn from his nephew Ferdinand, re-
turned to Spain after hearing of his brother's discoveries and
early in the year 1494 presented Diego and Ferdinand to the
Sovereigns that they might serve as pages to Don Juan, the
Prince. On April 14, 1494, Ferdinand and Isabella placed him
in command of a fleet of three caravels ' with which he departed
for Espafiola, reaching there Jime 24,^ 1494. The Admiral
had not seen his brother for many years, but his coming was like
the sudden appearance of a third hand and one that was strong
^ Anne's authority theoretically ceased after 1490, when the young King — bom
1470 — took the reins into his own hands and suffered himself to be guided by the
Count Dunois.
^ Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espatia, Madrid, 1850, vol.
xvi.,p. 166.
3 St. John's Day. See deposition of Juan de Molina in above Coleccion,
Bartholomew Columbus 345
and well armed. We can therefore imagine the relief to his
worn spirit and tired nerves when he named him Governor of
Espafiola. Ferdinand, in his Hisiorie, reports finding a writing
in the hand of Bartholomew which gives the dates of his services,
both as Captain and as Adelantado :
". . . come appare per una memoria, la qual fra le fue fcritture io
trouai, oue ei dice queste parole. Io ferui di Capitano da' XIIII di Aprile
del XCIIII fino a* XII di Marzo del XCVI, che parti Io Ammiraglio per
Castiglia; & airhora io cominciai a feniir di Gouematore fino i, XXVIII di
Agosto deir anno del XCVIII, che Io Ammiraglio uenne dalla fcoperta di
Paria : nel qual tempo io tornai a feru r di Capitano fino a gli XI di Decembre
deir anno MD, che io tornai in Castiglia."
". . . as appears by a memorandum, which I found among his
writings, where he says these words: *I served as Captain from April 14,
'94, to March 12, '96, when the Admiral left for Castile; and then I com-
menced to serve as Governor until August 28, of the year '98, when the
Admiral came from the discovery of Paria : at which time I began to serve
again as Captain until the nth of December of the year 1500, when I re-
turned to Castile.*"
From the time of their meeting in Isabella until the Admiral's
death, this brave, honest, faithful man shared the fortunes,
dangers, defeats, and disgraces of the Admiral, and it is now
fitting that history should suffer him to share in the honours
and glories which to-day illumine the memory of the Admiral.
CHAPTER LXXXVI
SUBJUGATION OF ESPAlsfOLA
For five months after his return to Isabella the Admiral lay ill
of his infirmity. Las Casas declares that the feeling of joy which
Columbus experienced at the sight of his brother was mitigated
by the pain he felt at the condition of the island, gross abuses
having sprung up during his absence in Cuba and Jamaica.
Mosen Pedro Margarite, who was a member of the Council and
who had been charged by Columbus with the duty of exploring
and subjugating the island, after the departure of the Admiral
conducted himself improperly and gave so loose a rein to the
Spaniards that they indulged in every form of violence and vice.
Ferdinand gives us to understand that because of differences be-
tween Pedro Margarite and the other members of the Council,
the former resolved upon returning to Spain, and the arrival of
the three caravels commanded by Bartholomew Columbus af-
forded him this opportunity. Joining his fortunes to Margarite,
Father Buil resolved to return with him, and he in ttim was
joined by a number of the religiosos of the island. These were
all hostile to Coltmibus, and on their arrival at the Court did
their best to inflame public opinion against the Admiral, belittling
his work and declaring that there was no truth in the stories of
the riches, at least the mineral wealth, of the New World. Their
commander thus departed from their midst, the soldiers spread
themselves throughout the island, robbing and despoiling the
Indians and as individuals and small groups continuing the de-
vastation and wrongs which were the work of the entire force
when it was iii a compact form under Margarite. The Indians,
finding that there was no redress for their wrongs, each cacique
acting in his own province, commenced to seek vengeance as
346
Subjugation of Espafiola 347
best he might. The Cacique of Maddalena, Guatigana, killed
ten Spaniards and secretly set fire to a house in which lay forty
sick soldiers. According to Ferdinand, this crime and its per-
petrators were punished later by the Admiral, who, although he
could not capture Guatigana himself, took some of his subjects
and sent them prisoners or slaves to Castile in the ship returning
there under command of Antonio de Torres on February 24,
1495. In the same manner other Indians who had been treach-
erous were shipped off to Spain, and Ferdinand assures us that
only the timely arrival of the Admiral and the restraint upon
the Indians instituted by him saved many others of the Span-
iards from meeting with the vengeance of the Indians. Las
Casas says that throughout the island there raged a terrible
hatred of the Spaniards growing out of their evil and cruel ways
and that four of the kings of the lands were especially resolved
on destroying their unwelcome visitors, or on casting them out of
the island. These four kings were, Guarionex, Caonabo, Behe-
chio, and Higuanama, and imder each of these were seventy or
eighty lesser lords all bound to support their King in war.
Guacanagari, King of Marien, that province where was situated
La Navidad, never had shown the slightest ill-feeling toward the
Spaniards, although he had at this very time no less than five
hundred Europeans whom he was supporting and sustaining
as if, remarks Las Casas, he was their father and they were his
sons. Shortly after the Admiral's return from Cuba the King
visited him and condoled with him over his illness, assuring
him that he had no hand in the hostility which the other kings
were manifesting toward the Spaniards. He said that because
of this friendly feeling of his toward the ^Europeans, the other
kings were his enemies; one of them, according to Ferdinand,
Behechio,' had killed one of his wives and the King Caonabo
had taken another from him. The King again referred to the
misfortime which had occurred at La Navidad and deplored the
tmhappy fate of the Christians. The Admiral believed his state-
ments and regarded both his honour and fidelity as genuine.
Columbus resolved to make an example of those Indians who
had acted treacherously and determined on sending an armed
force against them. When Guacanagari heard this he offered
^ Las Casas gi'^es the Spanish form, Vehechio, but, for sake of uniformity, we
write it as it appears in previous histories.
348 Christopher Columbus
to accompany him on this errand with a force from his own
province. His motives in a measure were personal, since he
wanted vengeance and the Admiral promised him the restitu-
tion of his wife and redress for his wrongs. The Admiral set
out with two hundred foot soldiers, all well conditioned and
thoroughly armed, and twenty horsemen, their weapons being
muskets, cross-bows, spears, and swords, and the most terrible
weapons of all, says Las Casas, twenty ferocious blood-hoimds,
dreaded by the Indians with only a shade less of terror than
that inspired by the swiftly moving and heavy-hoofed horses.
On March 24, 1495, with this double force of armed Spaniards
and their Indian allies, the Admiral and his brother Bartholo-
mew departed out of Isabella.
Travelling in easy marches, at the end of the second day the
expedition reached the Vega, where they found the natives
gathered in such a multitude that Las Casas says they estimated
there were more than one hundred thousand men. The Ad-
miral now divided his force into two parts, he captaining one
portion while his brother commanded the other. They at once
attacked the Indians, firing their muskets, discharging their
cross-bows, loosening the savage dogs, charging upon them im-
petuously with their fiery horses, the foot soldiers with their
swords breaking the native crowds as if they were so many
flocks of birds, ravaging them, says Las Casas, as if they were
so many sheep in a pen. The men on horseback destroyed a
multitude, the dogs tore the limbs from countless bodies, the
guns mercifully killed great quantities, and vast numbers were
taken away as slaves. For nine or ten months the Admiral
made his way through the island, visiting war on all nations
which refused him obedience.
** In this time/* says Las Casas, ** the greatest of outrages and slaughter-
ings of people were perpetrated, whole villages being depopulated. This
was true especially of the Kingdom of Caonabo because of his brother's
warlike attitude and because all the Indians thereabouts were endeavouring
to cast out from their country a people so cruel and wicked as the Span-
iards. The Indians saw that without any offence on their part they were
despoiled of their kingdoms, their lands and liberties and of their lives,
their wives and homes. As they saw themselves each day perishing by the
cruel and inhuman treatment of the Spaniards, crushed to the earth by the
horses, cut in pieces by swords, eaten and torn by dogs, many burned alive
and suffering all kinds of exquisite tortures, some of the Provinces, par-
Subjugation of Espanola 349
ticularly those in Vega Real, where Guarionex and the Maguana and
Caonabo reigned, decided to abandon themselves to their unhappy fate
with no further struggles, placing themselves in the hands of their enemies
that they might do with them as they liked. There were still those peoples
who fled to the mountains and others in remote parts whom the Spaniards
had not time to reach and subjugate."
Las Casas remarks that all this he took from letters written the
Sovereigns by Columbus, who told them that the Indians had
finally been pacified by force or by artifice, obedience being
finally rendered him as Viceroy of their Majesties, and tri-
butes being levied and collected until the year 1496.
Apropos of overcoming the Indians through artifice there is
an anecdote told by all historians from the earliest days until
the present and which recites the peculiar bravery and fertility
of resources possessed by that gallant soldier, Alonzo de Hojeda,
It occurred after the Admiral returned to Isabella from his ex-
plorations of Cuba and before February 24, 1495, when Antonio
de Torres departed with four ship-loads of slaves. Colxmibus
was a party to this trick played upon a brave Indian chief, if
we can believe Las Casas, and so far as history may exact a
penalty for mean and unworthy methods, the memory of the
greatest of men must needs suffer. The Admiral, then, sent
Alonzo de Hojeda with nine other well-mounted horsemen to
capture by stratagem the powerful and war-like Cacique Caonabo.
It is only fair to say, as indeed Las Casas does say, that it was
the opinion of Columbus and of all the Spaniards that this
Cacique, from his peculiar personality, from his courage and
bravery, from his influence over his own and other nations,
from his ability and cunning, was a constant danger to the set-
tlements and to the peace of the island. In other words, this
Indian Chief would not tamely submit to the cruel treatment of
the Spaniards, — ^therefore he must be conquered by fair means or
foul, and, as the sequel will show, he fell a victim to as foul a
snare as ever was spread about a brave enemy, and yet over the
capture hangs such a bright light of bold and brilliant courage
that we find ourselves unconsciously applauding while we utter
words of condemnation.
The cavalcade set out from Isabella for the realm of Caonabo.
The Indians had long admired the pieces of brass brought by the
Spaniards, which they called turey, from the native word for
350 Christopher Columbus
heaven, turey, whence they thought this shining metal must
have come, although it seems to us from the accounts we have
of their constantly smelling the brass and from the fact that
they themselves possessed a much more brilliant metal, that
they found their delight in its pecuUar odour rather than in its
shining quality. Hojeda had taken with him some manacles
and hand fetters, very light and highly burnished. Arrived be-
fore the King Caonabo, the party was well and hospitably re-
ceived. The wily Spaniard fell on his knees before the Indian
King, kissing his hands and calling upon his companions to do
as they saw him. Hojeda then presented the Cacique with these
fetters, which he said were the chief and most formal regal orna-
ments worn by the Sovereigns of Spain on state occasions and
which had been made of the famous turey of Biscay. This im-
provised historical story and the gleaming manacles successfully
imposed on the Indian King, and Hojeda proceeded further to
spread his net in the very sight of the King. These fetters were a
present from the Admiral, as Hojeda said, and the chief recognised
the metal as similar to another object which he had long coveted.
There hung in the church at Isabella a sweet-sounding bell
which the Spaniards had brought with them and which sum-
moned them to daily worship. Often had this King climbed
to some hill near the city, where, hidden by the bushes and pro-
tected by the falling night, he had heard it call his enemies to
vespers. To the Indian it seemed to talk and he longed to have
its fascinating tongue tell its story to him and his people. There-
fore this object made of the same strange and sounding metal,
with its odour so attractive to his sense of smell, was most accept-
able. Hojeda then detailed to the King the Spanish method of
procedure on state occasions and persuaded him that he should
go down to the river and bathe, after which he was to mount
upon Hojeda*s own horse, wearing the beautiful hand ornaments,
in which royal state he should appear before his subjects as
would the Sovereign of Castile if this important f imction were
to take place in far-away Spain. His ablutions performed, the
victim was ready for the sacrifice. Hojeda placed the fetters on
the Chief's hands and lifted him upon his horse in front of him.
Then as a bird preparing its flight moves in widening circles, so
Hojeda made his horse curvet and prance about the sward in
front of the brothers and warriors of Caonabo, and then, at a
Subjugation of Espanola 351
preconcerted signal to his men, he put sptirs to the swift beast
and fled away with his royal prisoner and followed by his troop.
The Chief was taken to Isabella and received by the Admiral as
a most welcome hostage. Hojeda captured more than the per-
son of the Indian King. He took captive his admiration and
knightly respect, and it is said ever after that while the Chief,
when before Coltmibus, refused to imitate the others by rising
to his feet and doing him honour, he never failed to acknowledge
the prowess and bravery of Hojeda when in his presence by the
most obsequious observances.'
About this time, according to Peter Martyr, the Admiral
caused the fortress of La Concepcion de la Vega to be built.
This was erected on a hill situated between Isabella and St.
Thomas within the province of Cibao. The hill was named
Santo Cerro, or Holy Hill. The ruins of La Concepcion still
exist, but they are ruins of the town as it was in the middle of
the sixteenth century and when it was the chief seat of that
region, rather than of the early settlement established by the
Admiral. On April 20, 1564, during the celebration of the
morning mass the town was totally destroyed by an earthquake.
The principal ruins are those of the fort and the old church.
The natives believe that great treasures are buried beneath
these ruins, but as the stones have been used for building pur-
poses during some three himdred years, it is likely the search
for this hidden wealth has been instituted more than once.
The line of fortresses erected by the Admiral and by the
Adelantado may be described as follows, depending for our in-
formation on Las Casas and Oviedo :
In going from Isabella the first fort in order of distance,
though not in the priority of erection, established by the Span-
iards was that called Esperanza, situated some thirty-six Italian
miles from Isabella. It is on the bank of the river Yaqui, guard-
* One of the brothers of Caonabo led an army of seven thousand men against the
fortress of St. Thomas some time after the capture of the Chief. Hojeda was then in
command of the fortress, and when he was reinforced by Bartholomew Columbus, he
sallied forth with a few men on horseback and put the great army to flight. They
captured one of the brothers of Caonabo, who was afterwards baptised under the
name of Diego Columbus. It is of him that the Curate of Los Palacios relates the
anecdote that when Columbus was in Spain with this Indian, whenever they passed
through a city, he made him wear his magnificent chain of gold, weighing six hundred
castellanos. As a castellano weighed 1/50 of a German or Cologne mark, and as one
of these marks weighed eight ounces, the six hundred castellanos would equal twelve
marks, or ninety-six ounces.
352 Christopher Columbus
ing the moimtain pass called El Puerto de los Hidalgos. Las
Casas says it was on the Cibao side of the mountains. The next
fort was called Sancta Catherina, situated twenty-four miles to
the south-east. Twenty miles distant from Catherina and on
the river Yaqui was built a fort called San Jacopo de los
Caballcros. It was near what was afterward called the city
of Santiago. Next to this on the south was built a fort called
Magdalena, three or four leagues from Santiago. Next, south
of this was La Concepcion de la Vega, a name also given to the
city, which, as we have said, grew up and flourished for seventy
years around the site of the fortress. Eight or ten leagues
farther south toward the city of San Domingo the Adelantado
built a fortress called Bonao, on the river Yuna, some sixteen
leagues from San Domingo, and which was to guard the mines
of St. Christopher.'
The Admiral had been informed that there were mines of
gold in the southern part of the island. This news came to him
from the Cacique Guarionex and some of the other natives, who
were greatly burdened by the exaction of tributes and who
thought to be relieved of this duty if they could direct the at-
tention of the Spaniards to a source whence they might the
more easily gratify their lust for gold.^ The Admiral decided
to send Francisco de Garay and Miguel Diaz with a number of
persons and certain Indian guides furnished by Guarionex to
search for the mines. Leaving Isabella, they went to Magdalena
and from thence to La Concepcion de la Vega Real. Continuing
on their way southward, they reached a pass in the mountains
leading them into another vega or plain which was called by
the Indians Bonao. Wherever they went they were kindly re-
ceived by the Indians, although, says Las Casas, they considered
them to be wicked men, — '' Aunque los tenian por ombres Infer-
nales,'' From Bonao the guides led them another twelve
leagues, three or four of which passed through a swampy dis-
trict with many rivers and streams, which country was after-
ward designated Las Lomas del Bonao, the Slopes of Bonao.
They soon reached a river called Hayna, in which was much
gold. The streams which ran into this river were also rich in
' Charlevoix calls this also Bourgade.
* There is a differen story told by Oviedo (Hist. Ind., decad. i., liber ii., cap. xviii.) ,
which attributes the information about the mines to that Miguel Diaz whose romantic
tale we relate in chapter cxxi.
Subjugation of Espanola 353
the shining metal and it required but little industry to gather a
large quantity. To these mines the Admiral gave the name of
Las Minos de Sant Cristobal, which name was also applied to a
fortress which the Adelantado constructed after the Admiral
had departed for Castile. In later times these mines were
called the Old Mines to distinguish them from those later dis-
covered on the east side of the river Hayna. Las Casas says
these mines were forty-five leagues from Isabella on the one
side, and eight leagues from the southern coast at the mouth
of the river Ozama, where the city of San Domingo was built.
The tribute which seems to have been exacted at this time
by the Indians of the provinces of Cibao, Vega Real, and those
near the mines, was a Flander's hawk's bell full of gold every
three months from each native over fourteen years of age.
Manicaotex, one of the caciques, gave each month a one half
calabaza ' of gold. Those natives in regions remote from the
mines were obliged to contribute an arroba * of cotton for each
individual. The Admiral afterwards ordered that there should
be cast a brass token with a mark which was changed from
month to month or from quarter to quarter and which should
be hung around the neck of an Indian to signify his compliance
with the tribute exactions. Las Casas says that a failure to
wear this token was moderately punished. He records that this
attesting badge did not long serve its purpose and we may as-
siune it was soon abandoned.
Notwithstanding the assertions of the Admiral that peace
was reigning and a revival of friendliness had come, the Indians
were so far from content that many of them abandoned their
homes and went to the mountains, in the hope that their ne-
glected fields would starve the Spaniards away from Espanola.
Las Casas here makes the astonishing and we must think ex-
aggerated statement that because of all the wars, murders, suf-
ferings, and sorrows inflicted on the natives, there remained at
the end of the year 1495 ^^^ more than the third part of the
Indian population existing when the Spaniards planted their
settlements. The real cruelties had not yet commenced. The
destructive agencies were not yet at work.
* This measure was equal to three marks of eight ounces each, or in value, ac-
cording to Las Casas, one hundred and fifty castellanos.
* A Spanish weight of twenty-five pounds.
VOL. XI. — 23.
CHAPTER LXXXVII
END OF SECOND VOYAGE
Two forces were working in Spain, the one against the Ad-
miral, the other for him. Pedro Margarite and Father Buil had
created a strong public sentiment against the Discoverer, de-
claring that the lands were barren rather than rich, and that
the stories of the abundance of gold were false and deceptive.
If gold was so plenty as to be had for the gathering, why, with
so many hands at his command, had the Admiral sent home such
a small quantity? Then, here, before their very eyes, speaking
into their very ears, were the men who had themselves been a
part of the expedition, and they announced the poverty of the
land and the practical failure of the colony. But fortunately
just then there arrived news of the supposed continental dis-
covery on the coast of Cuba, together with samples of gold, of
fauna, and of flora. An account was received from Columbus
speaking of Cuba as the extremity of Asia, and there came a
suggestion of his presence near the rich kingdoms of the East and
of an early communication with the Great Khan.' While public
opinion was thus balancing, the Sovereigns appointed a resident
of Seville, a person in their employ, Juan Aguado, to go to
Espaiiola under their commission. This brief document read
as follows :
"El Rey 6 la Reina. — Caballeros y escuderos y otras personas que por
nuestro mandado estais en las Indias, alld vos enviamos d Juan Aguado,
' We are inclined to believe that now, as on other occasions, the Admiral's allu-
sions to the Great Khan and his pretended nearness to India were to encourage the
Sovereigns in their hope for great riches. Surely there was no single sign — so far
discovered by Columbus — to indicate the neighbourhood of Cathay, with countless
fleets trading on its shores and magnificent cities at the mouth of every river. The
interest of Spain and of the Spanish Sovereigns must be kept fixed on the New World,
until he, the Discoverer, should find gold and precious stones in plenty. It was de-
354
End of Second Voyage 355
nuestro repostero, el cual, de nuestra parte, vos hablard. Nos vos man-
damos que le dedes f^ y creencia. De Madrid d neuve de Abril de mil
cuatro cientos noventa y cinco anos. Yo el Rey. Yo la Reina. — Por man-
dado del Rey 6 de la Reina, nuestros Senores, Hemand Alvarez."
*'The King and the Queen. — Knights and gentlemen and other persons
who are in the Indies by our command, we send to you there, Juan Aguado,
our Repostero y^ who will speak to you on our part. We command you to
give him faith and credence. From Madrid, April 9, 1495. ^ ^^^ King. I
the Queen. — By command of the King and of the Queen, our Lords, Her-
nand Alvarez."
Aguado arrived at Espafiola in October, 1495. The Admiral
was away from Isabella making war on the people of Caonabo
and Bartholomew Coltimbus was acting as the Governor. The
commission given Aguado did not seem to Bartholomew suffi-
cient to warrant the assumption of the government. Aguado
started on horseback, with some foot and horse soldiers for
guards, to find the Admiral, but had not gone far before he met
the Admiral, who, hearing of his presence on the island, was
hastening back toward Isabella. Aguado requested the Ad-
miral to gather the people of Isabella that there might be read
to them the Royal Cedula which came from the Sovereigns.
From this time on the relations of the two were strained.
Aguado, imder pretence of his warrant, meddled with all the
affairs of the island, a great affront to the Admiral, against
whom the newcomer spoke to the disparagement of his authority,
offices, and privileges. The Admiral submitted to this treat-
ment with unwonted patience and always treated Aguado as if
he had been a person of consequence. Las Casas says he him-
self had proof of this from many witnesses. It was one of the
charges made by Aguado against the Admiral that the latter
did not interest himself enough in the orders of their Majesties
to take a copy of the Royal Cedula until five months had gone
by, when he sent for some notaries to come to his house and
copy the document with a formal attestation.
The conflict of authority and the impression spread by
Aguado that his own star was rising and that of the Admiral
ception, but Columbus reasoned that all was for the good of the world and of man-
kind, as these riches were to be used for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre and for
hastening the coming of the Millennium.
' In ancient times in the Royal House of Castile, this official was the head of the
department of Reposteria, which was the department for the compounding of sweets
and drinks. He was chosen from among the first families in the kingdom.
356 Christopher Columbus
falling greatly lessened the influence of Columbus. Under these
circumstances and harassed as he was by his enemies at home
and in Espanola, the Admiral determined to go back to Spain,
especially as Aguado was then returning. The four ships which
had brought the Groom of the Chambers were still in port and
were made ready for the return voyage. A guard of Spaniards
arrived with six hundred Indians to be sent to Spain, but were
not yet embarked. King Caonabo, however, loaded with irons,
wg,s in one of the vessels. There arose a sudden storm, which
Las Casas says the natives called huracan,^ in which these four
vessels were completely wrecked. In this frightful hurricane
the kingly Cacique, a prisoner and helpless in his irons, perished
and thus was spared the humiliation of showing himself at a
Spanish holiday.^ Columbus now made new preparations for
returning to Spain. Here we discover a discrepancy. Las
Casas says he ordered built two new ships, one of which was
called the India and which he himself saw when it arrived in
Spain. Ferdinand Cx>lumbus says the two ships were the Nina
and the Santa Cruz, ** the same two ships with which the Ad-
miral explored the side of Cuba''; but the names of the three
ships on that expedition were the Nina, S. Juan, and Cardera.
The Admiral delegated his authority as ruler over the island to
Don Bartholomew Columbus, creating him Gk)vemor and Cap-
tain General with full powers to act in his stead. He consti-
tuted his other brother, Don Diego, as Lieutenant-Governor, to
take the office and powers conferred on Bartholomew if any-
thing happened the latter. He begged the people to obey the
brothers, and his brothers he begged to treat well the people,
governing them with prudence and justice. He left to be Al-
caide Mayor of the city and of the island, a former squire of his,
Francisco Roldan, a native of La Torre de Don Ximena, which
is near Jaen. This man had been Alcaide and had been intrusted
with various offices by the Admiral, in all of which he had given
satisfactory service. We are to see later how the Admiral's
' Peter Martyr (Book IV., First Decade): Has <pris procellas uti Grceci iipkones
furacanes isti appellant.'* — ** These commotions of the air, which the Greeks called
tiphones, the natives call furacanes.'*
* It is while speaking of this misfortune that Las Casas makes reference to the
religious garb asstmied by Columbus. **And he [Columbus] because he was very
devoted to Saint Francisco, clothed himself in grey and I saw him in Seville at the
time he arrived from yonder, dressed almost like a friar of Saint Francisco."
End of Second Voyage 357
confidence was to be abused by this same Francisco Roldan,
whose famous rebelUon forms one of the most interesting chap-
ters in the history of Santo Domingo. Before the Admiral was
permitted to depart he was to be subjected to one more annoy-
ance. Many complaints had reached the Sovereigns on the part
of the people of Castile that their friends and relatives in Espa-
iiola were ill and suffering, incapacitated from work and imable
to support themselves and yet who were not permitted by the
Admiral to leave the island. Petitions were showered upon
them and their favour was besought, so that finally they issued
an order directing the Admiral to send home as many as were
unfit by reason of ill-health to perform their duties as colonists.
But only two small caravels were to sail, and all who wanted to
leave could not be accommodated. Juan Aguado imdertook to
declare who should be the fortunate ones, while the Admiral
insisted on his prerogatives as Governor. The latter prevailed
and under his authority and leave 220 ' — and perhaps more —
of the colonists and soldiers and thirty Indians embarked on
the two ships, in one of which was Juan Aguado and in the
other the Admiral himself. It was Thursday, March 10, 1496,
when these ships sailed out of the port of Isabella. The Admiral
had planned to go to the Puerto de Plata by water while the
Adelantado should go there by land. This port was some seven
or eight leagues from Isabella and the Admiral had thought
of building a settlement there should there prove to be water
and other sufficient attractions. Two streams were found of
good water; but Las Casas says the Adelantado reported that
there was no water in order that the project already entertained
of estabKshing a settlement at San* Domingo might not be im-
peded by the building of other and less important stations. He
• therefore returned by land to Isabella, while the Admiral and
his ships went on their way. The winds and the currents were
contrary and the vessels reached with difficulty the eastern end
of the island called El Cabo del Engano. On Tuesday, March 22,
1496, this cape and the surrounding land were lost to sight, but
not content to shape his course across the seas without further
fresh provisions, he sailed to the island of Maria-Gallante, which
' Ferdinand says in the Hisiorie that there were two hundred and twenty-five
Christians who were returning at the time to Spain.
* The name *' San Domingo *' is used to designate the city in distinction from the
island " Santo Domingo."
358 Christopher Columbus
he reached on Saturday, April 9, 1496, where he does not appear
to have secured the cassava-bread which he required. On Sun-
day, April 10, 1496, he sailed to the island of Guadaloupe, where
as the Spaniards were preparing to disembark, many women
armed with bows and arrows appeared and forbade them to
land. The sea being heavy, the Spaniards concluded not to at-
tempt to land, but sent two of the Indians from Espaiiola, who
swam to the shore through the surf. These told the women
that the Spaniards only wanted food and had no intention to
do any one harm. The women told them to sail around the
island to where their husbands were at work and there their
wants would be supplied. The ships skirted the shore, the In-
dians following on land and constantly firing their arrows at the
Spaniards, who were, however, well out of range. Finally the
smaller boats went to land, discharging their lombard gtms,
whereupon the Indians fled to the mountains. The Spaniards
entered the native houses, destroying much property and lev\^-
ing on such things as their necessities required. They found
here red parrots as large as hens and which were called guaca-
mayos. Las Casas says they also found honey and wax, ac-
cording to the Admiral, but that he himself does not believe
they did find these articles. They did find, however, the neces-
sary material and apparatus for making cassava-bread, and both
the Spaniards and their own Indians hastened to prepare some
of the bread. In the meantime the Admiral sent forty men
into the interior of the island to explore its resources. They
retiuned the following day bringing ten women and three boys,
one of the women being the Princess of the settlement and per-
haps of the entire island. The Admiral, says Las Casas, believed
that the women of this island preserved and practised the cus-
toms of the Amazons, which in detail have been elsewhere'
described. The Spaniards tarried in this island for nine days,
making much cassava-bread and providing themselves with water
and wood. As this island lay on the usual route between Spain
and Espanola, the Admiral did not choose to have the inhabi-
tants entertain hostility towards his people, and therefore he
released eight of the women, loading them with presents and
gifts. The Princess and her daughter remained of their own
will, as Las Casas says the Admiral reported, although the good
Bishop remarks that God only knew as to this question of their
End of Second Voyage 359
free will and as to the feelings of the Indians at the carrying
away of their Princess. And now, on Wednesday, April 20,
1496, the Admiral set the course of his vessels for Spain. The
winds were still contrary and it was nearly three months from
the time they left Espanola until on June 11, 1496, they sailed
into the harbour of Cadiz. Here the Admiral foimd two caravels
and a small vessel ready to depart for Espanola, loaded with
provisions, with wheat, wine, bacon and salted meats, peas,
beans, and other things which the Sovereigns had ordered to be
carried to the people in the colonies. Reading the letters and
documents which the vessels were carrying to him, supposing
him to be still in Espanola, he at once wrote to the Adelantado,
telling him what to do, and giving his instructions to Pero
Alonzo Nino, Master and Captain of the fleet, he departed from
Cadiz on June 15, 1496, and made his way to Seville. Thus
ended the second voyage of Columbus.
CHAPTER LXXXVIII
AUTHORITIES ON THIRD VOYAGE
The reader has found in the reproduction of the Spanish
Folio Letter of Columbus and in the letter of Syllacius the
earliest published accounts of the first and second voyages.
In the Libretto will be found the earliest published account
of the third voyage. This differs in many particulars from
that adopted by historians who have followed Las Casas as the
latter is reported by Navarrete. The good Bishop of Chiapas,
Bartolom6 de las Casas, claimed to . have had before him the
original papers of Columbus. He was bom in Seville in 1474,
and at Seville in 1544 he was consecrated a Bishop. He may
have had many opportunities to open the iron chest containing
a large portion of the Admiral's papers deposited in the monas-
tery of Las Cuevas in Seville, although, as Harrisse notices, the
precaution taken to guard this treasure in sealing the lock and
opening it only in the presence of witnesses and by order of the
rightful heirs suggests anything but common and free access to
the coffer. He easily may have examined the letters and docu-
ments preserved at Salamanca and in the public archives at
Seville. Las Casas came back from the New World in 1547
and never again went thither. He established himself in the
monastery of St. Gregory in Valladolid, where he died in 1566
at the extreme age of ninety-two. His History of the Indies,
on which he had laboured for eight years in the monastery of
the Dominicans at Espafiola, occupied him in the other mon-
astery in Valladolid. He made frequent visits to other cities
to gather and consult documents relating to the Indies. Six-
teen or seventeen of the important documents given in Las
Casas are not found elsewhere. The reader must remember
360
Authorities of Third Voyage 361
that while scholars have long had access to the manuscript of
the Bishop of Chiapas, his work was published only in 1875.
The Spanish Archives at Madrid preserve a copy of Las Casas,
not his holograph manuscript, but with corrections in his hand-
writing and therefore authentic. This is the source of the
knowledge we have of the Journal of Columbus. At the time
of the Columbian Exposition at Madrid in 1892 there was ex-
hibited by its owner, Signor Modesto Martinez Pacheco, of the
Academy of Medicine, the original holograph manuscript of Las
Casas. This has been collated by Cesare de Lollis, through a
trusted agent, with the copy in the Madrid Archives, and the
discrepancies compared and corrected. While many of these
discrepancies are differences of grammatical construction, a few
are important. For instance, in the autographic example of
Las Casas, in his accoimt of the third voyage, the point of land
which is said to be five leagues from Cape Boto is called La
Punta de Lapa, while in the copy it is called La Punta 6 Cabo
de la Punta de Paria, The word ** Paria " has been fastened to
the continental lands opposite and to the westward of the Mouth
of the Dragon. This reading makes Columbus say that it was
five leagues from the north-west extremity of the island of Trini-
dad across to the north-east extremity of the continent. But in
the copy this north-east extremity of Paria is called in one place
Punta de la Playa, a name which in the autographic example
is given to the spot on the south shore of Trinidad where the
men first landed and where the ships were first supplied with
fresh water. Thus there is confusion in the mind of the reader
as he threads his way through the different accotmts. Again,
in the autographic example the word tantas is found as de-
scribing the lands which the Admiral has been permitted to
gain for the Sovereigns, and which he says are ** another world."
The word tantas is omitted in the copy, as it is also omitted in
the edition of Las Casas first printed in 1875. Certainly, Colum-
bus would not describe the lands of Trinidad or of the islands in
its neighbourhood as tantas, but, looking toward the south as he
crossed the gulf from the point of Arenal, and learning from
his men whom he had sent to explore, that immense streams
were forcing this sweet water into a basin as great as the Gulf of
Paria so that the salted seas could not corrupt their purity, he
might well have spoken of lands so vast that they indeed made
362 Christopher Columbus
another world, and if another, then a new world. Thus, for the
first time, the great Discoverer pronounced over the lands
vouchsafed him and his Sovereigns the words used ever after, —
Mundus Novus.
The account of this third voyage is foimd first in the Lib-
retto, the work of Peter Martyr, who had some intimacy with
Columbus and with whom he had correspondence. In Navar-
rete is the letter written to the Sovereigns by the Admiral de-
scribing the third voyage ; but in neither the Libretto nor the
letter to the Sovereigns will the reader find the full and interest-
ing relation given by Las Casas. And when to this relation are
added the corrections made by the rediscovered original holo-
graph manuscript of the Bishop of Chiapas, the reader may
know he has before him the most authentic account of that
eventful voyage when the Admiral discovered the southern con-
tinental land. There can be no doubt that Las Casas had be-
fore him the original holograph Journal of Columbus. That it
was difficult to decipher is likewise certain. He himself says:
'*Y en esto y en otras cosas que hay en sus Ytinerarios parece ser na-
tural de otra lengua, porque no penetra del todo la significacion de los
vocables de la lengua Castellana, ni del modo de hablar d'ella.**
'*And in this place and in other places in his Journal he [Columbus]
shows himself a foreigner, accustomed to another language, since he does
not entirely understand the signification of the words of the Castilian
tongue nor the manner of speaking it.'*
The difficulty of deciphering the manuscript led Las Casas
to mark many lactmae and to charge Columbus not so much
with illegibility as with ignorance of Spanish. It was not his
mother tongue, but it was the language in which he habitually
wrote. The Bishop doubtless spoke pure Castilian, and the
number of strange words used by a sailor to describe a sailor's
life may have made the Admiral's writings difficult to compre-
hend. Twice Las Casas refers to other authorities than the
Journal of Columbus in relating the events of the third voyage,
as when he alludes to the narration composed by Bemaldez de
Ibarra,' and again when giving the tradition concerning the
naming of the Dragon's Mouth in the Gulf of Paria, he quotes
^ Bemaldez de Ibarra of the city of Santiago was the secretary to the Admiral
on this voyage. When Washington Irving caused a copy of the Fiscal investigation
to be made for his use in 1826 the man's name appears as Bemaldo de Haro.
Authorities of Third Voyage 363
from some writer who says the Admiral remarked that if they
escaped from the plight they were in they would escape from the
Mouth of the Dragon. The language used here may mean
simply on dit, — the gossip of the day, — the reference to some
epistolary correspondence, or possibly something in the im-
printed testimony of some witness at the Fiscal inquiry. We
know that portions of his work were written by Las Casas while
on Santo Domingo, for when referring to the island of Espanola
he frequently speaks of it as this island. For instance, when the
three ships separated from the fleet of Columbus off the island
of Hierro, he says they started for ''this island,'' meaning
Espanola.
Ferdinand Coltimbus had the holograph Journal of his
father before him when he wrote, and this will account for the
verbal correspondence between the story as told by him and that
told by Las Casas.' However, the former has not given the detail
fotmd in Las Casas. At times he gives matter not found in Las
Casas, as when the Admiral sent a small caravel down the Gulf
of Paria to see if there was a passage to the north. Ferdinand
says the name of the vessel was // Corriero, — The Courier, — an
interesting but not essential detail.
This third voyage was, after that of the discovery, the most
important made by the Admiral. It was undertaken with a
high purpose, second only to that impelling to the first discov-
ery. There had been much discussion in Spain and Portugal
as to continental lands said to lie to the south of the lands dis-
covered by Coltimbus, and which the King of Portugal seemed
to think lay within his own domain. From the Indians, in the
first two voyages, came a common story of great lands to the
south where there was gold, and it was to determine this ques-
tion of the mainlands that the southerly course was taken, fol-
lowing a parallel a little below that of the Cape Verde Islands.
The mission confided to Columbus by the Sovereigns would not
be completed until these continental lands had been discovered
and brought under the banner of Spain, with himself the Vice-
" Again we warn the reader to consult the Italian rather than the French edition
of the Historie. In the latter, Ferdinand reports the voyage frequently in the first
person pliu*al, and the use of the personal pronouns is also common, so that it would
seem as if some other authority than the Journal was before the writer. Until the
original Spanish is found, the Italian version must be accepted as the authority for
the Historie.
364 Christopher Columbus
roy wielding power and influence, gathering untold wealth and
directing its expenditure. As the light falls on this grand char-
acter we can understand how, to some writers, it seems to reflect
almost celestial light.' The face of Columbus is set toward the
West, but his heart, his mind, his soul look toward the East; and
these voyages of discovery, this perpetual searching for gold and
precious gems, the acquirement of islands and continental lands,
the conversion of the natives, the incidental labours, trials, and
fatigues, all are for what he believed to be the glory of God
and the final triimiph of His Kingdom. There was to be another
attempt to wrest from the Moslem the Holy Sepulchre. His
own poor eyes might never see the gathering of the hosts, his
ears might never hear the shaking tread of the moving armies;
but there was ever present with the Admiral a vision of a new
crusade carried on with the purse which he himself was to fill
for the Sovereigns from the gold mines of the New World.
" The religious enthusiast finds in the purposes of Columbus, and particularly in
his revelations of himself through his writings, evidence of his divinely appointed
mission, and beholding just that side of his statue, there have been some who have
desired his canonisation by the Roman Church. The Count Roselly de Lorgues has
led this movement for the recognition of the virtues of the great Discoverer. Indeed,
this writer declares than none but one possessed of a pious and reverent spirit is quali-
fied either to judge or to comprehend the character of Christopher Colimibus.
CHAPTER LXXXIX
LETTER OF JAIME FERRER
There were others of his day and generation entertaining
something of the views held by Coliimbus himself, and as it is
particularly pertinent to the story of this voyage, contributing
as it did one of the secondary causes of his taking the southern
route, we give in full the letter which, at the suggestion of
Queen Isabella, a learned and travelled man, Jaime Ferrer,' —
essentially a kindred spirit of the Discoverer himself, — wrote to
the Admiral :
** Al muy magnifico y spetable Senor el Senor Almirante de las Indias.
En el gran isla de Cibau.
'*MuY MAGNIFICO Senyor: Satumo Rey de Crete, visto que Italia era
en el su tiempo mas noble de situ y provincia que de humanas costumbres,
por redrezar los pueblos de aquella en virtud, dej6 su fertil y potente Reino,
y con muchos trabajos de su persona la rustica, intitil y ociosa vida de los
italianos, transferi6 d industriosa pldtica de vivir. Y qu^ podemos decir
del magnanimo 6 invicto Caballero Hercules, el cual dejando la deleitosa y
politica Grecia con grande ej^rcito, las partes Occidentales con innumer-
ables peligros naveg6, y de la protervidad tirdnica de Gerion Antheo y
otros malos Seniores delibrd: y en testigo de su gran virtud se muestran
muchas y pr6speras Ciudades en nuestra Spanya por ^1 edificadas. Del
gran Alejandre mi decir serd callar, segun el que sus coronicas recuentan:
este Monarche las partes Orientales con incomprensibles penas fambre set
y calores sojusg6, mas por dar doctrina de humano vivir d sus stibditos, que
por avara ambicion de Seiiorfos. Y cierto, no es de olvidar el Prfncipe de
caballerfa, honor y gloria de los latinos, Julio Cesar, el cual extendiendo sus
imperiales banderas por el tmi verso mundo, la loable y moral doctrina de Ro-
manosfizoconocer : y despues de esto, recordables caballeros,porque la mayor
' Jaime Ferrer was bom at Vidreras and lived at Blanes, a seaport town of
Spain on the Mediterranean. He was a distinguished geographer, and by occupa-
tion a jeweller or trader in precious stones. He is not to be confounded with another
Jaime Ferrer, who lived in 1346, or with the Jaime Ferrer bom in Mallorca, who
lived in 14 18 and was said to be employed by Prince Henry of Portugal.
365
366 Christopher Columbus
parte del mundo era sin fe, sin la cual el nuestro bien obrar no abasta, plugo
al nuestro Redentor mandar por diversas partes del mundo sus obedientes
Apdstoles predicando la verdad de nuestra Sancta Ley, y aquella tanto
reson6 que pugnando por fundar la Fe de los Evangelios ficieron escudo y
lanza, y quien bien contempla sus vidas, fambre, set, frio y calor, cierto
bien conocer^ que en ellos se complid lo que dijo la bondat Suprema d sus
amigos, diciendo: Qui vult venire post me, tollat crucem suam et sequatur me:
y por tanto. Senior, si en la vuestra mas divina que humana peregrinacion,
gustais qu^ sabor tiene de sal el pan que en servicio del nuestro Creador se
come en esta mortal vida, luego tomad ejemplo de las ejemplares vidas
suso dichas, que por cierto en este baijo mundo fama temporal ni gloria
etema no se alcanza asentando en ploma, ni durmiendo ocioso. Yo, Se-
nior, contemplo este gran misterio: la Divina € infallible Providencia
mandd al gran Tomas de Occidente en Oriente por manifestar en India
nuestra Sancta y Cat61ica Ley; y i, vos, Senior. mand6 por esta opposita
parte de Oriente a Poniente, tanto que por Divina voluntad sois legado en
Oriente, y en las extremas partes de India superior para que oyan los
siguientes lo que sus antipasados negligeron de la predicacion de Tomas:
adonde se cumplid in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum: y muy presto
sereis por la Divina gracia en el sinus magnus, acerca del cual el glorioso
Tomas dej6 su sancto cuerpo: y cumplir se ha lo que dijo la summa ver-
dad que todo el mundo estaria debajo de un pastor y una ley : el que por
cierto seria imposible si en esas partes los pueblos nudos de ropa y mas
nudos de doctrina, no fueren informados de nuestra Sancta Fe: y cierto
en esto que dir^ no pienso errar que el oficio que vos. Senior, teneis vos
pone en cuenta de Apostolo y Ambajador de Dios, mandado por su divinal
juicio d faser conoscer su Sancto Nombre en partes de incdgnita verdad:
ni seria apartado de razon ni del precepto Divino que un Apostolo 6 Car-
denal de Roma en esas partes tomase parte de vuestros gloriosos trabajos:
pero la gravedad y peso de sus grandes mantos, y la dulzura de su delicado
vivir les quita gana de seguir tal camino : y cosa es muy cierta que por esta
misma causa y oficio vino en Roma el Principe de la Milicia Apost61ica con
el vaso de elecion magres y descalzos con sus tiinicas rasgadas, comiendo
muchas veces solo pan de mal sabor: y si deste oficio vuestro glorioso el
anima vuestra algunas veces se alza en contemplacion, asentase d los pies
del gran Profeta, y con alta voz cantando al son de su arpa, diga: Non
nobis domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da Gloriam.
*' Senior, muy cierto es que las cosas temporales in suo genere no son
malas ni repugnantes d las espirituales cuando empero dellas usamos bien,
y d tal fin las cre6 Dios: esto. Senior, digo porque las grandes cosas que soy
cierto aqui se fallar^n, tengo esperanza que ser^n d gran servicio de Dios y
bien de toda christiandat, specialmente desta nuestra Spania; y porque.
Senior, la Reina nuestra Seniora me mand6 que yo escribiese d vuestra
Senioria de mi intencion: y por esto escribo mi parecer en esta, y digo que
la vuelta del equinoccio son las cosas grandes y de precio, como son piedras
finas y oro y especias y drogaria: y esto es lo que puedo yo decir acerca
Letter of Jaime Ferrer 367
desto por la mucha pldtica que tengo en Levante, en Alcaire y Domas, y
porque soy lapidario, y siempre me plugo investigar en aquellas partes
desos que de all^ vienen, de q\i6 clima 6 provincia traen las dichas cosas: y
lo mas que pude sentir de muchos Indos y Arabes y Etiopes, es que la
mayor parte de las cosas buenas vienen de region muy caliente, donde los
moradores de all^ son negros 6 loros, y por ende, segun mi juicio, fasta que
vuestra Senioria falle la gente tal no fallar^ abundancia de las dichas cosas ;
bien que de todo esto vos Senior sabeis mas durmiendo que yo veilando : y
en todo, mediante el Divino auxilio, dard vuestra Seniorfa tan buen re-
caudo que dello serd Dios servido y los Reyes nuestros Senores contentos.
De Burgos d cinco de Agosto de noventa y cinco afios. De V. Sefioria muy
afetado servidor. Jaime Ferrer de Blanes.**
**To the most magnificent and notable Lord, the Lord Admiral of the
Indies. In the great island of Cibau.^
**MosT magnificent Sir: —
** Saturn, King of Crete, having seen that Italy in his time was more
illustrious by reason of situation and province than by human customs, in
order to bring back the people of that country to virtue, left his fertile and
powerful kingdom and with many personal hardships changed the rustic,
useless and idle life of the Italians to an industrious manner of living. And
what must we say of the magnanimous and tmconquerable Knight Her-
cules, who leaving the delightful and polite Greece with a great army,
navigated the Western regions with inniunerable dangers and encountered
the tyrannical arrogance of Geryon, Antaeus and other evil Knights: and
in testimony of his great virtue many prosperous cities in our Spain, built
by him, are shown. Of the great Alexander my tongue shall be silent:
according to what his chronicles recotmt, this monarch subjugated the
regions of the east with incomparable hardships, hunger, thirst and heat,
more to expound the doctrine of human life to his subjects, than from a
greedy ambition for Kingdoms. And surely, the Prince of Knighthood, the
honour and glory of the Latins, Julius Caesar, must not be forgotten, who,
extending his imperial banners over the universal world, made known the
laudable and moral doctrine of the Romans. And after these Knights
worthy of remembrance, because the greater part of the world was without
faith, without which our good works are not sufficient, it pleased our Re-
deemer to send His obedient disciples to different parts of the world, preach-
ing the truth of our Holy Law; and that resotmded so greatly, that fighting
» In the Letter to Luis de Santangel the Admiral says, in speaking of the island
of Cuba:
'* I have already told how I had gone 107 leagues in a straight line from west to
east along the seacoast of the island of Juana, according to which itinerary I can
declare that the said island is larger than England and Scotland combined, as over and
above those 107 leagues there remains for me on the western side two provinces to
which I did not go, — one of which they call Avan where the people are bom with tails."
Navarrete took his copy of this Letter from the public archives of Simancas, and
this province is there called Cibau. Evidently this was believed to be the important
territory whither Columbus had gone, and it is therefore here that Jaime Ferrer
addressed his letter.
368 Christopher Columbus
to found the faith of the Evangels they took shield and lance, and whoever
well contemplates their lives, their stiflferings from hunger, thirst, cold and
heat, will surely recognise that in them was ftdfiUed that which the Su-
preme Goodness [Saviour] said to His disciples, — saying: Qui vult venire
post me, tollat crucem suam et sequatur me. And, therefore, Lord, if in your
more divine than human peregrination, you taste what a savour of salt the
bread has which is eaten in this mortal life in the service of our Creator,
then take example from the exemplary lives aforesaid, because certainly
in this lower world, temporal fame and eternal glory are not acquired, sitting
like lead or sleeping idly. I, Sir, contemplate this great mystery: the
divine and infallible Providence sent the great Thomas from the west to
the east to manifest in India our holy and Catholic law; and you. Lord,
were sent in the opposite direction from the east into the west, so that by
Divine Will you arrived in the east and in the extreme parts of upper
India, in order that the descendants may hear what their ancestors dis-
regarded of the preaching of Thomas: where it was provided in omnem
terram exivit sonus eorum: and very soon by divine grace you will be in
the sintis magnus, near which the glorious Thomas left his holy body: and
the great truth which he told must be fulfilled, which is that all the world
shotdd be under one shepherd and one law: which surely would be im-
possible if in those regions of the world naked of clothing and more devoid
of doctrine, they were not informed of our Holy Faith. And certainly in
this that I shall say, I do not think to be in error, because the office which
you hold, Sir, makes you an Apostle and Ambassador of God, sent by His
Divine judgment to make known His Holy Name in unknown regions.
Ncr would it be foreign to reason and to divine precept that an Apostle or
Cardinal of Rome shotdd share your glorious laboxu^ in those parts of the
world: but the gravity and weight of their great mantles and the pleasure
of their delicate manner of living take from them the desire to follow such
a course. And it is very certain that for this same cause and office, the
Prince of the Apostolic Militia came to Rome, the chosen vessel meagre
and barefooted, with his ttmic rent, and many times eating only unsavoury
bread: and if by this, your glorious office, your soul is sometimes lifted up
in contemplation, seat yourself at the feet of the Great Prophet, and with
a loud voice, singing to the sound of your harp say: Non nobis domine, non
nobis, sed nomini tua da gloriam.
**Sir, it is most certain that the temporal things in suo genere, are not
evil or repugnant to the spiritual things when however we make good use
of them, and for such purpose God created them: I say this. Sir, because
I hope the great things which I am certain will be found here, will be for
the service of God and of all Christianity, especially of this, our Spain.
And because, Sir, the Queen, our Lady, commanded me to write your
Lordship of my knowledge: and for this reason, I write my opinion in this
matter, and I say that within the equinoctial regions there are great and
precious things, such as fine stones and gold and spices and drugs: and I
can say these things in regard to this matter, because of the many con-
Letter of Jaime Ferrer 369
versations I have had in the Levant, in Alcaire and Domas, and because I
am a lapidary and because in those places it always pleased me to seek to
learn from those who come from yonder, from what clime or province they
bring the said things : and the most I could learn from many Hindoos and
Arabs and Ethiopians, is that the greater part of valuable things comes
from a very hot region where the inhabitants are black or tawny, and
therefore, according to my judgment, when your Lordship finds such a
people, an abundance of the said things will not be lacking: although of
all this matter, your Lordship knows more when sleeping than I do waking.
And of ever^'thing, by means of the Divine aid, your Lordship will give
such a good accounting that by it, God will be served and the Sovereigns,
our Lords, will be satisfied.
*' From your respectful servant,
** Jajme Ferrer de Blanes.
"Burgos, August 5, '95."
VOL. II.— «4.
CHAPTER LXXXX
THE CONTINENT
It was on this third voyage that the continent of South
America was first seen by Europeans. The account of this
voyage, found in the holograph example of Las Casas and here
closely followed, is most circimistantial. For a moment we will
anticipate the order of events to speak of this continental dis-
covery. On the morning of Tuesday, July 31,1 498, the Admiral,
who had of late been sailing to the westward, altered his course
to the north quarter .north-east, thinking to strike Dominica or
some of the cannibal islands, and he followed this course until
midday. It was then that he again altered his course to the
west, according to the reference in which Las Casas calls the
** digression,*' being attracted by the coolness of the air emitted
by the land, and shortly after, Alonzo Perez of Huelva, the
Admiral's servant, from the look-out's cage, saw land to the
west, which the Admiral says was '* 15 leagues distant and that
part which appeared were three rocks or moimtains.'' The
Trinity had been selected by Columbus on this voyage as his
particular protecting Power, and to the Trinity he had early
resolved to dedicate the first land discovered. To such a nature
as that governing and controlling the Admiral, the sudden
appearance of three moimtains united at the base — three in one
— ^must indeed have seemed miraculous. In the geographical
nomenclature of Trinidad these three moimtains are to-day
called the Trinity Hills or the Three Sisters. He sailed on,
steering now south-west, making for a high point of land, which
he called Cabo de la Galera,' from its resemblance to a ship
' This is now called Punta Galeota. In some way the name Punta Galera got
down on the early maps as the north-east end of Trinidad, a point of land never seen
by the Admiral, since, when he went out of the Gtdf of Paria, he sailed to the westward.
370
The Continent 371
sailing. He reached this at nine o'clock in the evening. This
point was seven leagues to the south-westward of the locality in
which he found himself when the three rocks first came into view.
On Wednesday, August i, 1498," he ran down the coast west-
wardly for five leagues, where he anchored and took water. This
place Las Casas says he believes Columbus called ** Punta de la
Playa. ' ' From here he saw toward the south another island dis-
tant more than twenty leagues, to which he gave the name of
** Ysla Sancta.'' ' In the letter to the Sovereigns no mention is
made of his having seen land to the south. Ferdinand Colimi-
bus, in the Historie, repeats the version given by Las Casas,
which was natural, since both derived their facts from the same
source, — the holograph Journal of Columbus. If Colimibus
really saw this land to the south, he then and there discovered
the continental land of South America, and this discovery oc-
curred on August I, 1498. The mainland near the Serpent's
Mouth is extremely low, and it is doubtful if Colimibus could
have seen it from the shore of Trinidad, but he might have been
cruising aroimd to the south near enough to distinguish land,
and, indeed, we must accept his statement, since he actiially
baptised the land Ysla Sancta, Moreover, the ever-careful
Himiboldt asserts that the mainland can be seen, and says that
he himself studied facts and situations during a sojourn in the
missions of Caripe. However, it was not until he had passed
the troublesome Mouth of the Serpent, sailed up the bay to the
Mouth of the Dragon, and then, turning and following for five
leagues the western coast, that the expedition landed on the
continent and took possession thereof, on Stmday, August 5,
1498, with the usual ceremonies. The Admiral himself did not
land.^ Both Americus Vespucius and John Cabot preceded him
in this honour of continental discovery, and even now when
» Harrisse (Christophe Colomb, vol. ii., p. 80) seems to think this landing, explora-
tion, and sight of land to the south all occurred on July 31, 1498, but the land to the
South is stated to have been seen on Wednesday, August i. The French translation
of the letter to the Sovereigns does make Columbus say that he made this exploration
on July 3 1 . But this letter says nothing about the land to the south.
* Here, again, Harrisse asserts Columbus could not have seen land to the south,
as he declares it to be only low land made of the alluvial deposits brought down by
the mouths of the Orinoco.
3 At the time of the Fiscal inquiry one of the important questions was. Did the
Admiral himself land? One witness alone testified to the effect that he did. Her-
nan Perez, citizen of Santo Domingo, deposed that after "this witness landed and
brought him news of the land, the said Admiral with as many as 50 men, landed on
372 Christopher Columbus
fortune or the Trinity had brought him directly to the conti-
nental land, he failed, first, to grasp the fact itself in its fulness,
calling it the island of Gracia, and, later, to overcome a physical
indisposition which interfered with his landing.
Nevertheless, there was then taken possession of in the name
of the Sovereigns, not merely an island in the Gulf of Paria, not
merely the Gulf of Paria ' itself, but all that continental land
which was to the west of it, including the rich Coast of Pearls
which if the Admiral did not actually occupy, was seen by hin<
and his expedition, and was described to him by the natives
while yet he was in the Gulf, as lying back toward the west, and
along which he coasted in the Ocean-sea imtil he came in sight
of an island he called Margarita, a name suggested by the pearls
themselves. It is true it was reserved for Pero Alonzo Niflo
the said land of Paria, and took a sword in his hand and a banner, sa)ring that in the
name of their Highnesses he took possession of the said province.'*
Andreas de Corral, another witness, deposed that Pedro de Ferreros, the Captain
of the Admiral's ship and acting for the Admiral, who could not land on account of
his eyes, took possession of the said lands of Paria in the name of the King and Queen.
Juan Qmntero, citizen of Palos, deposed that he was ** among the first men who
landed to take possession for tJte said Admiral and place crosses in the name of the
King." The Admiral no more landed than did the Sovereigns.
" The Gulf of Paria, between the island of Trinidad and the shores of Venezuela,
is formed by a depression in turn caused by a subsidence, the long axis of which for
one hundred miles runs E.N.E. and W.N.W. The depth of the depression is not
great, for the most part not exceeding from ten to fifteen fathoms. Near the chan-
nels this depth is increased to twenty fathoms. The area covered is three thousand
square miles. The Gulf is connected with the Atlantic Ocean, or that portion of it
called the Caribbean Sea, by two sets of channels or Bocas; the one to the southward,
between the island of Trinidad and the delta of the Orinoco, was named by Columbus
Boca del Sierpe, or Serpent's Mouth, and the one on the west and to the northward
the Admiral called Boca del Drago, or the Dragon's Mouth. These names are retained
to this day. The last mentioned mouth really consists of four channels, counting
from the east to the west, that is, from Trinidad to the coast of Venezuela, — the Boca
de Memos, half a mile wide; the Boca Huevos, somewhat wider; and the Boca Navios,
which is not used as a navigable channel; while the Grande Boca, the channel nearest
the Venezuela coast, is six miles in width. The rise and fall of the tide is only two and
a half to four feet, and it is the tidal action on the outside waters affecting the waters
of the Gulf which at times makes the passage more like a mill-race than a quiet imion
of waters. The ebb-tide is joined by the waters of the three thousand miles of shal-
low inland sea, and they run out of the channel at the rate of ten miles an hour. The
force varies according to the season of the year and the floods contributed by the
Venezuelan waters. The discoloration of the water due to this disturbance, a pale
brownish tinge, is perceptible as far as Granada and Tobago, or more than eighty
miles out at sea. There is always a stronger outward flow, even in the dry season,
when the strength of the incoming seas would naturally be expected to overcome the
strength of the sweet waters of the Orinoco. Those interested in these tidal phe-
nomena would do well to consult the paper prepared by R. J. Lechmere Guppy, Esq..
of Trinidad.
The Continent 373
and Cristobal Guerra of Seville, in the summer of 1499, to visit
the coast west of the Gvilf of Paria and gather in plenty the
pearis, samples of which Colimibus had seen the year before.
The expedition of these two adventurers was not a voyage of
discovery, but was the result of the tidings which had reached
the Old World of this third voyage of Colimibus.' They sailed
directly for the locality described by the Admiral and his fol-
lowers. It is true that Nino and Guerra took possession of the
Pearl Coast in the name of the Sovereigns, and from this it
might be argued that it was a primary discovery. Indeed,
some of the witnesses at the first investigation deposed that
Coltimbus did not discover that coast. The question before
the Court was whether the discoveries by Vicente Yanez Pin-
z6n and by Nino in 1499 were original discoveries, or simply
explorations of territory seen, discovered, and possessed by the
Admiral on his third voyage. By the aid of the description in
the following account taken from the Admiral's Journal by
Bartolom6 de las Casas, the reader can follow this important
voyage with more than ordinary confidence.
^ Nino had but one small ship of fifty tons, and the entire company consisted of
but thirty-three men.
On this voyage he took ** three score and XVI potmdes weight (after VIII vnces
to the pounde) of perles, which they bought for exchange of our thynges, amoimtinge
to the value of fyve shyllinges," as says Richard Eden in his translation of Peter
Martyr.
CHAPTER LXXXXI
NARRATIVE OF THIRD VOYAGE »
May 30-AuGUST 31, 1498
"He started then (our First Admiral), *in the name of the Most Holy
Trinity' (as he says and as he was always accustomed to say) from the
port of San Lucar de Barrameda, Wednesday, May 30, 1498, with the in-
tention of discovering new land not yet discovered, with his six ships * . . .
and because war had then broken out with France, he had news of a French
armada which was waiting for the Admiral beyond the Cape of St. Vincent,
to capture him. On this account he decided to avoid the fleet as they say
and make a detour, directing his course straight to the island of Madeira.
** He arrived at the island of Puerto Sancto, Thursday, June 7, where he
stopped to take wood, water and supplies and to hear mass, and he found
all the island disturbed and all the farms, goods and flocks guarded, fearing
that the new-comers might be French 3 : and then that night he left for the
island of Madeira * and arrived there the following Sunday, June 10. He
was very well received in the town 5 and with much rejoicing, because he
was well known there, having been a citizen thereof during some time.
» The following relation of the third voyage is to be distingtiished from the account
contained in the letter to the Sovereigns, published by Navarrete, see vol. i., page 242.
The reader will observe the manner in which Las Casas mixes his personal pro-
nouns. This is evidence of itself that he had before him the full Journal of Columbus.
* Here is a suppressed passage which in the printed copy of Las Casas appears
as follows, even to the change of the personal pronouns: "greatly fatigued, he says,
with my voyage, since as I was hoping for some quietude when I left the Indies, I
experienced double hardships; they being the result of the labours, new obstacles
and difficulties with which he obtained the funds for his starting upon the expedition
and the annoyances in connection therewith received from the Royal officials and the
hindrance and the evil reports the people around about the Sovereigns gave concern-
ing the affairs in the Indies, wherefore it appeared to him that what he already had
done was not sufficient but that he must renew his labours to gain new credit."
3 This reference to the disturbed condition of Puerto Sancto does not appear in
the Historie nor in the letter to the Sovereigns.
* In the Historia, as printed in 1875, in the passage here suppressed, it says that
it is twelve or fifteen leagues from the island of Puerto Sancto.
5 In the Historie, Ferdinand says this town was called FonciaUt now the capital
of Madeira. This would seem to us to place the residence of Columbus and his wife,
Philippa Mofiiz.
374
Narrative of Third Voyage 375
He remained there six days, providing himself fully with water and wood
and the other necessities for his journey.
** Saturday, June i6, he left the island of Madeira with his six ships and
arrived at the island of Gomera the following Tuesday. At this island he
found a French corsair ^ with a French vessel and two large ships which the
corsair had taken from the Castilians, and when the Frenchman saw the
six vessels of the Admiral he left his anchors and one vessel and fled with
the other vessel. The Admiral sent a ship after him and when the six
Spaniards who were being carried away on the captured ship saw this ship
coming to their aid, they attacked six Frenchmen who were guarding them
and by force they placed them below decks and thus brought them back.
Here in the island of Gomera the Admiral determined to send three ships
directly to the island of Espanola, so that, if he should be detained here,
they might give news of him and cheer and console the Christians with the
supplies: and principally that they might give joy to his brothers, the
Adelantado and Don Diego, who were very desirous of hearing from him.^
He named Pedro de Arana, a native of Cordova, as Captain of one ship, —
a very honourable and prudent man ^ . . . brother of the mother of
Don Ferdinand Columbus, the second son of the Admiral, and cousin of
that Arana who remained in the fortress with the 38 men whom the
Admiral on his return fotmd dead.-* The other Captain of the second ship
was called Alonso Sanchez de Carvajal,s Governor of the city of Bae^a, an
honourable gentleman. The third Captain for the remaining sliip was
Juan Antoiiio Columbo, a Genoese, a relation of the Admiral, a very capable
and prudent man and one of authority ^ ... he gave them stdtable
instructions, in which instructions he ordered that, one week one Captain,
and another week another, each by turns shotild be Captain General of all
the ships, as regarded the navigation and the placing of the night lantern,
which is a lighted lantern placed in the stem of the ship in order that the
other ships may know and follow where the Captain guides. He ordered
them to go to the west, quarter south-west, for 850 leagues and told them
that then they would arrive at the island of Dominica. From Dominica
they should go west-north-west and they would then reach the island of
Saht Juan, and it would be the southern part of it, because that was the
direct way to go to the New Isabella. . . . Having passed the island
of Sant Juan, 7 they should leave the island of Mona to the north and from
» Herrera, dec. i., lib. iii., cap. ix., says that it was a Portuguese fleet.
* Ferdinand, in the Historie, omits this reference to the brothers of the Admiral.
3 The passage here suppressed and found in the Historia makes Las Casas say,
**whom I knew very well.**
4 Ferdinand simply mentions that Pedro de Arana was a cousin of that Arana
who died in Espaiiola. As the reader knows, we make the number of men left on
Espanola at La Navidad, including the three ofl&cers, forty-three.
5 In the copy of Las Casas and the printed edition this man is called "Carabajal.**
6 In the printed edition Las Casas is made to say in this suppressed passage,
**with whom I had frequent conversation."
7 The island of Sant Juan is our Puerto Rico, discovered by Columbus on his sec-
ond voyage. He named it S. Juan Bautista, and the natives called it Burenquen.
376 Christopher Columbus
there they shotdd make for the point of this Espanola, which he called Sant
Raphael ' . . . from there to Saona, which he says makes a good har-
bour between it and this Espanola. Seven leagues farther there is another
island . . . and from there to the New Isabella . . . the dis-
tance is 25 leagues.* And he told the Captains that wherever they should
arrive and land they should purchase all that they needed by barter and
that for the little they might give the Indians although they might be
cannibals (who are said to eat himian flesh) they wotdd obtain what they
wished and the Indians would give them all that they had: and if they
should undertake to procure things by force, the Indians would conceal
themselves and remain hostile. He says further in the instructions that
he was going by the Cape Verde Islands (which he says were called in
ancient times *Gorgodes* or according to others * Hesperides ') and that
he was going in the name of the Holy Trinity ^ with the intention of navi-
gating to the south of these islands so as to arrive below the eqtdnoctial
line and to follow the course to the west until this island of Espanola should
lie to the north-west, to see if there are islands or lands. *Our Lord,' he
says, * guides me and gives me things which may serve Him and the King
and Queen, our Lords, and which may be for the honour of the Christians,
for I believe that no one has ever gone this way and that this sea is entirely
unknown.* And here the Admiral finished his instructions.-*
** Having then taken water and wood and other provisions, especially
cheese,5 of which there are many and good ones there, the Admiral made
sail with his six ships on Thursday, June 21,^ towards the island of Hierro,
which is distant from Gomera about 15 leagues, and of the seven Canaries
is the one farthest to the west. Passing it, the Admiral took his course with
one ship and two caravels for the islands of Cape Verde, and dismissed the
other three ships in the name of the Holy Trinity: and he says that he en-
treated the Holy Trinity to care for him and for all of them: and at the
^ The sailing directions here given are clear when we iinderstand that the three
vessels were going to the new settlement, and not the first American city of Isabella.
The New Isabella was on the south side of the island of EspaAola, and is to-day the
city of San Domingo. The point of land on Espafiola, called by Columbus Sant
Raphael, is now called Cabo del Engaflo, and as they made for the south-west comer
of this, a sightly point, keeping the island of Mona to the north, they would come
first to the island of Saona, where there was a good harbour. From Saona they were
to sail to the island seven leagues to the west, called Sancta Catherina, also identified
as the island Beata to-day. This name is introduced in Las Casas, but it is not in
the holograph example.
* The autograph example seems to differ from the copy, and the printed edition
in that the copy says ''ysla nueva," and the printed edition says **isla Nueva."
3 In the copy and the printed edition there is prefixed "Santisima," — Most
Holy.
4 This account is much fuller with regard to the instructions given the captains
than tJiat found in the Historie.
5 Ferdinand does not mention these details in the Historie.
6 Here Ferdinand, or rather, the printer, makes this date July 21. That it is a
typographical error is evident from the fact that later on he speaks of the following
Wednesday being Jime 27, which was correct.
Narrative of Third Voyage 377
setting of the sun they separated and the three ships ' took their course for
this island.* Here the Admiral makes mention to the Sovereigns of the
agreement they had made with the King of Portugal that the Portuguese
should not go to the westward of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, 3 and
also mentions how the Sovereigns sent for him that he should be present at
the meetings in regard to the partition, and that he could not go on account
of the grave illness which he had incurred in the discovery of the tierra
firma of the Indies, that is to say of Cuba ^ ... he adds further that
then occurred the death of Don Juan, before he could carry out the mat-
ter, s ...
" Then the Admiral continuing on his way arrived at the Cape Verde isl-
ands, which according to what he says, have a false name, because he never
saw anything green but all things dry and sterile.^ The first thing he saw
was the island of *La Sal,' Wednesday, June 27 : and it is a small island. 7
From there he went to another which is called * Buenavista * ^ and is very
sterile, where he anchored in a bay, and near it is a very small island.^ To
^ Ferdinand in the Historic tells us that one of the caravels was called La Vac-
china, and the other was named // Correo.
* This island of Espanola. It is from this and from similar passages in which
Las Casas makes use of the demonstrative pronoun in connection with EspaAola, that
we are led to believe that portions of the Historia at least were written on Santo
Domingo.
3 In the Historic Ferdinand Columbus omits all reference to the agreement the
Sovereigns made with the King of Portugal. Nor is this reference to Portuguese
matters found in the letter to the Sovereigns.
The reader will observe that here the Azores, and not a line one htmdred leagues
westward, form the western boundary.
At this point in the narrative given in the Historia, is matter which Las Casas
mentions under the date of July 14, but which is given much more in detail in the
Historic, The latter account mentions the attack of gout which tha Admiral here
suffered in one leg, and four days afterward he was under the spell of a terrible fever,
but his force of mind was not affected. He noted diligently the changes of weather
and temperature and all the distances travelled by the ships.
4 Here the suppressed passage reads in the printed edition, "which he always
regarded as the mainland even until the present time as he could not circumnavigate
it."
5 Don Juan, King of Portugal, being troubled with the dropsy, went to the baths
of Algarve, but the remedy of its waters was of no avail and he died in Alvon, Sep-
tember 14, 1495 He was succeeded by Emanuel as provided in his will, but in case
of his dying without heirs, the next in succession was to be Don Juan's illegitimate
son George, whom he had appointed while yet a mere lad Master of the Order of
Christ and Duke of Coimbra.
6 The Cape Verde Islands received their name, not because of their own condi-
tion or appearance, but from Cape Verde on the coast of Africa, opposite which they lie.
7 This island is in north latitude 16® 45' and longitude 23° west. It is twenty
miles long by nine wide, with a population of 750. It is north-north-west of Buena-
vista.
8 Buenavista is the most easterly of the group, and is only two hundred miles
from the coast of Africa. It is about twenty miles long. It is flat, with two basaltic
peaks in the centre.
^ Las Casas calls Buenavista an ysla and the little island near it yslita. In the
next sentence he says the lepers came to this ysla, and we may assume that if he had
378 Christopher Columbus
this island come all the lepers of Portugal to be cured and there are not
more than six or seven houses on it. The Admiral ordered the boats to go
to land to provide themselves with salt and flesh, because there are a great
number of goats on the island. There came to the ships a Steward to whom
that island, belonged, named Roderigo Alonso, Notary Public of the Ex-
chequer of the King of Portugal, who offered to the Admiral what there
was on the island of which be might be in need. The Admiral thanked
him and ordered that he should be given some supplies from Castile, which
he enjoyed very much.' Here he relates how the lepers came there to be
cured because of the great abundance of turtles on that island, which
commonly are as large as shields. By eating the flesh and constantly
bathing in the blood of these turtles, the lepers become cured.' The
turtles in infinite number come there three months in the year, June, July,
and August, from the mainland,^ which is Ethiopia, to lay eggs in the sand
and with the claws and legs they scratch places in the sand and spawn
more than five hundred eggs, as large as those of a hen except that they
have not a hard shell but a tender membrane which covers the yolk, like
the membrane which covers the yolk of the hen's egg after taking off the
hard shell. They cover the eggs in the sand as a person would do, and
there the sun hatches them and the little live turtles come out and then
run in search of the sea as if they had come out of it alive. They take the
turtles there in this manner: — At night with lights which are torches of
dry wood, they go searching for the track of the turtle which is easily
traced, and find the turtle tired and sleeping. They come up quickly and
turn it over with the belly up and leave it, sure that it cannot turn itself
back, and go in search of another. . . . The healthy persons on that
island of Buenavista who lead a laborious life were six or seven residents
who have no water except brackish water from wells and whose employ-
ment is to kill the big goats ^ and salt the skins and send them to Portugal
in the caravels which come there for them, of which in one year they kill
so many and send so many skins that they are worth 2000 ducats to the
Notary Public, to whom the island belonged. Such a great multitude of
goats, male and female, have been grown there, from only eight original
intended us to understand the smaller island as the home of these unfortunates he
would have used the word 3^5/^70 instead of ysla. The reference below to Buenavista
shows that it was the lepers' island.
^ Ferdinand says in the Historie that this Alonso, the Escribano, told Columbus
that the climate and temperature of this island were the cause of its healthfulness.
2 The Historie further reports Alonso as affirming that those bom infected with
leprosy are much longer in being cured. He also said that it was the sand on the
shore which was so prolific in producing turtles. The Historie omits a portion of the
description of the lepers, but adds the interesting detail that at night in the hunt
for turtles all are turned over on the back, and in the morning the hunter returns,
selecting such as he wants and returning the small ones to the sea.
3 The turtles which lay their eggs on the sandy beaches of Jamaica are said to
come from distances of four and five hundred miles.
^ The Historie speaks of the Escribano and his companion as "that man and the
other four, his companions," making five residents of the little island.
Narrative of Third Voyage 379
head.' Those who live there neither eat bread nor drink wine during four
or five months, nor anything else except goat flesh or fish or turtles. All
this they told to the Admiral.
*' He left there Saturday. June 30, at night for the island of Santiago,
where he arrived on Stmday at the hour of vespers, because it is distant 28
leagues * : and this is the principal one of the Cape Verdes. He wished to
take from this island a herd of black cattle in order to carry them to Es-
panola as the Sovereigns had ordered, and he was there eight days and
could not get them : and because the island is very unhealthy as men are
burned with heat there and his people commenced to fall ill, he decided to
leave it. The Admiral says again that he wishes to go to the south, be-
cause he intends with the aid of the ' Sancta Trinidad ' to find islands and
lands, that God may be served and their Highnesses and Christianity may
have pleasure, and that he wishes to prove or test the opinion of King Don
John of Portugal, who said that there was continental land to the south:
and because of this, he says that he had a contention with the Sovereigns of
Castile, and finally the Admiral says that it was concluded that the King
of Portugal should have 370 leagues to the west from the islands of the
Azores and Cape Verde, from north to south, from pole to pole. And the
Admiral says further that the said King Don Juan was certain that within
those limits famous lands and things must be found. Certain principal
inhabitants of the island of Santiago came to see them and they say that
to the south-west of the island of Huego, which is one of the Cape Verdes
distant 12 leagues from this, may be seen an island, and that the King Don
Juan was greatly inclined to send to make discoveries to the south-west,
and that canoes had been found which start from the coast of Guinea and
navigate to the west with merchandise. Here the Admiral says again as
if he was speaking with the Sovereigns, — *That which is Three and One
(Trinity) guides me by its pity and mercy that I may serve it and give
great pleasure to your Highnesses and to all Christianity, as was done former-
ly in the discovery of the Indies which resounded throughout all the world.' ^
** Wednesday, Jtdy 4,^ he ordered sail made from that island in which he
says that since he arrived there he never saw the sun or the stars, but that
» The Historic says that the Escribano himself imported this herd of goats.
* Ferdinand in the Historic omits the mention of any distance from this island
to that of Santiago.
3 The Historic likewise omits all this passage relating to the Treaty of Tordesillas,
made Jime 7, 1494, in which it was provided that a line of demarcation should be
fixed at 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, or of the views held by King
Juan of Portugal as to these being great lands within the line and to the south-
west.
It will be remembered that this line of demarcation was the resvdt of an agree-
ment between the Sovereigns and the King of Portugal, and not a conveyance from
the chair of St. Peter. The Holy Father, in his last Bull, May 4, 1493, gave all lands
in the Ocean-sea not already possessed by other Christian princes to the Spanish
Sovereigns, and, as we venture to interpret the Bvdl No. III., annulled the prohibition
against entering territory or regions in the direction of the Portuguese discoveries.
4 In the Historic Ferdinand says they departed from Santiago on Thursday,
July 5. Las Casas says they remained eight days — ocho dias — at this island trying
38o Christopher Columbus
the heavens were covered with such a thick mist that it seemed they could
cut it with a knife and the heat was so very intense that they were tor-
mented, and he ordered the course laid to the way of the south-west, which
is the route leading from these islands to the south, in the name, he says, of
the Holy and Individual Trinity, because then he would be on a parallel
with the lands of the sierra of Loa ' and cape of Sancta Ana in Guinea,
which is below the equinoctial line, where he says that below that line of
the world are found more gold and things of value: and that after, he
would navigate, the Lord pleasing, to the west, and from there would go
to this Espanola, in which route he would prove the theory of the King
John aforesaid: and that he thought to investigate the report of the In-
dians of this Espanola who said that there had come to Espanola from the
south and south-east, a black people ' who have the tops of their spears
made of a metal which they call 'guanin,' of which he had sent samples to
the Sovereigns to have them assayed, when it was found that of 32 parts,
18 were of gold, 6 of silver and 8 of copper .3
to get cattle, which length of time is inconsistent with the date July 4, when they left.
Perhaps the Bishop mistook a three for an eight in the figure placed in the Journal by
the Admiral. As both Ferdinand and Las Casas are agreed that the expedition
arrived on Simday, July i, at 6 p.m., a three days' stay at the island would bring the
date of departure to July 4.
Ferdinand, in his Historic, gives the following accoimt of the island of Fuego, or
Fire Island, west of Santiago, and which, if his accovmt is true, was the last land of
the Old World seen by the expedition. It is an island nearly forty miles in circum-
ference, and is virtually a sloping volcanic mountain rising to the height of 9157
feet. Neither the holograph example nor the copy of Las Casas speaks of this island.
The Historie says:
** II Giouedi a*V di Luglio TAmmiraglio parti dall* Kola di Santiago alia volta del
Sudueste con difegno di nauigar, fin cne fi metteffe fotto lo Eqinottiale, & d'indi
feguir la via dell' Occidente, fin che trouafle terra, o fi mettefle in luogo, d'onde trau-
ertaffe alia Spagnuola. Ma, percioche fra quelle Ifole fono molto grandi le correnti
verfo la Tramontana, & Norueste, non potd caminar. come voluea: di modo che anco
il Sabbato a' VI I di Luglio dice ch'egli era a vifta dell* Kola del Fuoco, che ^ vna delle
medefime di Capo Verde: la qual dice che d terra molto alta verfo Mezodi: & che da
lontano par che fia vna gran Chiefa, che ha alia banda del Lefte il campanile d'vno
altiilimo piccone, o dirupo, di onde, quando vogliono foffiare i Leuanti, fuole vfcir
gran fuoco, fi come auuiene in Teneriffe, & in Volcano, & in Mongibello. Et, effendo
quefta I'vdtima terra de* Christiani, ch'ei vide, fegui il fuo camino per Sudueste. . . ."
"Thursday, July 5, the Admiral left the island of Santiago, going to the south-
west, with the intention of sailing until he arrived below the Equator and from there
proceeding to the west until he found land, or of reaching a place from whence to
cross to Espaflola. But, as there are many strong currents toward the north and
north-west among those islands, he was not able to make headway as he desired: so
that yet on Saturday, July 7, he says that he was in sight of the island of Fuoco.
which is one of the same Cape Verde Islands: which island he says is a verv hi^h land
toward the south: and which from a distance appears like a large Church, with the
belfry on the eastern side and formed by a very high peak or precipice, from whence
when the East winds blow, a great fire usually proceeds, the same as occurs in Tene-
rife and in Volcano and in Mongibello. And this being the last land of Christianity
which he saw, he pursued his course to the south-west. . . ."
^ The printed edition of Las Casas says Sierra Leona, which is very near the form
prevailing with us. Sierra Leone.
' This reference to the black people the Admiral expected to find in the south
is doubtless suggested by the letters of Jaime Ferrer.
3 This is the earliest description of the use by the natives of the New World of
alloyed metals.
Among the relics of early humanity discovered in the Old World are iron weapons
Narrative of Third Voyage 381
" Following this course to the south-west he commenced to find grasses '
like those encountered in the direct way to these Indies : and the Admiral
says here that after having gone 480 miles which make 120 leagues, that at
nightfall he took the latitude and found that the North Star was in five
degrees* . . . and he says that there, Friday, July 13, the wind
deserted him and he entered into heat so great and so ardent that he feared
the ships would take fire and the people perish. The ceasing of the wind
and coming of the excessive and consuming heat was so unexpected and
sudden that there was no person who dared to descend below to care for the
butts of wine and water, which swelled, breaking the hoops of the casks :
the wheat burned like fire : the pork and salted meat roasted and putrefied.
This ardent heat lasted eight days. The first day was clear with a sun
which burned them. God sent them less suffering because the seven fol-
lowing days it rained and was clouded: however with all this, they could
not find any hope of saving themselves from perishing and from being
burned, and if the other seven days had been like the first, clear and with
the sun, the Admiral says here that it would have been impossible for a
in which nickel is carried to a considerable percentage, and as this metal does not
occur in any known iron ores, the inference is that the said weapons were made from
meteoric iron, in which nickel does invariably occur.
* This is a reference to that most interesting phenomenon, the Sargasso Sea.
Humboldt distinguishes two distinct accimiulations of the Fticus Natans, and which
he calls the Great and Little Field of seaweed. He places the first between 19° and
34® of north latitude, and its middle belt (some 100 to 140 miles wide) in a meridian
7® west of the island of Corvo in the Azores, and therefore in longitude 38*^ 7' west of
Greenwich. The second, or Little Field, he finds between the Bermudas and Baha-
mas, or 25® to 31° north latitude, with its principal axis or belt lying north 60° east.
Between 25° and 30** of north latitude, running from the east to the west, is a strip of
seaweed connecting the two fields. This seaweed sometimes reaches as far north
as latitude 34° 30', and approaches the eastern side of the Gulf Stream. The water
area covered by this seaweed, which Humboldt properly calls Plantes Sociales, is equal
to the area of Continental Europe. These fucacece are olive-green in colour, and what-
ever may have been their former connection with the earth, they are here indepen-
dent of any attachment or anchorage through their roots, but propagate and grow
while floating on the sea, nature modifying their form to their mode of existence.
Again Himiboldt alludes to these strange plants imder the billow-roaring name of
Thalassophytes de VAtlantique.
The theory that these seaweeds are borne along by the Gkdf Stream or by an arm
of that mysterious river is contradicted in that at one point, where the extreme north-
em band finds itself near the meridian of the island of Fayal,it crosses the Gulf Stream
nearly at right angles to this current of warm water. These grasses at this distant
point are found surprisingly fresh, a condition in which we could scarcely expect to
find them if they had been torn up in the Gulf of Mexico or thereabouts and floated
along on their long and helpless journey. It certainly seems true, strangely true,
that the Sargasso Sea is composed of plants actually native to the sea. and that
they vegetate, propagate, and live without the sustaining connections of ordinary
roots.
' Las Casas in a note says that he believes the Admiral must have sailed more
than two hundred leagues, and that he has made an error in his Journal. This
note is additional proof that the Bishop had the original Journal of Columbus before
him as he wrote. He says it is more than two hundred leagues from Santiago, whence
he started, to a point five degrees above the Equator for a ship following his sailings.
382 Christopher Columbus
man of them to have escaped alive. And thus they were divinely suc-
coured by the coming of some showers and by the days being cloudy. He
determined from this, if God should give him wind in order to escape from
this suffering, to run to the west some days, and then if he found himself in
any moderation of temperature to return to the south,' which was the way
he desired to follow. *May our Lord,' says he, * guide me and give me
grace that I may serve Him, and bring pleasing news to your Highnesses.' ^
He says he remembered (being in this burning latitude) that when he came
to the Indies in the past voyages, always when he reached 100 leagues
toward the west from the Azores Islands he found a change in the tempera-
ture from north to south, and for this he wished to go to the west to reach
the said place. . . .
**The Saturday, which they counted July 14, the Guardians being on the
left hand, he says the Norths was in seven degrees: he saw black and white
jays, which are birds that do ijot go far from land, and from this he con-
sidered it a sign of land. He was sick at this point of the journey, from
gout and from not sleeping: but because of this, he did not cease to watch
and work with great care and diligence.
** Sunday and Monday, they saw the same birds and more swallows, and
some fish appeared which they called *botos,' which are little smaller than
great calves, and which have the head very blunt. The Admiral says here
incidentally that the Azores islands which in ancient times were called
'Caset^rides,' were situated at the end of the fifth clime.
** Thursday, July 19, there was such intense and ardent heat that they
thought the men and ships would bum, but as our Lord at sight of the
afflictions which He gives is accustomed by interfering to the contrary to
alleviate them, He succoured him by His mercy at the end of seven or eight
days, giving him very good weather to get away from that fire: with which
good weather he navigated towards the west 17 days, always intending to
return to the south, and place himself, as above said, in such a region, that
this Espaiiola should be to the north or 'septentrion,' where he thought he
must find land before or beyond the said place: and thus he intended to
repair the ships which were already opening from the past heat, and the
supplies, of which he had a large quantity, because of the necessity of taking
them to this island and the great difficulty in getting them from Castile,
and which were becoming worthless and damaged.
''Sunday, July 22, in the afternoon, as they were going with good weather,
they saw innumerable birds pass from the west-south-west to the north-
east : he says that they were a great sign of land. They saw the same the
Monday following and the days after, on one of which days a pelican came
* In the Historie the Admiral is said to have been at this point seven degrees
removed from the Equinoctial line.
' These words, quoted by Las Casas, are not found in the Historie.
3 Here the Historie, apparently quoting from the Journal, gives an astronomical
dissertation, covering four and forty lines, on the position of the North Star at this
point in the journey. This long description is not fotmd in the French translation of
the Historie printed at Paris in i68i.
Narrative of Third Voyage 383
to the ship of the Admiral, and many others appeared another day, and
there were other birds which are called * frigate pelicans.* '
** On the seventeenth day of the good weather which they were experi-
encing, the Admiral was hoping to see land, because of the said signs of the
birds, and as he did not see it Monday, or the next day, Tuesday, July 31,*
as they lacked water, he decided to change his route, and this was to the
west, and to go to the right, and make for the island of Dominica, or some
of the Cannibal Islands 3 . . . and thus he ordered the course to the
north, quarter north-east, and went that way tmtil midday. *But as his
Exalted Majesty,* he says, *has always used mercy with me, a sailor from
Guelva, my servant, who was called Alonso P^rez * by chance and con-
jecture ascended to the **gabia,*' and saw land to the west, and he was 15
leagues from it, and that part which appeared were three rocks or motm-
tains.' These are his words. He named this land* The isle of Trinidad,'
because he had determined that the first land he discovered should be
named thus: * And it pleased our Lord,* he says, *by his Exalted Majesty,
that the first lands seen were three rocks all united at the base, I say three
mountains, all at one time and in one glance.* 'His High Power by His
pity guides me,' he says 'in such a manner, that He may have much ser-
vice, and your Highnesses much pleasure: as it is certain that the dis-
covery of this land in this place was as great a miracle as the discovery of
the first voyage.* These are his words. He gave infinite thanks to God
as was his custom, and all praised the divine goodness, and with great re-
joicings and merriment the Salve Regina was sung with other devout songs
which contain praises of God and our Lady, according to the ctistom of
sailors, at least our sailors of Spain, who in tribulations and rejoicings are
accustomed to say them.
** Here 5 he makes a digression and recapitulation of the services he has
rendered the Sovereigns, and of the desire he always felt to serve them,
'not as false tongues,* says he, 'and as false witnesses said, from envy.* ^
. . . He repeats a mention of the heat he suffered, and how they were
nevertheless now going by the same parallel, except they had drawn near
to the land when he ordered the course directed to the west, because the
» The Historie omits all between this point in the narrative and the first sight of
birds, which occurred on Saturday, July 14, 1498.
Under date of Jvily 16, we imagine Columbus is trying to identify the Azores
rather than the Cape Verde Islands with the Hesperides. The Cassiterides are the
Scilly Islands.
* In the Historie the date is ''Tuesday the last of July," while in the French trans-
lation of 1681 it is called **le mardy trente de Juillet."
3 The copy and the printed edition here read, ** which to-day are called the
Caribesy
^ The Historie gives this man's name as Alfonso Perez Nizzardo.
5 The Historie makes no mention of there being such a digression or recapitula-
tion in the Journal.
6 Las Casas in the copy and in the printed edition inserts at this point his own
views as to the trials and tribulations of the Admiral, and particxilarly the malign
and hostile representation to the Sovereigns working out good to the Admiral's
soul.
384 Christopher Columbus
land emits coolness from its fountains and rivers, and by its waters
causes moderation and softness: and because of this he says the Portu-
guese who go to Guinea which is below the Equinoctial line are able to navi-
gate because they go along the coast. He says further, that now he was in
the same parallel from which the King of Portugal brought gold, from
which he believed that whoever would search those seas would find things
of value. He confesses here that there is no man in the world for whom
God has shown so much grace, and entreats Him that He will furnish some-
thing from which their Highnesses and Christianity may receive great
pleasure: and he says that, although he should not find any other thing of
benefit except these beautiful lands, which are so green and full of groves
and palms, that they ought to be much esteemed. ... He says that
it is a miraculous thing that the Sovereigns of Castile should have lands so
near the Equinoctial as 6 degrees, Ysabela being distant from the said line
24 degrees.
** Having seen the land then to the great consolation of all, he left the
course which he desired to follow in search of some of the islands of the
Cannibals in order to provide himself with water, of which he was greatly in
need, and made a short excursion towards the land which he had seen,
towards a cape which appeared to be to the west, which he called 'Cabo de
la Galera,* » from a great rock which it had, which from a distance ap-
peared like a galley sailing. They arrived there at the hour of 'com-
pletas.' » They saw a good harbour but it was not deep, and the Admiral
regretted that they could not enter it. He pursued his course to the point
he had seen, which was seven leagues toward the south. He did not find a
harbour. On all the coast he found that the groves reached to the sea, the
most beautiful coast that eyes ever saw. He says that this island must be
large : a canoe appeared at a distance filled with people who must have been
fishing, — and made towards the land to some houses which appeared there.
The land was very cultivated and high and beautiful.3
» This Cabo de la Galera is now called Galeota, its latitude being 10® 9' north, and
its longitude is 54° 42' west of the Observatory of Cadiz. Navarrete calls it Cabo de
la Galea. It is also Galea in the Historie.
^ The day was canonically divided into two parts of twelve hours each, beginning
at six o'clock respectively. Prime was at six o'clock in the morning, Tierce at nine,
Sexts at noon, Nones at three in the afternoon, Vespers at six, and Compline or Com-
pletas at nine in the evening, or bedtime.
There was a Latin verse anciently recited:
''Haec sunt septenis propter quae psallimus horis,
Matutina ligat Christum, Qui cnmina purgat:
Prima replet sputis; causam dat Tertia mortis:
Sexta Cruci nectit: latus ejus Nona bipertit:
Vespera deponit: tumulo Completa reponit."
"At Matins boimd: at Prime reviled: to death condemned at Tierce.
At Twelve they nail Him to the Cross, at Three His side they pierce.
At Vesper-tide they take Him down: entombed at ended day:
And we His Church these hours must keep and keep for Him alway."
3 The Historie makes the Admiral travel five leagues along the south side of the
island to the Spiaggia, or the place called in Spanish Punta de la Playa, on the same
Narrative of Third Voyage 385
** Wednesday, August i , he ran down the coast toward the west, 5 leagues,
and arrived at a point,* where he anchored with all three ships, and took
water from fountains and streams. They found signs of people, instru-
ments for fishing, signs of goats * ... he says that they found aloes
and great groves of palms, and very beautiful lands: 'for which infinite
thanks may be given to the Holy Trinity.' These are his words. He saw
much tilled land along the coast and many settlements. He saw from there
towards the south, another island, which is distant more than 20 leagues
. . . to this he gave the name of *ysla Sancta.' ^ He says here that
he would not take any Indians in order not to disturb the land. From the
Cape of Galera to the point where he took the water, which I believe * he
named 'Punta de la Playa,' he says that having been a great way, and
running east- west . . . there was no port in all that way, but the land
was well populated and tilled, and with many trees and thick groves, the
most beautiful thing in the world, the trees reaching to the sea s . . .
the currents, 'sugente* which is that which comes down, and the *mon-
tante * which is that which ascends from below, he says appear to be great.
The island which lies to the south he says is very large. ^
" He says 7 that he came to search for a harbour along the island of
Trinidad,* Thursday, August 2, and arrived at the cape of the island of
day he discovered the island, that is, on Tuesday, Jtily 31 , 1498. Now, it is perfectly
clear in L^ Casas. After he discovered the three hills he sailed toward the south-
eastern end of the island, which he called Cabo de la Galera, and reached that
point at nine o'clock at night. The next day, Wednesday, August i, 1498, he sailed
five leagues to the "Punta de la Playa," where he anchored with all three ships and
took water; and it was from here that he saw toward the south another island which
he called Ysla Sancta, On the following day, August 2, 1498, he continued to the
westward and landed on the south-western end of the island, which he called Punta
del Arenal, and indulged in recreation.
* Navarrete says this is in the neighbourhood of the Punta de Alcatraz. It is
situated in north latitude 10^ 6' and in longitude 54° 55' west of Cadiz.
^ Las Casas here says, "but they were only of deer of which there are many in
those lands."
3 Las Casas here introduces a remark of his own: "And he [the Admiral] might
well say five himdred since this is the continental land which, as he saw a part of it,
seemed to him to be an island."
4 The Historie plainly calls this Delia Spiaggia, the Italian equivalent of Punta
de la Playa.
5 Las Casas here remarks that where trees are found growing down to the sea it
is a sure sign that there are no storms on that coast.
6 The Historie omits this passage. Las Casas remarks that the Admiral was
already discovering the continental land, although he did not esteem it as anything
more than an island.
7 The Histarie inserts before this passage an explanation as follows: "Since they
saw that at the point of the Spiaggia [Punta de la Playa] they could not hold con-
verse with the people of the land, and since there was no convenience for obtaining
all the water needed except with great fatigue, and that here they could not repair
the ships or renew the victuals."
8 The beautiful island of Trinidad, upon which a most Holy name was bestowed,
was destined not many years after, in 15 10, to be the witness of one of the most atro-
cious scenes in the whole history of the Spanish Conquest. Las Casas tells the har-
voL. 11.-25.
386 Christopher Columbus
Trinidad, which is a point, to which he gave the name * Punta del Arenal,' »
which is to the west: so that he had in a sense already entered in the giilf
which he called *de la Ballena,' ^ where he underwent great danger of
losing his ships 3 ... he says here that the island of Trinidad is large,
because from the Cape of Galera to the Point of Arenal, where he was at the
present time, he says it is 35 leagues.-* . .• . He ordered that his people
should land on this Point of Arenal, the end of the island toward the west,
rowing tale himself, and says that he heard it from the mouth of the chief perpetrator.
A man named Juan Bono was directed by the home government of Santo Domingo to
go and fetch some Indian slaves. Just why so long a journey was made we do not
know, unless a remote land would give despair to captivity and preclude hope of
escape, but the expedition went to the island of Trinidad, where dwelt the most
peaceable, gentle race known to the New World. They held in abhorrence the cruel
Caribs, and were their enemies because they ate htmian flesh. When the Indians
asked the Spaniards who they were and what they wanted, they replied that they were
a friendly crew wishing to be brothers to them and that they proposed to live with
them in amity and love. Accordingly, the innocent natives agreed to build homes
for them, and tmder the direction of Juan Bono, one large building was erected, capa-
cious enough for one htmdred persons to occupy in comfort. Its form was that of
a bell and so is the common form of a trap for rats. Each day the kindly people of
the island loaded their friends with fish and bread and fruit. Every want was sup-
plied. While some hewed wood and some drew cooling waters, others were bearers
of stone, and still others helped in the construction of their own cinerary. When the
edifice was completed the Spanish captain invited all the Indians — men, women, and
children — to enter as to a festival. Then he surrounded the building with his men.
all completely armed, and he himself with drawn sword enters and told the Indians,
already crazed with fear, that if they did not keep quiet he would kill them. Of
course the poor, wild things, not half understanding what he wanted, — which was
their quiet capttire and their giving of themselves to him as slaves, — struggled and
fought to escape. Such as made their way out were immediately massacred, and
then the Spanish captain set fire to the building and mercilessly burned the entire
mtiltitude. Of the Indians remaining on the island i8o were taken away as slaves. To
Las Casas, this fiendish creature, Juan Bono, acknowledged that he and his men had
never had such tender care from father or from mother as was showered on them by
the generous natives of that island. **Then why, O! man of perdition," cried Las
Casas, "then why didst thou requite such care with such unheard-of villany." We
must remember that if the Admiral named the island La Trinidad, he also named the
entrance to the Gulf the Mouth of the Serpent, and the passageway out the Mouth of
the Dragon, — the island after God and the entrances after man.
' The Punta del Arenal is called Icacos, the south-western point of Trinidad, in
latitude io° 03' 30'', and longitude 55° 41' west of Cadiz.
* De la Ballena, or "Gulf of the Whale." Las Casas has carried the Admiral not
quite into the gulf or past the dangerous Serpent's Mouth, but near it, and the de-
tailed description of this passage is to be found farther along in the narrative.
3 Las Casas here remarks that the Admiral "did not know he was becoming en-
circled by land as will be seen. This gulf is a wonderful thing and is dangerous be-
cause of the very great river which flows into it which is called Yuyapari. This river
comes from more than 300 and I believe from 400 leagues, and it has been navigated
300 leagues, some with small ships, some with brigs, and some with large canoes."
Then follows an explanation of the conflict of the waters of the Orinoco and the sea»
due to the tremendous volume of the former.
4 The distance from the Cape Galera to the Point Arenal, or the longest distance
from east to west on the south side of the island of Trinidad, we compute to be about
sixty-four and a half miles. It is impossible to determine the leagues of Columbus^
Narrative of Third Voyage 387
to enjoy themselves and obtain recreation, because they had become wearied
and fatigued : who fotmd the land very much trampled by deer, although
they believed they were goats. This Thursday, Aug. 2, a large canoe »
came from towards the east, in which came 25 men, and having arrived at
the distance of a lombard shot, they ceased to row, and cried out many
words : the Admiral believed . . . that they were asking what people
they were, as the others of the Indies were accustomed to do, to which they
did not respond in words, but by showing them certain small boxes of brass
and other shining things, in order that they should some to the ship, coaxing
them with motions of the body and signs. They approached somewhat,
and afterwards became terrified by the ship: and as they would not ap-
proach, the Admiral ordered a tambourine player to ascend into the fore-
castle of the ship and that the young boys of the ship should dance, thinking
to please them : But they did not understand it thus, but rather, as they
saw dancing and playing, taking it for a signal of war, they distrusted them :
They left all their oars and laid hold of their bows and arrows; and each
one embracing his wooden shield, they commenced to fire a great cloud of
arrows. Having seen this, the Admiral ordered the playing and dancing
to cease, and that some cross-bows shotdd be uncovered and two of them
fired upon them, nothing more than to frighten them: the Indians then,
having fired the arrows, went to one of the two caravels, and suddenly,
without fear, placed themselves below the poop, and the pilot of the caravel,*
also without any fear, glided down from the poop and entered with them in
the canoe with some things which he gave them: and when he was vrith
them he gave a sack-coat and a bonnet to one of them who appeared to be
the principal man. They took them and as if in gratitude for what had
been given them, by signs said to him that he should go to land with them,
and there they would give him what they had. He accepted and they
went away to land. The pilot entered the boat and went to- beg permission
of the Admiral on the ship, and when they saw that he did not go directly
with him, they did not expect him longer, and so they went away and
neither the Admiral nor any other ever saw them more 3 . . . the
especially when he is measxiring distances on meridians. Thus here his league is not
two miles in length.
Ferdinand omits this measurement from Galera to Arenal, but he gives the dis-
tance between Galera and the Point of Spiaggia as thirty leagues. If his figures are
anywhere near correct, it is evident that this last Point cannot be identified with the
Punta de la Playa of Las Casas, which was only five leagues west of Galera.
Las Casas thinks this distance from Galera to Arenal was greater, even as much
as forty-five leagues.
* Ferdinand describes this encounter with the large canoe as occurring before the
Admiral arrived at the Punta del Arenal.
While the Historic and Las Casas say there were twenty-five men in the canoe,
the letter to the Sovereigns says there were twenty-four men.
" The Historie says this caravel was called La Vacchina.
3 Here occurs a hiatus which Las Casas fills with an interesting remark. It
describes the first reception accorded Columbus by the inhabitants of the continent :
"From the sudden change in their bearing because of the playing on the tam-
bourine and the dancing, it appears that this must be considered among them a sign
388 Christopher Columbus
Admiral says here that these were all youths and very well disposed and
adorned . . . but they came armed with bows and arrows and wooden
shields. They were not as short as others he had seen in the Indies and
they were whiter, and of very good movements and handsome bodies, the
hair long and smooth and cut in the manner of Castile. They had the head
tied with a large handkerchief of cotton, symmetrically woven in colours,
which the Admiral believed to be the * almaijar ' « : he says that others had
this cloth around them, and they covered themselves with it in place of
trousers. He says that they are not black although they are near the
equinoctial, but of an Indian colour like all the others he has found.* They
are of very fine stature, go naked, are war-like, wear the hair very long like
the women in Castile, carry bows and arrows with plumes, and at the end
of the arrows a sharp bone with a point like a fish-hook, and they carry
wooden shields, which he had not seen before: and according to the signs
and gestures which they made, he says he could understand from them
that they believed the Admiral came from the south, from which he judged
that there must be great lands toward the south . . . the tempera-
ture of this land, he says, is very high and according to him this causes the
colour of the people, and the hair which is all flowing and the very thick
groves which abound everywhere. He says it must be believed that the
territory passed was loo leagues to the west of the Azores, because many
times he has said that the sky and the sea and the temperature change * and
this,' he says, *is manifest* because here where he was, so near to the
Equinoctial line each morning that he declares that it was cool 3 and the
Sim was in Leo . . . the waters run more toward the west and are
greater than the river of Seville, the water of the sea rose and fell 65 paces
and more than in Barrameda * near to the place * monte Carracas * : he
says that the current flows very strongly going between these two islands,
Trinidad and that one which he called *Sancta,' and the land which
afterwards and farther on he called * Isla de Gracia ' s . . . they found
of hostility. A servant of the Admiral, called Bemaldo de Ibarro, who was on this
voyage with him, told me and gave it to me in writing and 1 have this writing in
my possession to-day, that a cacique came to the ship of the Admiral and was wearing
upon his head a diadem of gold: and he went to the Admiral who was wearing a
scarlet cap and greeted him and kissed his own diadem and with the other hand he
removed the cap of the Admiral and placed upon him the diadem and he himself put
upon his own head the scarlet cap, appearing very content and pleased."
' Almai9ar, a gauze veil worn by the ancient Moors.
* Another reference to his expectation derived from correspondence with Jaime
Ferrer, of finding the natives near the Equinoctial line to be black.
3 Las Casas here remarks: "What he says is very true, since 1 who write this
have been there and required a robe nights and mornings, especially at Navidad."
The good Bishop here does not mean the Navidad on Santo Domingo, the first set-
tlement (soon abandoned) on the island, nor yet the Bay of the Nativity, sometimes
placed in the Gulf of Uraba, but rather a locality near the Gulf of Paria named by
Vicente Yaflez Pinz<5n. And it will be observed that Las Casas affirms that he him-
self had been there.
4 This reference to the force of the waters is placed in the Historie tmder the
date of August i.
5 Las Casas here remarks: "From the island of Trinidad to the continental land
called Sancta it is two leagues as appears by the map."
Narrative of Third Voyage 389
fniits like those of Espanola and the trees and the lands and the tempera-
ture of the heavens' . . . they found *hostias* or oysters, very
large, infinite fish, parrots as large as hens, he says * . . .
** Being at this Point of Arenal, which is the end of the island of Trinidad,
they saw toward the north, quarter north-east, a distance of 15 leagues, a
cape or point of the same tierra firma 3 . . . the Admiral believing
that it was another distinct island named it * Isla de Gracia ' : which island
he says goes to the west, which is the west [poniente], and that it is a very
high land.-* . . .
** Saturday, August 4, he determined to go to the said island of Gracia
and raised the anchors and made sail from the said Point of the Arenal, where
he was anchored: and because that pass by which he entered into the Gulf
of Ballena was not more than two leagues, as on one part is Trinidad and
on the other the tierra firma, the fresh water came out very swiftly. There
came from towards the Arenal, from the island of Trinidad, such a great
current toward the south, like an opposing flood 5 . . . with such
great thimdering and noise, that all were frightened and from which they
did not think to escape, and the water of the sea which resisted, coming in
opposition, the sea was raised making a great and very high crest which
raised the. ship and placed it on the crest of the slope, a thing which was
never heard of nor seen, and raised the anchors of the other ship which
must have been already cast and forced it toward the sea, and the Admiral
' Las Casas here says: ''The temperature of that land is greater than that of this
island of Hispaniola except in the mines of Cibao and some other provinces."
'In the autograph example the matter here suppressed shows that not Colum-
bus, but Las Casas himself, is describing the parrots. In the printed edition one
would think the description was quoted directly from the Admiral's Journal. This
is what Las Casas says:
** In this land and in all the mainland the parrots are larger than in any of those
islands and are green, the colour being very light, but those of the islands are of a
green somewhat darker: those of the mainland have the yellow with spots and the
upper part of the wings with reddish spots, and some are of yellow plumage: those of the
idands have no yellow, the neck being red with spots. The parrots of Espaflola have
a little white over the back: those of Cuba have that part red and they are very
f)retty. Those of the island of San Juan I believe are similar to those of this island
Espaflola] and I have not observed this feature in those of Jamaica. Finally it
appears that those of each island are somewhat different. In this continental land
where the Admiral is now, there is a species of parrots which I believe are found
nowhere else, very large, not much smaller than nens, reddish with blue and black
feathers in the wings. These never speak nor are attractive except in appearance.
They are called by the Indians guacamayas. It is marvellous how all the other
kinds can speak except the smallest, which are called xaxaues.'*
3 Ferdinand says here that there was a high rock in the middle of the Serpent's
Mouth which the Admiral called Gallo. This is not related by Las Casas.
The Boca de la Sierpe is called the Channel El Soldado.
In Las Casas we read here, **and this is that which is called Paria." These
words are not those of Coltimbus, but of Las Casas.
4 Las Casas here remarks: *' And he says truly, for through all that land run great
chains of very high mountains."
5 Las Casas says: **And it was because of the great force of the river Yuyapari
which is toward the south and which he had not yet seen."
390 Christopher Columbus
made sail to get out of the said crest. * It pleased God not to injure us/
says the Admiral here, and when he wrote this thing to the Sovereigns he
said, 'even to-day I feel the fear in my body which I felt lest it should
upset the ship when it came under her.' For this great danger, he named
the mouth * Boca de la Sierpe.'
** Having reached that land which he saw in that direction and believed
was an island, he saw near that cape two small islands in the middle of
another channel which is made by that cape which he called *Cabo de
Lapa' and another cape of the Trinidad which he called *Cabo Boto,' '
because of being thick and blunt, — the one island he named *el Caracol/
the other ' el Delfin. ' * . . . He went along the coast of the terra firma
of Paria, which he believed to be an island, and named it * Isla de Gracia/ —
towards the west in search of a harbour. 3 From the point of the Arenal,
which is one cape of Trinidad as has been said, and is towards the south,
as far as the other cape Boto, which is of the same island and is towards the
sea, the Admiral says it is 26 large leagues, and this part appears to be the
width of the island, and these two said capes are north and south. There
were great currents, the one against the other: there came many showers
as it was the rainy season, as aforesaid. The Isla de Gracia . . . the
Admiral says that it is a very high land and all full of trees which reach to
the sea : this is because the gulf being surrounded by land, there is no surf
and no waves which break on the land as where the shores are uncovered.
He says that, being at the point or end of it, he saw an island of very high
land to the north-east, which might be 26 leagues from there. He named
it * Belaforma,* * because it looked very well from a distance. . . .
' Ferdinand does not mention Cape Boto \intil iinder the date of August 11,
when he speaks of four small islands lying in the Dragon's Mouth.
Navarrete says that Cape Boto is called Punta de Pena Blanca, while the cape on
the opposite side, or the extreme eastern end of the mainland, is called Punta de la
Pefia.
* Las Casas says here: '* It is only five leagues in this strait between the Point of
Paria and Cape Boto of Trinidad, and the said islands are in the middle of the strait.
The impetus of the great river Yuyapari and the tempestuous waves of the sea make
the entrance and exit by this strait greatly dangerous, and because the Admiral ex-
perienced this difficulty and also danger, he called that difficult entrance Boco del
Drago and thus it is called to this day.*'
3 Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie says he went along the southern coast of
the Gulf of Paria navigating toward the west, to find a way out, thinking that what
he had called Isla de Gracia was an island.
4 One certainly would think from the text that the island Belaforma, which he
saw at the end of the mainland in a north-eeist direction, was the island of Tobago,
in north latitude 11° 25' (its northern point) and longitude 60® 32.' It is 24 miles
north-east of Trinidad, and is 32 miles long by 12 miles broad. It is a mass of rocks.
The town of Scarborough is the principal town. The island belongs to Great Britain.
Las Casas, at this point in the text, interjects his own opinion, and, losing sight
of the fact that the Admiral says he saw this island when at the extreme end of the
continental land, therefore at the eastern end, he says, ** Owing to the difficult posi-
tions assumed by the ships when in the Gulf, some openings of the land frequently
appeared to make distinctions between lands which distinctions really did not exist
Narrative of Third Voyage 391
" He navigated Stinday, August 5, five leagues from the point of the Cape
of Lapa, which is the eastern end of the island of Gracia: He saw very good
harbours adjacent to each other, and almost all this sea he says is a har-
bour, because it is surrounded by islands and there are no waves. ^ . . .
he sent the boats to land * and found fish and fire, and traces of people, and
a great house visible to the view. From there he went eight leagues 3 where
he found good harbours. This part of this island of Gracia he says is very
high land, and there are many valleys, and *all must be populated,' says
he, because he saw it all cultivated. There are many rivers because each
valley has its own from league to league: they found many fruits, and
grapes like [our] grapes and of good taste, and myrobalans very good, and
others like apples, and others he says, like oranges, and the inside is like
figs. They found infinite ' gatos paulos': the waters, he says, are the best
that they saw. 'This island,' he says, 'is all full of harbours, this sea is
fresh, although not wholly so, but brackish like that of Carthagena':
farther down he says that it is fresh like the river of Seville, and this was
caused when it encountered some current of water from the sea, which
made that of the river salty.
** He sailed to a small port, Monday, August 6,* five leagues, from whence
he went out and saw people, and then a canoe with four men came to the
caravel which was nearest the land, and the pilot called the Indians as if
he wished to go to land with them, and in drawing near and entering he
submerged the canoe, and they commencing swimming: he caught them
and brought them to the Admiral. He says that they are of the colour of
all the others of the Indies: they wear the hair (some of them) very long,
others as with us : none of them have the hair cut as in Espanola and in the
other lands. They are of very fine stature and all well grown: they have
and the Admiral called these 'islands,* because he judged them to be so." It seems
to us that either when first he was near the Mouth of the Dragon or after he went
out, the Admiral really did see this island.
^ Las Casas here says: ** He [the Admiral] called the parts of the continental land
which disclosed themselves to him 'islands,' but there are only the island of Trinidad,
and the continental lands which inclose the Gulf which he now calls the Sea."
* This event, occurring on Sunday, August 5, 1498, is the first landing of Euro-
peans on the continent of South America. The landfall was on the south coast of
Venezuela, within the Gulf of Paria, five leagues from the Cabo de Lapa, which is the
western side of the Mouth of the Dragon and the extreme north-eastern point of the
Venezuelan land. It is believed to be the Punta Morocoi of to-day. Ferdinand
Columbus does not say how far along the coast the Admiral went from the Mouth of
the Dragon, but he does say that the landfall occurred on Sunday, August 5, 1498.
3 Ferdinand says, directly after describing the landfall: "Not wishing to lose
more time he followed the coast down another fifteen leagues without entering into
any harbour or port, for fear that he would not have weather favourable for him to
get out."
4 Ferdinand seems to place whis occurrence on the date of Sunday, August 5, as
it immediately follows the mention of the distance travelled that day, that is, fifteen
leagues.
Ferdinand says the name of the caravel was // Correo. Thus of the three ves-
sels of this expedition we know the names of two. La Vacchina and // Correo, at least
their Italian names.
392 Christopher Columbus
the genital member tied and covered, and the women all go naked as their
mothers gave them birth ' . . . *to these Indians,* says the Ad-
miral, *as soon as they were here I gave hawk's bells and beads and sugar,
and sent them to land, where there was a great battle among them, and
after they knew the good treatment, all wished to come to the ships. Those
who had canoes came and they were many, and to all we gave a good wel-
come and held friendly conversation with them, giving them the things
which pleased them.' The Admiral asked them questions and they re-
plied, but they did not understand each other. They brought them bread
and water and some beverage like new wine : they are very much adorned
with bows and arrows and wooden shields, and they carry arrows almost all
poisoned.
** Tuesday, August 7, there came an infinite nvunber of Indians by land
and by sea and all brought with them bread and maize and things to
eat and pitchers of beverages, some white like milk tasting like wine, some
green and some of different colotirs * : he believes that all are made from
fruits 3 . . . they all brought their bows and poisoned arrows very
pointed: they gave nothing for beads, but would give as much as they had
for hawk's bells, and asked nothing else. They gave a great deal for brass ^
. . . Here the Admiral says whatever they gave them from Castile they
smelled it as soon as it was given them. They brought parrots of two or
three kinds, especially the very large ones like those in the island of Guade-
loupe, he says, with the large tail: they brought handkerchief s s of cotton
very symmetrically woven and worked in colours like those brought from
Guinea, from the rivers of the Sierra Leona and of no difference , and he
^ Las Casas in the passage here omitted says the women wore breech-cloths,
and he says that he himself saw this as he was "near there, within thirty leagues of
that place." The importance of this passage lies in the fact that Las Casas does not
claim to have been actually within the Gulf of Paria, but near it, and thirty leagues
might well be taken to indicate a locality not very far distant. Hence the Bay of
Nativity is not in the Gulf of Paria itself, but near it, say about thirty leagues from
it and along the west coast. Thus, when he speaks of this country, he certainly
should be admitted as a credible witness, for the character of the people within such
a short distance would not be materially different.
* Ferdinand says that, besides the beverage, which was white like milk, there
was another inclined to be black, tasting like green wine from grapes badly ripened.
As he had the Journal before him, it may well be that his interpretation of the wine
being green in condition rather than green in colour, is more correct.
3 Las Casas says in this suppressed passage that "most or all of it is made from
maize but as the maize itself is white or violet and reddish, it causes the wine to be
of different colours. I do not know of what the green wine is made.'* Thus Las
Casas evidently thought the wine was green in colour.
4 In this omitted passage Las Casas says: "It is certain that they hold this
[brass] in high estimation and they gave in this Espaflola for a little brass as much
gold as any one would ask and I believe that in the beginning it was always thus in
all these Indies. They called it iurey as if it came from heaven because they called
heaven hureyos. They find in it I do not know what odour but which is agreeable
to them."
5 Ferdinand, in describing these people, says that the only useful thing among
them was a small mirror of gold worn about the neck.
Narrative of Third Voyage 393
says that they cannot communicate with the latter, because from where he
now is to Guinea the distance is more than 800 leagues: below he says that
these handkerchiefs resemble 'almayzars.' He desired, he says, to take
a half dozen Indians, in order to carry them with him, and says that he
could not take them because they all went away from the ships before
nightfall.
*' But Wednesday, August 8, a canoe came with 12 men to the caravel
and they took them all, and brought them to the ship of the Admiral, and
from them he chose six and sent the others to land ' ... he made
sail then towards a point which he calls * de I'Aguja,' * he does not say when
he gave it this name, and from there he says that he discovered the most
beautiful lands that have been seen and the most populated, and arriving
at one place which for its beauty he called * Jardines* where there were an
infinite number of houses and people, and those whom he had taken told him
there were people who were clothed, for which reason he decided to anchor,
and infinite canoes came to the ships. These afe his words. Each one, he
says, wore his cloth so woven in colours, that it appeared an *almayzar,*
with one tied on.the head and the other covering the rest, as has been already
explained. Of these people who now came to the ships, some he says wore
eyes of gold on the breast, and one of the Indians he had taken told him
there was much gold there, and that they made large mirrors of it, and
they showed how they gathered it ... he says that, as he was going
hastily along there, because he was losing the supplies which it had cost
him so much labour to obtain, and this island Espanola is more than 300
leagues from there, he did not tarry, which he would have wished very
much in order to discover much more land, and says that it is all full of
' This omitted passage reveals to us the character of the Bishop of Chiapas and
his inherent hatred of slavery. He says:
"From this it appears that the Admiral did it [took the natives away] without
scruple as he did many other times in the first navigation, it not appearing to him
that it was an injustice and an ofifence against God and his neighbor to take free men
against their will, separating fathers from their sons and wives from their husbands
and who, according to natural law were married, and these could not be taken with-
out sin and perhaps a mortal sin and the Admiral was the responsible cause — and
there was the further circumstance that these people came to the ships imder tacit
security and promised confidence which should have been observed toward them;
and this is a scandal not only to the Christians there, but to those in all the earth
and to whomever should hear of this."
Thus spake this anti-slavery Boanerges. Of course, he is looking backward, as he
writes this, over years full of abuse and cruelty to the Indians, and this colours his
picture and roughens his voice as he criticises the Admiral, to whom he traces the
beginning of this dreadful enslaving of a free and independent people. The good
Bishop does not make allowance for the necessity of teaching these people the lan-
guage and the customs of the Spaniards to the end that they might assist in a colonisa-
tion which had been determined upon, and in the introduction to the New World of
a change which was inevitable. Columbus could not tarry in that country of Paria,
he could not leave there a colony with teachers and missionaries; therefore to carry
out his future plans he had to take away certain of the natives. If slavery had been
his object he would have taken all, and not have been contented with six.
^ Navarrete says that this point is to-day called Alcatrazes; its latitude is 10® 27'
and its longitude is 56° 13'.
Ferdinand is silent about these places along the coast in the Gulf of Paria.
394 Christopher Columbus
very beautiful islands, much populated, and very high lands and valleys
and plains, and all are very large: the people are much more politic than
those of Espanola and war-like, and there are handsome houses * . . .
arriving at the point of Aguja he says that he saw another island to the
south 15 leagues which extended to the south-west north-west, very large,
and very high land, and he called it 'Sabeta,' and in the afternoon he saw
another to the west , very high land * ... he anchored at the place
he had named the * Jardines,' and then there came an infinite number of
canoes, large and small, full of people, according to what he says. After-
wards in the afternoon there came more from all the territory, many of
whom wore at the neck pieces of gold of the size of horseshoes. It appeared
that they had a great deal of it : but they gave it all for hawk's bells and he
did not take it ^ . . yet he had some specimens from them and it
was of very poor quality and appeared gilded anew. They said, as well as
he could understand by signs, that there were some islands there where
there was much of that gold, but that the people were cannibals, and the
Admiral says here that this word * Cannibal,' every one there held as a
cause for enmity, or perhaps they said so because they did not wish the
Christians to go yonder, but that they should remain there all their life.
The Christians saw one Indian with a grain of gold as large as an apple.
Another time there came an infinite number of canoes loaded with people,
and all wore gold and necklaces, and beads of infinite kinds, and had hand-
kerchiefs tied on their heads as they had hair well cut, and they appeared
very well. It rained a great deal, and for this reason the people ceased to
go and come. Some women came who wore on the arms strings of beads,
and mingled with them were pearls or ' aljofars ' [mis-shapen pearls], very
fine, not like the coloured ones which were found on the islands of Babueca:
they traded for some of them, and he says that he would send them to their
Highnesses ^ . . . the Admiral asked the Indians where they found
them or fished them, and they showed him some mother-of-pearl where
they are formed; and they rephed to him by very clear signs, that they
' Las Casas here says that if the Admiral had at that time seen the kingdom of
Xaragua and the Court of its King, Behechio, like the Adelantado, his brother, he
would have made these exceptions.
* Las Casas here particularly repeats his idea that what Columbus called islands
were simply different portions of the mainland.
3 Here Las Casas remarks: ** And this is strange that a man as provident as the
Admiral and desiring to make discoveries should not have seized this opportimity
for trading, as he did on his first voyage."
-♦ Las Casas here remarks that he himself never learned of these pearls which
were said to be found in the islands of Babueca, which are near the Puerto de Plata in
this Espailola; these islands are lower in the water than any others and are a men-
ace to navigation and are called Abre el Ojo.
Las Casas here confounds Babueca, discovered by Columbus, November 12,
1492, on the coast of Cuba, with the land on the north side of Espaftola, known as
Puerto de Plato. The first mention of pearls in the New World is in the Journal of
Colvunbus, when he sailed for the island of Cuba on the report of the Indians as to
gold and pearls. If Babueca, or Babeque, is the "place of pearls," Columbus never
foimd it on either the shores of Cuba or those of Espaflola.
Narrative of Third Voyage 395
grow and are gathered towards the west, behind that island, which was the
Cape of Lapa,' the Point of Paria and the terra firma, which he believed to
be an island * ... he sent the boats to land to know if there was any
new thing which he had not seen, and they found the people so tractable,
says the Admiral, that, 'although the sailors did not go intending to land,
there came two principal persons with all the village, who induced them to
descend and who took them to a large house, built near two streams and
not round like a camp-tent, in the manner of the houses of the islands,
where they received them very well and made them a feast and gave them
a collation, bread and fruit of many kinds: and the drink was a white
beverage which had a great value, which every one brought there, at this
time, and some of it is tinted and better than the other, as the wine with
us. The men were all together at one end of the house and the women at
the other. Having taken the collation at the house of the older man, the
younger conducted them to the other house, where they went through the
same function. It appeared that one must be the cacique and lord, and
the other must be his son. Afterwards the sailors returned to the boats
and with them went back to the ships, very pleased with this people.
These are all the words of the Admiral. He says further: ' They are of very
handsome stature, and all large, ** d la mano," ' and whiter than any other he
had seen in these Indies, and that yesterday he saw many as white as we
are, and with better hair and well cut, and of very good speech. *No
lands in the world can be more green and beautiful or more populated:
moreover the temperature since I have been in this island,* says he, 'is, I
say, cool enough each morning for a loose furred gown, although it is so
near the Equinoctial line: the sea is yet fresh. They called the island
Paria,' 3 . . . AH are the words of the Admiral.
** Friday, August lo, he ordered sail to be made and went to the west of
that which he thought to be an island, and travelled five leagues and an-
chored. For fear of not finding bottom, he went to search for an opening
[mouth] by which to get out of that gulf, within which he was going, en-
circled by terra firma and islands, although he did not believe it to be terra
firma, and he says it is certain that that was an island, because the Indians
said thus, and thus it appears he did not understand them. From there he
saw another island facing the south, which he called * Ysabeta,' ^ which
extends from the south-west to north-west, afterwards another which he
' In the copy of Las Casas and in the printed edition this is called Cabo de la
Playa, while the holograph example properly calls it Cabo de Lapa. The reader will
recall that the Admiral gave the name Punia de la Playa to the place on the south
side of Trinidad, five leagues from Galera, at which they landed and procured water.
* Las Casas again says, "but it was the mainland."
Las Casas further says, relative to finding pearls here: '* And they told the truth,
because 25 or 30 leagues from there toward the west is the island of Cubagua, which
will be spoken of presently, where they gathered them."
This is the island between Margarita and the mainland.
3 Las Casas again says here, "but this was the mainland."
4 The holograph example has this name spelled as given above, but the copy has
Ysabela, and the printed edition Isabela.
396 Christopher Columbus
called 'la Tramontana,' a high land and ver>' beautiful, and it seemed
that it ran from north to south. It appeared very large ' . . . The
Indians whorii he had taken said, — according to what he understood, — that
the people there were cannibals and that yonder was where the gold was
found and that the pearls which they had given the Admiral they had
sought and found on the northern part of Paria toward the west. The
water of that sea he says was very sweet [fresh] like that of the river of
Seville and in the same manner muddy. He would have wished to go to
those islands except for turning backward because of the haste he felt in
order not to lose the supplies that he was taking for the Christians of
Espafiola, which with so much labour, difficulty and fatigue he had gath-
ered for them : and as being a thing for the sake of which he had suffered
much, he repeats this about the provisions or supphes many times. He
says he believes that in those islands he had seen, there must be things of
value because they are all large and high lands with valleys and plains and
with many waters and very well cultivated and populated and the people
of very good speech, as their gestures showed. These are the words of the
Admiral. He says also that if the pearls are bom as Pliny says from the
dew which falls in the oysters while they are open, there is good reason for
having them there because much dew falls in that place and there are an
infinite nvunber of oysters and very large ones and because there are no
tempests there, but the sea is always calm, a sign of which is that the trees
enter into the sea. which shows there is never a storm there, and each
branch of the trees which enters ^ . . . was full of an infinite nvunber
of oysters so that breaking a branch, it comes out full of oysters attached
to it: they are white within, and their flesh also, and very savoury, not
salt but fresh and they require some salt, and he says that they do not
know or spring from mother-of-pearl. Wherever the pearls are generated,
he says, they are extremely fine and they pierce them as in Venice 3 . . .
' Las Casas again interjects here his oft-repeated assurance, *'this is the main-
land."
* Las Casas says in this suppressed passage: ** And there are also roots of certain
trees in the sea, which according to the language of this Espailola are called Mangels."
This is the mangrove, Rhizophora Mangle, foimd in quantities along these coasts
and to which the oysters cling. It affects tidal estuaries and salt marshes. The
roots descend bow-like, striking into new lodgment at a considerable distance from
the parent stem. These roots and stems shelter bivalves and other marine animals.
3 In this passage, here suppressed, Las Casas gives a long dissertation on the en-
gendering of pearls, declaring in the first place that the oysters referred to by the
Admiral were not the pearl-breeding oyster, but were of another kind, since those
from which the pearls come, from a natural instinct hide themselves below the water.
He then proceeds to speak of the formation of pearls, holding with Pliny and Solinus
that they owe their engendering to the lust of the oyster, and its reception and im-
pregnation of the drop of dew or rain. He says they go in droves like the bees, having
a leader or king, and when he is captured the rest are easily taken. When there is
a storm with thunder and lightning the oyster casts out the pearl from fear.
Las Casas closes his dissertation by remarking that:
"The pearls which the Admiral received here were formed in the Sea of a little
island called Cubagua which has no fresh water but is barren and dry; and in the
whole of the island there is not more than two leagues of habitable land, although the
Narrative of Third Voyage 397
and at this place the Admiral mentions many points of land and islands
and the names he had given them, but it does not appear when "...
he gave names to the 'punta Seca,' the *ysla Ysabeta/ the *ysla Tra-
montana/ the *pimta Liana,' 'pimta Sara,' asstmiing them to be known,
although he has said nothing of them or of any of them. He says that all
that sea is fresh, and he does not know from whence it proceeds, because it
did not appear to have the flow from great rivers, and that, if it had them,
he says it would not cease to be a marvel.^ . . .
pearls have invited more than 50 inhabitants, Spaniards, who while they were there
were obliged to fetch their water from the mainland, seven leagues away. This Uttle
island is distant from where the Admiral was now travelling fifty leagues below to
the west. It might be that there in that Gulf of the Ballena where he was, or in the
sea near Trinidad, or on the mainland which he called the Island of Gracia, there were
perhaps some pearls but it appears not, since the Indians indicated that they gath-
ered tnem to the west; I was in the said little island and saw the pearls which the
oysters had tmdemeath the flesh. They were not Uniones but Margaritas. . . .
The oysters are the same size as those of Castile and the flesh is the same, very sav-
oury. I ate a great quantity of them."
The Island of Pearls is Cubagua, between Margarita and the mainland, and we
now learn that Las Casas himself had been there. The Uniones he speaks of were
oysters with but one pearl, while those with more, as many as four or five together,
were known as Margaritas.
Both Pliny and Dioscorides mention the belief that drops of dew or of rain falling
into the open mouth of the oyster harden into pearls.
Pearls are lustrous concretions in the shell of certain mollusks, caused by a secre-
tion process, and this m timi is induced as the result of an irritation of the mantle of
the moUusk on the intrusion into the shell of some foreign body. This tendency of
the process to act when the irritation occurs is in many countries artificially invited,
and a grain of hard substance and sometimes a larger object is inserted in the shell,
when it becomes the centre of this action and is encysted by a capsule which thickens
until the pearl of commerce is formed. Even the devotees of some religion have em-
ployed this process by introducing a religious symbol or image which, when it is
coated as with mother-of-pearl and united to the shell as if by nature, is presented to
the unbeliever as an evidence of the existence, power, and dreadfulness of their fav-
ourite god. If the shell be bored, the secretion begins at once to plaster up the hole,
a feature which by some has been interpreted as indicating intelligence, but which is
probably due only to the irritation producing a deposit of nacreous lymph. Linnaeus
suggested to the Swedish Government the plan of boring holes in the shell of the river
mussel, inserting a grain of sand, and leaving the natural secretion to form the pearl.
The colour and lustre of pearls depend on the interior of the shell in which they
are formed. In the West Indies sometimes the most exquisite, rose-coloured pearls
are foimd, the shell being more or less pink.
The reader will notice that the Admiral foimd no pearls in the Gulf of Paria.
Those who brought the pearls said they came from the coast on the continental land
to the west of the Gulf, and thither in another year came Nifto and gathered them
freely. The honour of the continental discovery, as well as of the pearls of Paria,
belongs to the expedition led to the Gulf and along the coast by the Admiral on this
eventful voyage.
' Las Casas says in this suppressed passage: "In this and elsewhere the Admiral
shows himself to be a native of another country and of another tongue, because he does
not apprehend all the signification of the Castilian words nor the manner of using them."
The reader has already suspected that the Journal, with its mixture of Castilian
and the dialect of the seaport towns, is itself responsible for many of the doubtful
and mysterious passages.
* Here Las Casas says: "But he was mistaken in thinking there were no rivers.
398 Christopher Columbus
** Desiring to get out of this Gulf of Ballena, where he was encircled by
terra firma and La Trinidad, as already said, in going to the west by that
coast of the terra firma, which he called 'de Gracia' towards the point
Seca, although he does not say where it was, he found two fathoms of
water, no more. He sent the small caravel to see if there was an outlet to
the north, because, in front of the terra firma and of the other which he
called *Ysabeta,' to the west, there appeared a very high and beautiful
island. The caravel returned, and said that they found a great gulf, and
in it four great openings which appeared small gulfs, and at the end of each
one a river. This gulf he named * Golpho de las Perlas * ' ... it
appears that this was the inside comer of all this great gulf, where the
Admiral was going encircled by the terra firma and the island of Trinidad :
those four bays or openings, the Admiral believed were four islands, and
that there did not appear to be a sign of a river, which would make all that
gulf, of 40 leagues of sea, all fresh: but the sailors affirmed that those open-
ings were mouths of rivers.* . . . The Admiral would have liked very
much to find out the truth of this secret, which was the cause of this great
gulf being 40 leagues in length by 26 in width, containing fresh water,
which was a thing, he says, for wonders . . . and also to penetrate the
secrets of those lands, where he did not believe it to be possible that there
were not things of value, or that they were not in the Indies, especially
from having found there traces of gold and pearls and the news of them,
and discovered such lands, so many and such people in them: from which
the things there and their riches might easily be known: but because the
supplies he was carrying for the people who were in this Espanola, and
which he carried that they who were in the mines gathering gold might
have food, were being lost, which food and supplies he had gathered with
great difficulty and fatigue, he did not allow himself to be detained, and he
says that, if he had the hope of having more as quickly, he would postpone
delivering them, in order to discover more lands and see the secrets of
them: and finally he resolves to follow that which is most sure, and come
to this island, and send from it moneys to Castile to bring supplies and
people under hire, and at the earliest opportunity to send also his brother,
the Adelantado, to prosecute his discovery and find great things, as he
hoped they would be found, to serve our Lord and the Sovereigns . . .
and he says thus : * Our Lord guides me by His pity and presents me things
with which He may be served, and your Highnesses may have great pleas-
ure, and certainly they ought to have pleasure, because here they have
such a noble thing and so royal for great Princes. And it is a great
since the river Yuyapari furnished so great a flow of fresh water, as well as others
which come from near there.**
Las Casas must have misapprehended the Admiral, for he certainly knew that
the fresh water came from streams and that the streams came from extensive lands.
^ Las Casas here remarks, "although I believe there are none," — ^meaning pearls.
' Here Las Casas says: "And they say true, at least in regard to two of these
openings, because by one comes the great river Yuyapari and by the other comes
another great river which to-day is called the river of Camari.*'
3 Las Casas says here: **and he was certainly right.'*
Narrative of Third Voyage 399
error to believe any one who speaks evil to them of this undertaking,
but to abhor them, because there is not to be found a Prince who has
had so much grace from our Lord, and so much victory from a thing
so signal and of so much honour to their high estate and realms, and
by which God may receive endlessly more services and the people of
Spain more "refreshment" and gains. Because it has been seen that
there are infinite things of value, and although now, this that I say may
not be known, the time will come when it will be accounted of great
excellence, and to the great reproach of those persons who oppose this
project to your Highnesses : and although they may have expended some-
thing in this matter, it has been in a cause more noble and of greater ac-
count than any undertaking of any other Prince until now, nor was it proper
to withdraw from it hastily, but to proceed and give me aid and favour:
because the Sovereigns of Portugal spent and had courage to spend in
Guinea, for four or five years money and people, before they received any
benefit, and afterward God gave them advantages and gold. For cer-
tainly, if the people of the Kingdom of Portugal be counted, and those of
them who died in this undertaking of Guinea be entmierated, it would be
found that they are more than half of the kingdom : and certainly, it would
be the greatest thing to have in Spain a revenue which would come from
this undertaking. Your Highnesses would leave nothing of greater mem-
ory: and they may examine, and discover that no Prince of Castile may be
found, and I have not foxmd such by history or by tradition, — who has ever
gained land outside of Spain: And your Highnesses will gain these lands,
so very great, which are another world,* and where Christianity will
I The reader must pause here and consider the significance of these few words.
They constitute the second greatest utterance of Chnstopher Columbus. They are
not the words of Bartolom6 de las Casas, but the very words of the great Discov-
erer. Las Casas himself, after repeating them, apparently appreciating their im-
portance, remarks: ""Todas estas son palabras farmales del Almirante*': "All these
are the identical words of the Admiral."
These are the pregnant words:
** Y vuestras Altezas ^anaron estas tierras, tanias, que son otro mundo**: "And
your Highnesses will acquire these lands, so vast, which are another world.'*
Christopher Columbus had approached the Tropic of Cancer on his first voy-
age, had visited many 'slands around about, and was now but a few degrees from the
middle line of the earth. He had seen shore after shore with no habitations more
permanent than the hut of the savage, and no savage but who was naked of body
and rude of life. Could he have thought these lands to be those of rich Cathay,
lands known to the Western nations of Europe for ages, lands visited by Marco Polo
and Sir John Mandeville, lands with which European merchants had traded over-
land for many generations, lands occupied by civilised and rich peoples, lands whose
seas were filled with dipping, whose shores were lined with cities and active com-
mercial ports, whose cities boasted marble palaces, whose palaces had their walls
covered with gold and silver? Could he have dreamed he was among a people the
commonest of whom affected dresses of cloth and colotired stuffs, whose Emperor
gave to his twelve thousand Barons no less than 156,000 brilliant changes of raiment
each year, and robes each of which was garnished with glowing gems? Where a
mighty King has powerful Barons, coimtless satellites of lesser degree follow the
steps of their lords. Was Columbus in such a land? Could he have expected his
400 Christopher Columbus
have so great pleasure, and our faith in time so great an increase. All this
I say with very honest intention, and because I desire that Your Highnesses
may be the greatest Lords in the World, I say Lords of it all: and it may
all be with great service and contentment of the Holy Trinity, because at
the end of their days they may have the glory of Paradise, and not for that
which concerns me myself, whose hope is in His High Majesty, that Your
Highnesses will soon see the truth of it, and this is my ardent desire.* All
these are the genuine words of the Admiral.' . . .
** So that, in order to get out of this gulf, within which he was surrounded
by land on all parts, with the intention already told of saving the supplies
which he carried, which were being lost, in coming to this island of Es-
panola, — Saturday, August 1 1 , at the appearance of the moon, he raised the
anchors, spread the sails, and navigated toward the east, which is towards
the place where the sun rises,* ... in order to go out between the
Point of Paria and the terra firma, which he called the 'punta' or *Cabo
de Lapa,' and the land he named 'Ysla de Gracia,* and between the cape
which he called Xabo Boto' of the island of Trinity. . . .
**He arrived at a very good harbour, which he called *puerto de Gatos,'
which is connected with the mouth where are the two little islands of the
Caracol and Delfin, between the capes of Lapa and Cape Boto. And this
occurred Sunday, August 12.
*' He anchored near the said harbour, in order to go out by the said mouth
Sovereigns to occupy such a world without a struggle to which the war with the
Moors would have been a passing tournament.?
Columbus knew he was in a new world, and that to the world of Europe and to
the world of Cathay this which he had discovered, this which he laid at the feet of
the Sovereigns of Spain, was indeed an otro mundo, a mundus novus.
The word tantas, as descriptive of the lands discovered, is found in the holograph
example of Las Casas, but is omitted in the printed edition. It confirms our view
that Columbus knew he was in a vast continental region.
That he believed he was in continental regions is likewise apparent from a pas-
sage which Las Casas a little farther down quotes from his Journal, the words being
those of the Admiral:
" Yo estoy creido que esta es tierra firme, ^randissima, de que hasta hoy no se ha
sabido*' : '* I am of the belief that this is continental land, most vast, and which has
not been known up to this time."
» Here Las Casas digresses and speaks of the efforts put forth by the Admiral to
please the Sovereigns, which efforts the Bishop says did not always please God, and
he quotes from a letter of the Admiral, in which he says: *' I say again on my oath
that I have been more diligent to serve Your Highnesses than to gain Paradise."
The Bishop here refers to the riches of the New World, to describe which he says
would take the eloquence of Demosthenes and the hand of Cicero. The Sovereigns
should be grateful to God, says he, for distinguishing them as the discoverers and
promoters of all these great things. Columbus is criticised for keeping before the
Sovereigns the idea that they will get riches in return for their expenditures, instead
of directing their attention to devoting their means to the conversion of the Indians.
He says it is true what Columbus declared as to the gains reaped by the Portuguese;
**but," says the righteous Bishop, **I pray God that I may have no part in such
gains."
* Las Casas, in this suppressed passage, remarks: ** Because he was in the comer
of the Gulf where was the river Yuyapari as I have said above."
Narrative of Third Voyage 401
in the morning. He found another port near there, to examine which he
sent a boat. It was very good. They found certain houses of fishermen,
and much water and very fresh. He named it 'Puerto de las Cabanas.' »
They fotmd, he says, myrabolans on the land: near the sea, infinite oysters
attached to the branches of the trees which enter into the sea, the mouths
open to receive the dew which drops from the leaves and which engenders
the pearls, as Pliny says and as is alleged in the vocabulary which is called
Catholicon,
** Monday, August 13, at the rising of the moon, he weighed anchor from
where he was, and came towards the Cape of Lapa.^ ... In order to
go to the north by the mouth called 'del Drago,' for the following cause
and danger in which he saw himself there: the Mouth of the Dragon, he
says, is a strait which is between the Point of Lapa, the end of the island of
Gracia 3 ... he says it is about a league and a half between the two
capes.-* . . . Arriving at the said mouth at the hour of Tierce,s he
found a great struggle between the fresh water striving to go out to the sea
and the salt water of the sea striving to enter into the Gulf, and it was so
strong and fearful, that it raised a great crest, like a very high hill, and with
this, both waters made a noise and thundering, from east to west, very
great and fearful,^ with currents of water, and after one came four great
waves one after the other, which made contending currents: here they
thought to perish, no less than in the other mouth of the Sierpe by the
Cape of Arenal when they entered into the Gulf. This danger was doubly
more than the other, because the wind with which they hoped to get out
died away, and they wished to anchor, because there was no remedy other
than that, although it was not without danger from the fierceness of the
waters, but they did not find bottom, because the sea was very deep there.
They feared that the wind having calmed, the fresh or salt water might
throw them on the rocks with their currents, when there would be no help
. . . it pleased the goodness of God that from the same danger safety
^ Ferdinand, in his Historic, does not mention these places.
* Las Casas here remarks, ** Which is Paria. "
3 Las Casas here explains: ** Which is at the east end of the land of Paria and
between Cape Boto which is the western end of the island of Trinidad."
4 Las Casas says: "This must be after having passed four little islands which he
says lie in the centre of the channel [although now we do not really see more than
two], by which he could not go out, and there remained of the strait only a league
and a half in the passage. From the Pimta de la Lapa to the Cabo de Boto it is
five leagues."
It is well to remember the names of these four little islands: they are, coimting
westward from Trinidad, Mottos, Huevos, Chacachacare and el Pato.
5 Tierce — nine o'clock in the morning.
6 From the West India Pilot, issued by the Admiralty Office of Great Britain:
*'The tides are very strong and variable, and a vessel should anchor during the
night, which she can do in safety. The stream runs in and out of the Boca Grande
at any rate from one to 2J knots. Near the mainland, in the early part of the morn-
ing, the wind is more northerly than at any other part of the day and it draws round
gradually with the sun; the land wind comes off soon after sunset."
(This refers to the "Grand Boca.")
VOL. II.— a6.
402 Christopher Columbus
and liberty should issue, and the current of the fresh water overcame the
current of the salt water and carried the ships safely out, and thus they
were placed in security: because when God wills that one or many shall be
held in life, the water is an agent of safety to them. Thus they went out,
Monday, August 13, from the said dangerous Gulf and Mouth of the Dragon.
He says that there are 48 leagues from the first land of la Trinidad to the
Gulf which the sailors discovered whom he sent in the caravel, where they
saw the rivers and he did not believe them, which Gulf he called *de las
Perlas,' and this is the comer — inside corner-;— of all the large Gulf, which
he called *de la Ballena,' where he travelled so many days encircled by
land.i . . . Having gone out of the Gulf and the * Boca del Drago '
and having passed his danger, he decides to go to the west by the lower
coast of the terra firma, believing yet that it was the island of Gracia, in
order to get abreast on the right of the said Gulf of the Pearls north and
south, and to go around it, and see whence comes so great abundance of
water, and to see if it proceeded from rivers, as the sailors affirmed and
which he says he did not believe because he had not heard that either the
Ganges, the Nile or the Euphrates carried so much fresh water. The
reason which moved him was because he did not see lands large enough to
give birth to such great rivers, * unless indeed,* he says, 'that this is con-
tinental land.' These are his words * ... so that, going in search
of that Gulf of the Pearls, whence the said rivers proceed, thinking to find
it surrounded by land, considering it an island and to see if there was an
entrance there, or an outlet to the south, and if he did not find it, he says he
would affirm then that it was a river, and that both were a great wonder, —
he went down the coast that Monday until the setting of the sim. He saw
that the coast was filled with good harbours and a very high land: by that
lower coast he saw many islands toward the north and many capes on the
mainland, to all of which he gave names: to one, Xabo de Conchas'; to
another, ' Cabo Luengo ' ; to another, * Cabo de Sabor * ; to another,
Xabo Rico.' A high and very beautiful land. He says that on
that way there are many harbours and very large gulfs which must be
populated, and the farther he went to the west he saw the land more level
and more beautiful. On going out of the mouth, he saw an island to the
north, which might be 26 leagues from the north, and named it *la isla de
la Asuncion': he saw another island and named it *la Concepcion,' and
three other small islands together he called *los Testigos'^ . . . an-
other near them he called 'el Romero,' and three other little small islands
» Las Casas says: '* I add that it is a good 50 leagues, as will appear from the
chart of the navigation."
' Las Casas here remarks:
"So that he [the Admiral] was already be^nning to suspect that the land of
Gracia which he believed to be an island is contmental land and the sailors had told
the truth": (Here Las Casas refers to the report of the sailors when they came back
from the explorations to the south part of the Gulf) "from which land there came
such a quantity of water from the rivers, Yuyapari and the other which flows out
near it, which we now call Camari and others which must empty there."
3 Las Casas says: "They are called this to-day."
Narrative of Third Voyage 403
he called *las Guardias.' Afterwards he arrived near the *isla Mar-
garita,' and called it * Margarita,' and another near it he named 'el Mar-
tinet ' » . . . because he says it was nine leagues from the island of
Martinet, which was near, he says, to the Margarita, on the north. . . .
There the eyes of the Admiral became very bad from not sleeping. Be-
cause always, as he was in so many dangers sailing among islands, it was his
custom to himself watch on deck, and whoever takes ships with cargo
should for the most part do that very thing, like the pilots, and he says
that he found himself more fatigued here than when he discovered the
other continental land, which is the island of Cuba * . . . because his
eyes were covered with blood, and thus his labours on the sea were incom-
parable. For this reason he was in bed this night, and therefore he found
himself farther out in the sea than he would have been if he had watched
himself, from which he did not trust himself to the sailors, nor should any
one who is a diligent and perfect pilot trust to anybody, because dependent
on him and on his head are all those who go in the ship, and that which
is most necessary and proper to his office is to watch and not sleep all the
time while he navigates.
** The Admiral appears to have gone down the coast after he came out of
the Mouth of the Dragon, yesterday Monday and to-day Tuesday, 30 or
40 leagues at least, although he does not say so, as he complains that he
did not write all that he had to write, as he could not on account of his being
so ill here. And as he saw that the land was becoming very extended
below to the west, and appeared more level and more beautiful, and the
Gulf of the Pearls which was in the back part of the Gulf, or fresh-water sea 3
. . . had no outlet, which he hoped to see, believing that this land was
an island, he now became conscious that so great a terra firma was not an
island, but continental land, and as in speaking with the Sovereigns, he
' Las Casas remarks: ** Afterwards he arrived near the island of Margarita, and
named it Margarita, and another island near it he named Martinet. This Margarita is
an island 1 5 leagues long, and 5 or 6 wide, and is very green and beautiftil on the coast
and is very good within, for which reason it is inhabited: it has near it extending length-
wise east and west, three small islands, and two behind them extendingnorth and south.
The Admiral did not see more than the three, as he was going along the southern part
of Margarita. It is six or seven leagues from the mainland, and this makes a small
gulf between it and the mainland, and in the middle of the gulf are two small islands,
east and west, beside each other: the one is called Coche, which means deer, and the
other Cubagua, which is the one we have described in chapter 136 [Historia], and
said that there are an infinite quantity of pearls gathered there. So that the Admiral
although he did not know that the pearls were formed in this gulf, appears to have
divined that fact in naming it Margarita: he was very near it, although he does not
express it, because he says he was nine leagues from the island of Martinet, which he
says was near Margarita, on the northern part, and he says near it, because as he was
going along the southern part of Margarita, it appeared to be near, although it was
eight or nine leagues away : and this is the small island to the north, near Margarita
which is now called Blanca, and is distant eight or nine leagues from Margarita as
said. . . ."
' Las Casas says: "Which he regarded as continental land even until now."
3 Las Casas here says: "Whence the river of Yuyapari flowed, in the search of
which he was going. "
404 Christopher Columbus
says here: * I believe that this is a very great continental land, which until
to-day has not been known. And reason aids me greatly because of this
being such a great river and because of this sea which is fresh, and after-
wards the saying of Esdras aids me, in the 4th book, chapter 6th, which
says that the six parts of the world are of dry land and the one of water.
Which book St. Ambrosio approves in his Exameron and St. Augustin in
that passage *'Morietur filius meus Christus," as Francisco de Mayrones
alleges. And further, I am supported by the sayings of many Cannibal
Indians, whom I took at other times, who said that to the south of them
was continental land, and then I was on the island of Guadeloupe, and also
I heard it from others of the island of Sancta Cruz and of Sant Juan, and
they said that in it there was much gold, and, as your Highnesses know,
a very short time ago, there was no other land known than that which
Ptolemy wrote of, and there was not in my time any one who would believe
that one could navigate from Spain to the Indies: about which matter I
was seven years in your Court, and there were few who tmderstood it: and
finally the very great courage of your Highnesses caused it to be tried,
against the opinion of those who contradicted it. And now the truth ap-
pears, and it will appear before long, much greater: and if this is the con-
tinental land, it is a thing of wonder, and it will be so among all the learned,
since so great a river flows out that it makes a fresh-water sea of 48 leagues.*
These are his words.' . . .
*' Travelling as fast as possible, he wished to come to this Espanola, for
some reasons which impelled him greatly: one, because he was travelling
with great anxiety and affliction, as he had not had news of the condition
of this island for so many days * : . . . the other in order to despatch
^ Here is omitted matter making some forty pages of the printed edition of Las
Casas, and which, while interesting, is not from the Journal of the Admiral. Las
Casas proceeds to speak of Americas Vespucius and to deprecate the naming of the
New World after him. The reader must remember that Las Casas is now speaking
of the claim that Vespucius discovered Paria, and that land of which Coliunbus took
possession on August 5, 1498. It seems strange that the good Bishop did not know
that it was not Pari a (as given in the Latin version of the Cosmographice Introductio) ^
but Lariab, on the northern continental land, that Vespucius discovered and that in
the previous year. Las Casas says that after the third voyage the Admiral sent to
the Sovereigns a map of the land he had discovered, and when Alonzo de Hojeda saw
this map and read the relation made to the Sovereigns by the Admiral, he started on
an expedition to this region, and with him went Americus Vespucius, thus confirming
the genuineness of the latter' s Second Voyage. Las Casas regards Vespucius as a
merchant sharing in the profits, but admits that he may have been also a pilot. The
good Bishop doubtless is trying to be just, but it is plain from what he says that he
has before him the Latin edition of the Introductio Cosmographice, and it is no wonder,
if reading there the claim of Vespucius to the discovery of Paria, he should be moved
by indignation. In reality no such claim was made. (See the author's Continent of
America)
Las Casas then speaks of the Admiral and his conception of the Earthly Para-
dise, and while he again takes an opportunity to declare that he was not perfect in
his use of the Castilian tongue, he credits him with great familiarity with the authors,
ancient and modem, who have written on the Earthly Paradise.
^ Las Casas here seems to indicate that the Admiral had a premonition that all
Narrative of Third Voyage 405
immediately the Adelantado his brother, with three ships, to continue his
discovery of the continental land ' which he had already begun to ex-
plore: . . . the third cause which hastened him in coming to this
island, was from seeing that the supplies were spoiling and being lost, of
which he had such great need for the relief of those who were here, which
made him weep again, considering that he had obtained them with great
difficulties and fatigues, and he says that, if they are lost, he has no hope
of getting others, from the great opposition he always encountered from
those who counselled the Sovereigns, 'who,* he says here, *are not
friends nor desire the honour of the high condition of their Highnesses, the
persons who have spoken evil to them of such a noble undertaking. Nor
was the cost so great that it should not be expended, although benefits
might not be had quickly to recompense it, since the service was very
great which was rendered oxu" Lord in spreading His Holy name through
imknown lands. And besides this, it would be a much greater memorial
than any Prince had left, spiritual and temporal.' And the Admiral says
further, *And for this the revenue of a good Bishopric or Archbishopric
would be well secxu'ed, and I say,' says he, *as good as the best in Spain,
since there are here so many resources and as yet no priesthood. They may
have heard that here there are infinite peoples, which may have determined
the sending here of learned and intelligent persons and friends of Christ to
try and make them Christians and commence the work: the establishment
of which Bishopric I am very sure will be made, please our Lord, and the
revenues will soon come from here and be carried there.' These are his
words. . . . The fourth cause for coming to this island and not stop-
ping to discover more, which he would have very much wished, as he says,
was because the seamen did not come prepared to make discoveries, since
he says that he did not dare to say in Castile that he came with intention
to make discoveries, because they would have placed some impediments in
his way, or would have demanded more money of him than he had, and he
says that the people were becoming very tired. The fifth cause, was be-
cause the ships he had were large for making discoveries, as the one was
of more than loo tons and the other more than 70, and only smaller ones
are needed to make discoveries : and because of the ship which he took on
his first voyage being large, he lost it in the harbour of Navidad, kingdom
of the King Guacanagari. . . . Also the sixth reason which very much
constrained him to leave the discoveries and come to this island, was be-
cause of having his eyes almost lost from not sleeping, from the long and
continued watches or vigils he had had: and in this place he says thus:
was not right at Espafiola, and that he may have had a vision of the condition of
the island under the rebellious conduct of Francisco Roldan.
" Las Casas says that if it had not been for the rebellion of this Roldan, either
Columbus or his brother would have prosecuted the discoveries already made and
have continued the continental exploration even to New Spain, the land between the
Gulf of Mexico and the Mar del Sur. Evidently the good Bishop was not thinking of
the prosecution of discoveries to the east of the Orinoco and the introduction of prob-
lems which have greatly perplexed our own time.
4o6 Christopher Columbus
* May it please our Lord to free me from this malady,' he says. * He well
knows that I did not suffer these fatigues in order to find treasures for my-
self, since surely I recognise that all is vanity which is done in this age,
save that which is for the honour and service of God, which is not to amass
pomps or riches, nor the many other things we use in this world, in which
we are more inclined than to the things which can save us.' These are his
words.
'* Having determined, then, to come as quickly as he could to this island,
Wednesday, August 15, which was the day of the Assumption of Our Lady,
after the rising of the sim, he ordered the anchors weighed from where he
was anchored, which must have been within the small gulf which the Mar-
garita and the other little islands make with the continental land . . .
and sailed on the way to this island : and, pursuing his way, he saw very
clearly the Margarita and the little islands which were there, and also, the
farther away he went, he discovered more high land of the continent.
And he went that day from sunrise to sunset 63 leagues, because of the
great currents which supplemented the wind.' . . .
** The next day, Thtirsday, August 16, he navigated to the north-west,
quarter of the north, 26 leagues, with the sea calm, 'gracias d Dios' as he
always said. He tells here a wonderful thing, that when he left the Ca-
narias for this Espanola, having gone 300 leagues to the west, then the
needles declined to the north-west one quarter, and the North Star did not
rise but 5 degrees, and now in this voyage it has not declined to the north-
west tmtil last night, when it declined more than a quarter and a half, and
some needles declined ' medio viento * which are two quarters : and this
happened suddenly last night. And he says each night he was marvelling
at such a change in the heavens, and of the temperatxu'e there, so near the
Equinoctial line which he experienced in all this voyage, after having found
land: especially the sun being in Leo, where, as has been told, in the morn-
ings a loose gown was worn, and where the people of that place — Gracia —
were actually whiter than the people who have been seen in the Indies, {le
also found in the place where he now came that the North Star was in 14
degrees when the Guardians had passed from the head after two hours and
a half. Here he again exhorted the Sovereigns to esteem this affair highly,
since he had shown them that there was in this land gold, and he had seen
in it minerals without number, which will have to be extracted with in-
telligence, industry and labour, since even the iron, as much as there is,
cannot be taken out without these sacrifices: and he has taken them a
nugget of 20 ounces and many others, and where this is, it must be believed
there is plenty, and he took their Highnesses a lump of copper originally
of six *arrobas,' lapis-lazuli, gum-lac, amber, cotton, pepper, cinnamon, a
great quantity of Brazil-wood, aromatic gum, white and yellow sandal-
wood, flax, aloes, ginger, incense, myrabolans of all kinds, very fine pearls
and pearls of a reddish colour, which Marco Polo says are worth more than
' Las Casas now gives a long and detailed account of the latter part of the rebel-
lion of Francisco Roldan, sa)dng that it is proper at this point to follow the fortunes
of the three ships sent by the Admiral from the Canaries at the beginning of his voyage.
Narrative of Third Voyage 407
the white ones.^ . . . * There are infinite kinds of spices which have
been seen of which I do not care to speak for fear of prolixity.' All these
are his words.* . . .
** Friday, August 17, he went 37 leagues, the sea being smooth, 'to God
our Lord,' he says, *may infinite thanks- be given.' He says that not
finding islands now, assures him that that land from whence he came is a
great continental land, or where the Earthly Paradise is, 'because all say
that it is at the end of the east, and this is the Earthly Paradise,' says he.
** Saturday, between day and night, he went 39 leagues.
** Sunday, August 19, he went in the day and the night 33 leagues, and
reached land : and this was a very small island which he called * Madama
Beata ' ^ . . . there is next to it another smaller one which has a
hillock like a small saw, which from a distance looks like a sail, and he
named it *Alto Velo.' He believed that the Beata was a small island
which he called *Sancta Catherina' when he came by this southern coast,
from the discovery of the island of Cuba, and distant from this port of
Sancto Domingo 25 leagues, and is next to this island. It weighed upon
him to have fallen off in his course so much, and he says it should not be
counted strange, since during the nights he was from caution beating about
to windward, for fear of rtmning against some islands or shoals; there was
therefore reason for this error, and thus in not following a straight course,
the currents, which are very strong here, and which flow down towards
terra firma and the west, mtist have carried the ships, without realising it,
so low.-* . . .
** Therefore he anchored now between the Beata and this island, between
which there are two leagues of sea, Monday, August 20. He t^en sent the
boats to land to call Indians, as there were villages there, in order to write
of his arrival to the Adelantado: having come at midday, he despatched
them. Twice there came to the ship six Indians, and one of them carried a
crossbow with its cord, and other things which caused him no small sur-
prise, and he said, *May it please God that no one is dead.' And because
from Sancto Domingo the three ships must have been seen to pass down-
ward, and concluding that it certainly was the Admiral as he was expecting
him each day, the Adelantado started then in a caravel and overtook the
Admiral here. They both were very much pleased to see each other.
Having asked him about the condition of the country, the Adelantado
recotmted to him how Francisco Roldan had arisen with 80 men, with all
^ Here the Bishop remarks that this may well be true in regard to the darker or
reddish pearls, since the Portuguese obtain such good prices for those they find.
* Las Casas here discourses on the different spices and the various commodities
of the islands.
3 Las Casas says: " This is a small island of a matter of a league and a half close
by this island of Espaflola, and distant from this port of Sancto Domingo about
50 leagues and distant 15 Leagues from the port of Yaquino, which is more to the
west."
4 Las Casas makes the astonishing statement that the contrary currents are so
great here as to prevent ships, finding themselves in that place, from reaching San
Domingo for as long a period as eight months.
4o8 Christopher Columbus
the rest of the occurrences which had passed in this island, since he left
it.i . . .
'* He left there, Wednesday, August 22, and finally with some difficulty
because of the many currents and the north-east breezes which are con-
tinuous and contrary there he arrived at this port of Sancto Domingo,
Friday, the last day of August of the said year 1498.* . . ."
' The Bishop here remarks that there is little necessity for dwelling upon the
feelings of the Admiral when he heard the news respecting the Roldan rebellion.
* Las Casas adds: '*. . . having departed from Isabella for Castile Thurs-
day, March 10, 1496, so that from then to this day of his return was a period of ab-
sence covering two years and a half less nine days." Of course, the Bishop is allud-
ing to the departure of the Admiral from Isabella Vecchia and his return to Spain from
his second voyage.
CHAPTER LXXXXII
THE EARTHLY PARADISE
When Columbus was on his way home from his first voyage,
having a week before passed through the fearful storm of Thurs-
day, February 14, 1493, he entered in his Journal the reflection
that he was returning from a land of delight, where the climate
was gentle, the sea calm, the skies imclouded, and where all
nature was serene and happy, only a few days after to experi-
ence the dangers of a tempestuous and familiar ocean. And
then he recalls:
"The theologians and the philosophers have said with so much truth,
that the Earthly Paradise is situated at the extremity of the East, because
it is a country very temperate ; and moreover he says the lands which he
had just discovered are those at the extremity of the East."
No navigator ever possessed the imagination which wan-
dered through the chambers of the Admiral's brain. He was
ever seeing visions and listening to celestial voices. This ex-
perience has been in all times the possession of him who be-
lieved he had a mission committed to his care by the Gods above.
Divine missions are confided to divine messengers. They are
not given to mean men. Columbus saw himself set aside from
the beginning of time as the agent through whom the whole
world should become known, the Christian religion be every-
where promulgated and triumphant, the Moslem be driven
from the Holy Sepulchre, and even Paradise be regained. He
had read in the Book of Genesis:
**Plantauerat " autem dns deus paradisum voluptatis a principio: in
quo pofuit homing quem formauerat. . . . Et fluuius egrediebatur
' Genesis, cap. ii.
4og
4IO Christopher Columbus
de loco voluptatis ab irrigandum paradifmn : qui inde diuiditur in quatuor
capita. NomS vni phison. Ipfe est qui circuit omnem terram Suilath.
Vbi nafcitur aurum: Z ^^* terre illius optimum est. Ibicj inuenitur
bedellium: Z lapis onichinus. Et nomen fluuii fecundi gyon. Ipfe § qui
circuit omne terram ethiopie. Nomen vero tercii tigris. Ipfe vadit contra
affirios. Fluminis autem quartus ipfe eft eufrates. Tulit ergo dns deus
hominem: z pofuit eum in paradifum voluptatis vt operaretur.*'
" But the Lord God in the beginning had planted a Paradise of Delight:
in which he placed the man whom he had fashioned. . . . And a river
came out from the Place of Delight to water Paradise : which from thence
is divided into four heads. The name of the one is Phison. It is that one
which encompasses all the land of Hevilath: whence gold is produced:
and the gold of that land is the best. And there is found bdellium: and
the onyx-stone. And the name of the second river is Gyon. It is that
one which encompasses all the land of Ethiopia. Verily the name of the
third is Tigris. It is the one which rushes toward the Assyrians. But
the fourth river is the Euphrates itself. So the Lord God bore [carried]
man : and He placed him in the Paradise of Delight that it might be tilled."
If Columbus read the Bible at all, he read it as given here/
He says:
*' I do not find and I have never found in any writings of the Latins or
the Greeks anything which indicates with certainty the situation in the
world of the Earthly Paradise, and I have never fotmd in any map of the
world any reliable arguments.*'
Columbus probably never saw a copy of the printed Hebrew
Pentateuch. He probably never saw a manuscript copy of the
Septuagint version in Greek. Therefore there were only legend
and the opinion of certain Fathers of the Church to warrant the
placing of Paradise in the east, — that is to say, the extremity of
' The version of the Bible in iise in the time of Columbus was that of Saint Jerome,
made directly from the Hebrew into Latin, and not from the Septuagint Greek ver-
sion. Not far from one hundred and fifty editions of the Holy Scriptures had been
printed at the time Columbus was thinking about Paradise and the Gulf of Paria,
mostly in the Latin and German tongues. The Hebrew Sacred Writings had been
printed in parts as eariy as 1487: the Pentateuch in 1482, the Former Prophets in
1485, the Later Prophets in i486, and the Hagiographa in 1487. There is said to
have been printed in Spanish a copy of the Bible at Valencia in 147 7 » the same year
that the first Dutch Bible issued from the press. The Bible was not printed in Greek
until 1518, when the Septuagint version issued from the press. Nicolaus de Lyra,
who wrote commentaries on St. Jerome's version, was the first, so far as we know, to
call attention to the peculiar reading in Genesis where the Garden of Eden is said to
have been situated toward the east. The commentator says this reading is found in
some codices. The story that the Septuagint was really the result of the co-operative
labour of two and seventy learned scholars from Palestine, in the time of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, is to-day doubted.
The Earthly Paradise 411
the east. Columbus did not read from the Holy Scriptures any-
direct authority for locating the Earthly Paradise in the east, —
en el -fin oriente. Indeed, he expressly says that some have
placed it in the Fortimate Islands, — up to his time the extreme
west. If Coltimbus had sought an argimient for modifying the
view of the Paradise in the extremity of the east, he might have
found it in the same version of the Bible in which he read the
above account. In the fourth chapter of Genesis, after the
murder of Abel, we read:
'' Egrefjufc^ cayn a facie dni habitauit projugus in terra ad orientalem
plagam Eden *' : " And Cain, going forth from the face of the Lord, lived a
wanderer in the world to the region eastward of Eden.*'
If, then, Cain wandered into regions eastward of where man-
kind was created, manifestly the Paradise was not in the ex-
tremity of the east. The Lord ordained this first social sinner
to wander in that part of the world which was east of Paradise.
Poetical as well as divine justice would require the condemned
wanderer to go far away from the place called Paradisus Volup-
tatis. The above accoimt used by Saint Jerome followed the
Targum, or the Aramaic versions, and both followed a legend that
before the earth was created there had been a Paradise. Some
of the early painters represented Paradise as a terrestrial out-
growth from Heaven. The Hebrew version of the Book of
Genesis, printed by Christopher Plantinus at Antwerp in 1571,
was considered as nearly correct as it was possible then to find
the text, and we give a literal translation from this:
"The Lord God planted a garden in Eden from the east ' and there
placed the man whom he had fashioned. ... A river going out from
Eden for the watering of the garden, and from thence it is divided into
four heads. The name of the one is Pison, encompassing the whole land of
Chavilah : where there is gold, and the gold of that land is good : there is
bdellium * and the Shoham stone 3 : and the name of the second river is
* The Latin interlinear here has ab oriente. The Hebrew Mikkedem has a double
meaning, one of place, the other of time, and, according as we translate it, so we
follow Saint Jerome or the Septuagint. In the one sense it reads from the beginning (of
time) . In the other it reads from the beginning of the land, — that is, the place of the
sunrise, and therefore to the ancients the eastward; moreover, in the interlinear
Latin, the perfect and not the pluperfect tense is used, — plantavit, not plantaverat.
^ In the Talmud this word is yoma, "pearl."
3 Beryl. In some Greek versions it is written itpadtvo^ — green like the leek.
The word onyx-onychis , employed by Saint Jerome and the translators of the Sep-
tuagint to designate the onyx-stone, has an unusual meaning attached to it in Pliny
412 Christopher Columbus
Ghico, the one encompassing all the land of Cush ^ : and the name of the
third river is Chidekel,* the one going before Assyria: the fourth river is
Perath.3 And the Lord God bore man and placed him in the Garden
Eden."
In the modem version we read:
*' And Cain went out from the face of the Lord and dwelt in the land of
Nod on the east of Eden." ^
To construct a topographical map from the accoimt in
Genesis of man's first home, we must have a coimtry called
Eden, an extensive and moimtainous region in order to accumu-
late and send forth the necessary volume of water; we must
place to the eastward of this region a Paradise of Delight in
which grow all manner of things good to see and good to eat :
we must have four great rivers flowing from the Place of De-
light, not to the eastward, as so many seem to think, but in
various directions, separating the one from the other and de-
parting for distant lands: we must have another country, a
land of Nod, which we would place far away from Eden, and fol-
lowing biblical scholars rather than our own sense of dramatic
fitness, we would place this land to the eastward of Paradise.
Thus we have the first movement of mankind not from the
east to the west, but from the west to the east. Man was
fashioned in Eden, woman was created in Paradise, whither man
had been carried, their progeny came into the world from a
region outside and away from the Place of Delight, and beyond
this, still farther to the east, wiandered Cain and his people.
Whoever wrote this interesting stor}'- of the creation of man
and Paradise, with its brief occupation, was kin of soul to our
own Coltimbus, like him a worshipper, like him imaginative.
(Nat. Hist., lib. 32, cap. 6), where we read, '* Invenio apud quosdam ostreatium vocari
quod aliqui onychen vocant." When the precious stones entering into the composition
of the twelve gates are enumerated, the onyx of itself is not mentioned, although to
the writer of the book called Genesis it might have appeared precious. On the other
hand, if this mussel of Pliny is read as the producer of pearis, the same word is not
again employed in that sense by this or any other sacred writer. In Exodus another
Hebrew word is used in describing the stone in the breastplate of the High Priest
which Saint Jerome translates onyx.
' Ethiopia.
* Dekel- Persian for arrow, the swift flight of the Tigris suggesting this name.
3 Perath, Phrat, Frat,— Euphrates.
4 This is interpreted to mean toward the east, but if Paradise lay between Eden
and Nod it would have read " the land of Nod before or beyond Paradise."
The Earthly Paradise 413
In the time of Columbus there were two views prevailing
relative to the situation of the Earthly Paradise. The one
placed that region at the eastern extremity of the habitable
earth. This view followed the Fathers of the Church, and they
followed a certain Greek Codex, which read xar^ avaroXa^ —
down by the sunrise. Therefore they placed Paradise toward
the sources of the Indus and the Ganges. But the same author-
ity named two of the four rivers which flow from this place and
calls them the Tigris ' and the Euphrates, both of which rivers
flow not from the east but rather toward the east. This apparent
difficulty was overcome by Theodoretus," Bishop of Cyrus, who,
in his commentaries on the Bible, written in the fifth century,
considered that these rivers had their source in India, and were
conveniently carried through subterraneous channels imtil, in
the motmtains of Armenia and Ethiopia, they were bom again.
This difficulty of fluvial regeneration was a stumbling block
neither to the churchman nor to the philosopher. Pomponius
Mela accepted the theory that the Nilus took its birth in the
opposite part of the world, — the Antichthones, — and passed un-
der the bottom of the ocean, reappearing in the moimtains
of distant Ethiopia, whence it flowed on down into Egypt.
Seneca admitted the probability of subterranean streams: Non
equidem existimo diu te hcesitaturum an credos esse subterraneos
amnes et mare absconditum; and then the philosopher relates
the story of the Greek colony in the Sicilian isles recognising in
their new home the waters of their own beloved Alpheus.
Timeus repeats the story of the flagon which, thrown into the
Alpheus in Greece, came up to the surface in the fountain of
Arethusa near Syracuse. Another embarrassing question which
the Inquisition sometimes propounded was, why, if the Para-
dise was in the extreme east, whither travellers had early found
their way, was there no report brought back to the world of its
existence ? Here again the Fathers of the Church answered that
it was not the will of God that it should be revealed again to
man while the world was still imregenerate, and no one within
or without the Church knew the answer to this.
* This is the Hiddekel of the Saint James version — that is, the Dekel or Diglaath,
a Semitic corruption some think of Tigra, Persian for an arrow, in Greek Tigris, or
arrowy stream.
* Theodoretus, Opera Omnia, in Greek and Latin, printed at Paris in four folio
volumes in 1642.
414 Christopher Columbus
The other view of the locaHty of the Earthly Paradise
placed it in the Antichthones or Antipodes. By establishing
this Garden of Delight in the Antichthones, the embarrassment
of accoimting for its remaining concealed all the ages was
avoided, for the Antichthones were separated from the eastern
hemisphere by impassable seas, unnavigable waters, shallow
and destructive. Some have thought that the Phoenicians had
voyaged very far toward the west, and whether successful or
unsuccessful, had covered up their experiences by repeating
stories of the dangerous shoals over which no ship might pass
in safety. The Antichthones were not the mysterious islands
which were reported to lie off westward in the ocean, but were
immense habitable lands situated in the southern zone. Aris-
totle and Eratosthenes held the doctrine of the existence of a
great southern continent. Here, according to some, was placed
Paradise.
Colimibus himself seems to have held the first of these views
somewhat modified. He believed that he was near this place
for many reasons. If the locality of Paradise had been kept
from man, its name might still have been in part preserved to
it, and the natives told him that the land where he then was
bore the name of Paria. He rejected the theory that Paradise
was on a high mountain, like the mountain of Purgatory de-
scribed by Dante. Coltimbus believed that the earth was
shaped more like a pear than an orange, and that Paradise might
be foimd near the stem of the pear. When he was at land on
this his third voyage, he regarded himself as having gradually
ascended along the surface of the waters and as having
arrived at the most elevated part of the globe. Paradise,
though not situated on Dante's mountain, was on a high place,
since there poured forth from it four such mighty rivers. He
found himself breathing a pure air, under the softest skies, sail-
ing imruffied seas, looking on fields of verdure. Paradise itself
could not be happier in its climate. In Paradise was the home
of gold, of palms, of pearls. The natives of Paria displayed
golden ornaments, and the chief men wore crowns of this shin-
ing metal. Into the Gulf the waters of the Orinoco poured
through four rivers, like the four rivers Phison, Gyon, Tigris,
and Euphrates. As they came down to the coast they almost
submerged the plenteous palm trees, — and there were palms in
The Earthly Paradise 415
Paradise. On the western coast of the Gulf the natives gave
him beautiful pearls, which came from the shore of the ocean,
not far west of the Gulf. He is not prepared to say but that
farther to the south, over the line of the Equator, the elevation
of the land might not be greater, the air still softer, and the
stars changing their places yet more markedly. The land he
has discovered, he tells the Sovereigns, he believes to be very
vast and to extend itself still more to the south. But the
waters, so powerful that they can drive out the surging waves
of the ocean, so pure that they can sweeten the salted sea, can
come from no other region, it seems to him, than from that
Paradise of Delight prepared from the beginning — ab principio
— ^for the home of man, from which he was driven a certain dis-
tance, first by sin, and then still farther by the penalty of sin.
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416
CHAPTER LXXXXIII
THE EMBLEMS OF INJUSTICE
The Admiral found in Espanola a new city erected in his
absence by Bartholomew Columbus. It stood on the spot first
suggested by Miguel Diaz, and to which he invited the Spaniards
by his glowing descriptions. The river Ozama there flowed into
the ocean and the high ground on both its sides presented an
ideal site for a city. In our chapters imder ** Los Restos '' we
will become more familiar with this ancient city.
The meeting of the brothers, the Admiral who represented
the Sovereigns, and the Adelantado who represented the Ad-
miral, was solemn and interesting. Each must have realised
that the pendulimi of success was swinging away from him. If
the Admiral had to report a certain hostility at home, not
necessarily that of some Fonseca, but that which does and
always will step in front to bar or to impede the successful man,
the Adelantado on his part had far worse news to impart. The
colony was in revolt. Francisco Roldan, a Castilian, a leader
among the discontented and second only in authority to Bar-
tholomew Columbus, had conspired against the latter, and at the
head of a large party, stronger than the forces of the Adelan-
tado, was in open rebellion. Disorder was general throughout
the tmhappy island. Roldan was, by the favour and appoint-
ment of the Admiral, the Judge General, or Alcalde Major.
He was a man of ambition, energy, and ability. In exercising
the functions of his office he had quarrelled with the Adelantado,
who was a splendid but not over-gentle executive. During the
absence of the Admiral from Espanola the government was in
the hands of his brothers Bartholomew and Diego, the former
much the stronger and more forceful of the two. There was
VOL. II.— ay.
4i8 Christopher Columbus
always present with the Spaniards a feeling that the three
brothers were foreigners, that they were reaping rich rewards
which otherwise might go to some of their own people. With
this natural sentiment for a foundation, Roldan built up an edi-
fice of suspicion, jealousy, and hate. He represented that the
Italian brothers were using the proud Spaniards like slaves, and
that it was a galling shame to be obliged to humble themselves
before foreign governors. We shall see in our account of the
Book of Privileges that provision had been made for transporting
to the New World the criminals of Spain, and this most unwise
feature of colonisation was now working out its ruin. These
low creatures lent themselves eagerly to the schemes of Roldan.
They quickly enrolled themselves under his black banner. In-
stead of restraint he permitted them riot; instead of law he
gave them licence. For the most part these men had served as
soldiers, and there remained of their military discipline only
enough of form to make them stand together and protect them-
selves against the regular authority of the Adelantado and the
native hostility of the Indians. Roldan now began his labour
of spreading dissatisfaction among these, beginning with advis-
ing the caciques or chiefs to pay no tribute, and promising to
support them in their disobedience. He selected for the head-
quarters of himself and his men the province of Xaragua, fer-
tile in its soil, like Andalusia in its climate, whose men were
generous and hospitable; while in the carpeted groves danced
Houris and Peris, and in the streams the foot disturbed sands
of gold and the eye revelled in the graceful movements of en-
chanting nymphs. The inviting picture pleased all who heard
it. The Adelantado knew not which of his men to trust.
Deserters were marching off in companies. It was to a gov-
ernment discredited and to a colony in revolt that Columbus
returned. His fate was carrying him from troubles known, from
the danger of storm and the fickleness of the sea, to evils that
he knew not of, and into dangers against which he could not
guard, and ever the shadow of indignity moved on before him.
He was not strong enough to cope with the evil forces about
him. His hands were not supported by the Sovereigns as they
should have been. But now he made one of the most beautiful
diplomatic plays ever seen upon the board, and, sacrificing the
pawns of official dignity and angry justice, he moved into a
The Emblems of Injustice 419
position where he checked rebellion and held his enemy. This
prime rebel, this imgrateful Roldan, was forgiven and boimd to
him by hostages of lands and offices. The knight of the road
became the mounted patrol of peace and order. Henceforth
the Admiral had a daring lieutenant whose own interests — the
retention of his office and the security of his property — depended
upon the establishment of authority and the obedience to law.
Thus, when in the early fall of the year 1499, Alonzo de Hojeda,
himself the most picturesque specimen of the Spanish adven-
turer, thought to forage on the colony of Espaiiola, Roldan, the
reformed thief, was set to apprehend him.
The ships which returned to Spain bore tales of this con-
stant strife, the soimd of which continued to reverberate after
the commotion was somewhat stilled. The Sovereigns sent from
Spain an officer of their household, Francesco de Bobadilla.
He came clothed with powers so great that they were indefinite.
These papers of authority and commission were made out
several months before, imder date of March 21, 1499, and em-
powered him to make an executive inquiry as to seditions and
revolts; another credited Bobadilla with authority and was
directed to the magistrates of the island; still another required
the Admiral to give up the forts, arms, and all Royal property.
The most singular of all was this:
**E1 Rey 6 la Reina: D. Cristdbal Colon, nuestro Almirante del mar
Oc^ano: Nos habemos mandado al Comendador Francisco de Bobadilla,
Uevador desta, que vos hable de nuestra parte algunas cosas que ^1 dird:
rogamos vos que le deis fe 6 creencia, y aquello pongais en obra. De
Madrid d veinte y seis de Mayo, de noventa y nueve afios. Yo el Rey. Yo
la Reina, For su mandado. Miguel Perez de Almazan.*'
**The King and the Queen: Don Christopher Columbus, our Admiral
of the Ocean-sea. We have directed Francisco de Bobadilla, the bearer of
this, to. speak to you for us of certain things which he will mention: we
request you to give him faith and credence and to obey him. From Ma-
drid, May 26, '99. I THE KING. I THE QUEEN. By their command.
Miguel Perez de Almazan.**
He bore also some warrants which were signed, but were not
filled. The drafts were regular in their order to pay, but the
amount was not specified in writing or in figures. If Bobadilla
had been the best intentioned of mortals, he would probably
have fallen a prey to the enemies of the Admiral and the
420 Christopher Columbus
unt: ward circumstances surrounding him. The powers of Boba-
dilla were not recognised as quickly as he would have had them.
Each obstacle and every delay set his face harder against the
Admiral, the Adelantado, and Don Diego, the yoimgest brother.
The fort occupied by a ridiculously small force, but commanded
by Miguel Diaz, refused to surrender at the mere command of
Bobadilla, and thus still further was antagonism aroused.' It
soon had to yield to superior ntimbers. The new Governor
established himself in the Admiral's house and seized his public
and private papers, even using his money to pay such debts as
were presented him without the Admiral's knowledge or consent.
When we consider the Book of Privileges we shall see how an
attempt was made to right some of these wrongs. But there was
coming a wrong which could not be righted by apology or
favour, the cries of which are still heard like ghostly sotmds in
the desolate halls of history. There never can be justice for
this tmjust thing.
It was sometime in the latter part of September in the year
1500 that the Admiral came into the town of San Domingo and
was put into prison by Bobadilla, and his own servant ' was
detailed to fetter him with irons.
That the Admiral expected to be murdered is probable.
Las Casas describes the scene when Alonzo de Villejo, who was
to carry him to Spain, and from whom Las Casas says he heard
all these things, approached the Admiral to remove him to the
ship.
"With a mournful and profoimd sadness, which well indi-
cated the strength of his apprehension, he asked:
** ' Villejo, whither are you taking me? '
'* Villejo responded :
** * Excellency, your Lordship is going to the ship to embark. '
** The Admiral, still in doubt, repeated his question :
' This failure temporarily to recognise authority, supplanting some previous
authority and therefore unv Icome to it, always prejudices the case. More than 180
years after this occurrence, in the city of New York, Jacob Leisler's refusal to give
up the keys of the fort at the order of William and Mary's newly appointed Gover-
nor, brought about his downfall as much as the original charge of treason.
' Las Casas says:
'* When they desired to place the irons upon the Admiral there was not found
present any one who would put them on, because of reverence and compassion, except
one, a cook of his, tmgrateful and shameless, who fastened them on with as impudent
a face as if he were serving him with some dish of a new and delightful food. I
knew this person very well, and he was called Espinosa" (Historia, vol. ii., p. 497).
The Emblems of Injustice 421
"'ViUejo, is this true?'
**Villejo replies:
** * By the life of your Lordship, it is true that you are going
to embark.'
"With these words the Admiral was greatly moved and
brought back almost from death to life/'
At the beginning of October, 1500 (Las Casas does not give
us any closer date), the vessels with the Admiral and his brother
in chains sailed from San Domingo. When he was at sea, Vil-
lejo desired to remove the fetters, but Las Casas and Ferdinand
both relate that the Admiral would not consent to this, and
declared that he would wear them ever till he should kneel,
with them still on, before the Sovereigns. And both Las Casas
and Ferdinand are agreed as to the much disputed story of the
manner in which the Admiral ever after guarded these emblems
of his wrongs, keeping them with him in his own room, and
directing them to be interred with his body after death.' The
Will of the Admiral makes no mention of this desire for per-
petuating an episode in his life which, while painful and de-
grading, was not by the authority of the Sovereigns. However,
this sentiment of insult and himiiliation probably did exist very
strongly, and, in a person of the Admiral's temperament, was
not smothered by the passing years. Those irons riveted to his
fame glory instead of disgrace, and as the world listens to the
clanking chains they seem to drown the voice of Las Casas as
he speaks of the wrongs the Admiral perpetrated on the Indians.
Whether the Admiral will consent to our removing them or not,
they will always remain somewhat in sight and always com-
mand something of our sympathy.
The ships arrived at Cadiz on November 20, 1500, and thus
ended the third voyage of Christopher Columbus.
The news of this third voyage, particularly as to its discov-
eries, was spread by means of the Libretto, which was the first
publication to relate its success. But, as was the case with
' It is commonly said that Ferdinand alone is authority for this statement, but
Las Casas likewise repeats this story.
No signs of these irons have ever been found. Humboldt inquired in San Do-
mingo if there had ever been seen any traces of oxydisation in the coffin of Columbus,
which would suggest the presence there of chains or fetters, and could not discover
any.
422 Christopher Columbus
other voyages, private correspondence carried the news to
royal Courts and commercial centres directly after the return of
the first ships from Espanola. In the Magliabecchian Library
in Florence is preserved a manuscript letter written by Simon
Verde/ a Florentine commercial agent, addressed to Mateo
Cini, also a Florentine, but in business at Venice, and dated
January 2, 1498, an evident error for January 2, 1499. This
letter relates the arrival of five ships from the islands of the
Indies after a voyage of forty days, and can only refer to news
of this third voyage.
"They have brought 300 slaves, a little gold and much dye-wood of
the first quality. According to what they say there are there immense
forests of this [dye-wood]. They have discovered new lands and, as they
report, continental land on the south coast or rather to the south-west,
with inhabitants less barbarous than those with which they have hitherto
met. ... I have read a letter which the Admiral has written to the
Sovereigns expressing great hopes on the subject of his enterprise. It is
marvellous the great quantity and the force of the waters they encounter
there. He says the sand-banks [harene] are very high and that the mouths
of the river are very great, so that the ships are not able to oppose the
strong currents of the fresh waters. The said ships have navigated 20
leagues in a gulf of which the waters are always fresh. That confirms
the sayings of the philosophers that the earth is of a spherical form.
And it is certain that the Admiral has exhibited a grand courage and *
genius in discovering another world [altro fnondo] opposite ours at the
expenditure of so much effort and fatigue and that he has seen the variation
of the magnetic needle in passing the equator. As for myself, I never
would have beHeved that he would have found there human beings, being
persuaded that there one would find only water and no land.*'
* This is the same Simon Verde whose letter, written to Pierro Niccoli in Flor-
ence and dated May lo, 1494, spread the news of the second voyage when Torres
returned from Espaflola with twelve of the ships. He was a native of Saint Laurence
de Mugello, and was at that time residing at VaUadolid.
The learned Harrisse identifies him with that Simon, or Ximon, Verde then re-
siding in Gelves, who, in 15 15, was one of the executors of the Will of Don Diego
Columbus, the younger brother of the Admiral.
CHAPTER LXXXXIV
THE LETTER TO THE NURSE
Soon after his return from his third voyage, Coltimbus
wrote a letter to Dona Juana de la Torre,' who had been nurse
to the Prince Juan, and who was sister to that Antonio de la
Torres under whom the twelve caravels returned to Spain from
the second voyage. There are some who think that other
letters to this same Dofia Juana have been known, but it would
appear that the only fotmdation for this statement is a fragment
of a letter preserved in the Historie and which seems to have
been written about this time. We believe that this is simply a
few lines of a draft for the particular letter we here reproduce.
Las Casas says he has not been able to find the letter or letters
written to the Sovereigns by the Admiral directly upon his re-
turn, but the present letter is designed to reach them through
the mediimi of a lady of the household and to whom an entrance
would be accorded at any time. It was an important letter in
the eyes of Colimibus, for we find it included in the Book of
Privileges, where it forms Docimient XLIV. It is found repro-
duced in the Historia and in Navarrete, but the best and most
credible text is that in the Paris Codex, or Book of Privileges,
which contains an important passage omitted in them, and a
' Ortiz de Zuiliga declares that Queen Isabella appointed as the nurse of the
infant Prince, Dofia Maria de Guzman, aunt of the Lord de la Algaba. She may-
have been succeeded by Dofia Juana de la Torre, or the latter may have been asso-
ciated jointly with her in the duties of attending upon the Prince. However that
may be, there is no doubt that this letter was written to the sister of both Pierre de
Torres, one of the Royal Secretaries, and of Antonio de Torres, who accompanied the
Admiral on his second voyage.
This lady was highly favoured by the Queen, and by a document dated at Gran-
ada, August 31, 1499. she had assigned her a pension of 60,000 maravedis, and again,
in a docimient given at Alcala de Henares, July 11, 1503, at which time she appears
to have been deceased, her daughter, Dofia Isabella de Avila, received 1,500,000
maravedis for her dot.
423
424 Christopher Columbus
careful rendering of other passages which in Las Casas and
Navarrete are more or less obscure. Since we know that this
letter was incorporated with his other papers in the Book of
Privileges in 1502, its text takes precedence of that in Las Casas,
whose Historia was not composed until after many years.
Navarrete copied the letter from the Codice Colombo Americano
as presented by Spotomo. The original of this letter is not
now in existence. While we have in Las Casas an accoimt of
the experience of the Admiral on the island of Espaiiola from
the time of his arrival there on his third voyage until his re-
moval in chains, this letter gives us the first utterance of the
Admiral as to his life on the island and his treatment during
those trying days, and formulates his just complaint. It is
probable that this is the true cause of its insertion in the Book
of Privileges:
** Treslado de una carta que el Almirante delas Yndias embio alma [al
ama] del Prin9ipe Don Juan de Castilla, el aflo de MD. viniendo preso delas
Yndias.
'' Muy virtuosa Senora. Si mi quexa del mundo es nueva, su uso de
maltratar es de muy antiguo: mill combates me ha dado, y a todos resisti
fasta agora que non me apiovecho armas ni avisos, con crueldad me tiene
echado al fundo. La esperanga de aquel que crio a todos me sostiene: su
socorro fue siempre muy presto: otra vez y non delexos estando yo mas
baxo, me levanto con su bra90 derecho, diziendo, *0 onbre de poca fe,
levant ate que yo soy non ay ays miedo.*
** Yo vine con amor tan entranable a servir aestos Pringipes, y he ser-
vido de servi9io, deque jamas se oyo ni vido.
*'Del nuevo gielo e tierra que hazia nuestro Seiior, escriviendo Sanct
Juan el Apocalis, despues de dicho por boca de Ysaya, me hizo dello men-
sagero y amostro aqual parte : en todos ovo y ncredulidad y ala Reyna mi
Senora dio dello el spiritu de ynteligengia y esfuer90 grande, y le fizo de
todo heredera como a cara e muy amada fija: la posesion de todo esto fue
yo a tomar en su real nombre: la ynoran9ia enque avian estado todos,
quisieron emendalle traspasando el poco saber, a fablar en ynconvinientes
y gastos. Su Alteza lo aprovava al contrario, y lo sostuvo fasta que pudo.
**Siete anos se pasaron enla platica y nueve executando cosas muy
senaladas e dignas de memoria sepasaron eneste tienpo de todo non se fizo
congepto: Uegue yo y estoy, que non ha nadie tan vil que non piense de
ultrajarme: por virtud se contara enel mundo aquien puede no consintillo.
'*Sy yo robara las Yndias o tierra que jaz fase ellas, de que agora es la
fabla, del altar de Sant Pedro, y las diera alos moros, non pudieran en
Espana amostrarme mayor enemiga quien creyera tal, adonde ovo siempre
tanta nobleza.
The Letter to the Nurse 425
" Yo mucho me quisyera despedir del negogio si fuera onesto para con mi
Reyna. El esfuer9o de nuestro Senor y desu Alteza fizo que continuase, y
por aliviarle algo delos enojos enque a cabsa dela muerte estava, cometi
viage nuevo al nuevo ^ielo y mundo que fasta enton9es estava oculto y sy
non es tenido alii en estima asy como los otros delas Indias, non es mara-
villa, porque salio apare9er de mi yndustria.
**A Sant Pedro abraso el Spiritu Santo y con el otros dose, y todos
conbatieron aca, y los trabajos y fatigas fueron muchas en fin de todo lle-
varon la vitoria.
**Este viage de Paria crey que apaziguaria algo porlas perlas, y la
fallada del oro enla Espanola. Las perlas mande yo aytintar e pescar, ala
gente con quien quedo el congierto de my buelta porellas y a mi conpre-
hender amedida de fanega. Sy yo non lo escrivi a Sus Altesas fue porque
asy quisiera aver fecho del oro antes.
*' Esto me salio como otras cosas muchas: non las perdiera ni mi honrra
sy buscara yo mi bien propio, y dexara perder la Espanola, o se guardaran
mis privilegios e asientos. E otro tanto digo del oro que yo tenia agora
junto, que con tantas muertes y trabajos por virtud divinal he Uegado
aperfetto.
**Quando yo fue de Paria falle easy la mitad dela gente en la Espanola
al9ados y me han guerreado fasta agora como a moro, y los Yndios por otro
cabo gravemente: enesto vino Fojeda, y provo a echar el sello: dixo que
Sus Altezas le embiavan con promesas de dadivas y franquezas y paga:
allego grand quadrilla, que en toda la Espanola muy pocos ay salvo vaga-
mundos y ningtino con muger y fijos. Este Fojeda me trabajo harto:
fuele ne^esario de se yr y dexo dicho que luego seria debuelta con mas
navios y gente, y que dexava la real persona dela Reyna nuestra Seflora
ala muerte. Enesto Uego Vi9entianes con quatro caravelas : ovo alboroto
y sospecha mas non daflo. Los Yndios dixeron de otras muchas a los cani-
bales, y en Paria, y despues una nueva de seys otras caravelas que traya un
hermano del alcalde, mas fue con maligia. Esto fue ya ala postre quando
ya estava muy rota la esperanga que Sus Altezas oviesen jamas de enbiar
navio[s] alas Yndias ni nos esperarlos, y que vulgar mente dezian que Su
Alteza era muerta.
**Un Adrian eneste tienpo provo aalgarse otra vez como de antes, mas
Nuestro Senor no quiso que llegasse aefecto su mal proposito. Yo tenia
propuesto en mi de non tocar el cabello a nadie, y a este por su yngratitud
con lagrimas non sepudo guardar asy como yo lo tenia pensado : a mi her-
mano no hiziera menos sy me quisyera matar y robar el Senorio que mi Rey
e Reyna me tenian dado enguarda.
**Este Adrian segund se muestra tenia enbiado a Don Fernando a
Xoragua, a allegar algunos sus sequaces, y alia ovo debate conel alcalde,
adonde na9io discordia de muerte, mas non llego aefecto: el alcalde le
prendio y a parte desu quadrilla y el caso era que el los justi9iara, sy yo non
lo proveyera : estovieron presos esperando caravela enque se fuesen. Las
nuevas de Fojeda que yo dixe fizieron perder lo esperan9a que ya no vernia.
426 Christopher Columbus
*'Seys meses avia que yo estava despachado, por venir a Bus Altezas
conlas buenas nuevas del oro y fuyr de govemar gente disoluta que non
teme a Dios ni a su Rey ni Reyna, Uena de achaques y de maligias.
"Ala gente acabara yo de pagar con seysgientas mill, y para ello avia
quatro cuentos de diezmos e alguno syn el ter9io del oro.
"Antes de mi partida suplique tantas vezes a Sus Altezas que enbiasen
alia a mi costa aquien toviese cargo dela justigia, y despues que falle algado
el alcalde selo suplique de nuevo o por alguna gente o al menos algund
criado con cartas, porque mi fama es tal que aunque yo faga yglesias y
ospi tales, siempre seran dichas espeluncas para ladrones.
"Proveyeron ya al fin y fue muy al contrario delo que la neg09ia9ion
demandava: vaya en buen ora pues que fue a su grado.
" Yo estuve alia doss anos syn poder ganar una provision de favor por
mi ni porlos que alia fuesen y este llevo un area llena: sy pariran todas
a su servigio Dios lo sabe. Ya por comiengo ay franquezas de xx anos,
que es la hedad de un onbre, y se coje el oro, que ovo persona de ginco
marcos en quatro oras, de que dire despues mas largo.
"Sy pluguiesse a Sus Altezas de desfaser un vulgo delos que saben mis
fatigas, que mayor dano me ha fecho el mal desyr delas gentes que non me
ha aprovechado el mucho servir y guardar su fazienda y senorio, seria
limosna, e yo restituydo en mi honrra, e se fablaria dello en todo el mundo.
Porque el neg09io es de calidad, que cada dia ha deser mas sonado y en alta
estima.
"Enesto vino el Comendador Bovadilla a Santo Domingo: yo estava
enla Vega, y el Adelantado en Xoragua adonde este Adrian avia fecho
cabega: mas ya todo era llano, y la tierra rica y todos en paz. El segundo
dia que llego se crio govemador y fizo ofigiales y exsecutiones, y apregono
franquezas del oro e diezmos, y general mente de toda otra cosa por veynte
anos que es la hedad de un ombre, y que venia para pagar a todos, bien
que no avian servido, llena mente fasta ese dia, y publico que ami me avia
de enbiar enfierros y a mis hermanos ansi como ha fecho, y que nunca mas
bolveria yo alii ni otrie de mi linaje, diziendo de mi mill desonestas y des-
corteses cosas. Esto todo fue el segundo dia que el llego como dixe, y
estando yo lexos absente syn saber del ni de su venida.
"Unas cartas de Sus Altezas firmadas en bianco de que el llevava tma
cantidad, enchio y enbio al Alcalde y a su conpafia con favores y encomi-
endas. Ami nunca me enbio carta ni mensagero ni meha dado fasta oy.
Piense, que pensaria quien toviera mi cargo, honrrar y favore^er aquien
provo a robar a Sus Altezas y ha fecho tanto mal y dano, y a rastrar aquien
con tantos peligros selo sostuvo.
" Quando yo supe esto crey que este seria como lo de Hojeda o uno delos
otros, templome que supe delos frayles, de gierto, que Sus Altezas le em-
biavan. Escrivile yo que su venida fuese en buen ora, y que yo estava
despachado para yr ala corte y fecho almoneda de quanto yo tenia, y que
enesto delas franquezas que non se agelerase, que esto y el goviemo, que yo
selo daria luego tan llano como la palma, y ansy lo escrivi alos religiosos.
The Letter to the Nurse 427
Ni el ni ellos me dieron respuesta antes se puso el en son de guerra, y apre-
miava a quantos alii yvan que le jurasen por governador, dixeronme que
por XX anos.
**Luego que yo supe destas franquezas, pense de adobar un yerro tan
grande y que el seria contento, las quales dio syn ne9esidad ni cabsa de cosa
tan gruessa, y a gente vaga munda, que fuera demasiado para quien trox-
iera muger y fijos. Publique por palabra e por cartas, que el non podia
usar desus provisiones, porque las mias eran las fuertes, y les mostre las
franquezas que llevo Juan Aguado.
**Todo esto que yo hize era por dilatar, porque Sus Altezas fuesen sabi-
dores del estado dela tierra, y que oviesen lugar de tomar amandar enello
lo que fuese su servi9io.
** Tales franquezas escusado es delas apregonar enlas Yndias los vesinos
que ban tornado vezindad es logro, porque seles dan las mejores tierras,
y a poco valer valeran dozientas mill alcabo delos quatro aiios que la vezin-
dad se acaba, syn que den tm a9adonada enellas. Non diria yo asy sy
los vezinos fuesen casados mas non ay seys entre todos, que non esten
sobre el aviso de ayuntar lo que pudiere[n], y se yr en buen ora. De Cas-
tilla seria bien que fuesen, y aun saber quien y como y se poblase de gente
honrrada.
*'Yo tenia asentado con estos vezinos que pagarian el ter9io del oro, y
los diezmos y esto a su ruego, y lo re^ibieron en grand merged de Sus Al-
tezas. Reprehendilos quando yo oy que se dexavan dello, y esperava quel
comendador faria otro tanto, mas fue alcontrario.
**Yndignolos contra mi diziendo que yo les queria quitar lo que Sus
Altezas les davan, y trabajo de melos echar acuestas y lo hizo, y que
escriviesen a Sus Altezas que no me enbiasen mas al cargo, y ansy selo su-
plico yo por mi y por toda cosa mia, en quanto non aya otro pueblo. Y
me ordeno el conellos pesquisas de maldades que al ynfiemo nunca se supo
delas semejantes. Alii esta nuestro Sefior que escapo a Daniel y alos tres
muchachos, con tanto saber y fuer^a como tenia y con tanto aparejo, sy le
pluguiere como con su gana.
**Supiera yo remediar todo esto, y lo otro de que esta dicho y ha pasado
despues que estoy enlas Yndias, sy me consyntiera la voluntad a procurar
por mi bien propio, y me fuera onesto, mas el sostener dela justi9ia, y
acre9entar el senorio de Su Altesa fasta agora me tiene al fondo. Oy endia
que se falla tanto oro, ay division enque aya mas ganan9ia, o yr robando
o yr alas minas. Por una muger tan bien se falla 9ient castellanos coriio
por una labran9a, y es mucho en uso, y ay fartos mercaderes que andan
buscando muchachas, de nueve a diez son agora enpre9io, de todas hedades
ha de tener un bueno.
** Digo que la fuer9a del mardesyr de descon9ertados meha mas daiiado
que mis servi9ios fecho provecho, mal exemplo es porel presente y por lo
futuro. Fago juramento que cantidad de onbres han ydo alas Yndias, que
non meres9ian el agua para conDios y conel mundo, y agora buelven alia,
y seles consiente.
428 Christopher Columbus
**Digo que en dezir yo que el Comendador non podia dar franquezas
que hize yo lo que el deseava, bien que yo ael dixese que era para dilatar
fastaque Sus Altesas toviessen el aviso dela tierra, y tomasen amandar lo
que fuesse su servi^io.
**Enemistolos aellos comigo, y el parege segund se ovo y segund sus
formas, que ya lo venia y bien en^endido, o es que se dise que ha gastado
mucho por venir aeste nego^io; non se dello mas delo que oyo. Yo nunca
oy que el pesquisidor allegase los rebeldes y los tomase por testigos contra
aquel que govierna aellos ni aotros syn fe, ni dignos della.
**Si Sus Altezas mandasen fazer una pesquisa general alii vos digo yo
que verian por grand maravilla como la ysla non se funde.
"Yo creo que se acordara Vuestra Merged quando la tormenta syn
velas me echo en Lisboa que fuy acusado falsa mente que avia yo ydo alia
al Rey para darle las Yndias. Despues supieron Sus Altezas el contrario y
que todo fue con maligia.
** Bien que yo sepa poco, no se quien me tenga por tan turpe que yo no
conozca que aunque las Yndias fuesen mias que yo non me pudiera sus-
tener syn ayuda de Principe.
**Sy esto es asy adonde pudiera yo tener mejor arimo y seguridad que
enel Rey e Reyna, nuestros Sefiores, que de nada me han puesto entanta
honrra y son los mas altos Pringipes por lamar y porla tierra del mundo, y
los quales tienen que yo les ay a servido, y me guardan mis privilegios e
mergedes, y sy alguien melos quebranta Stis Altezas melos acregientan con
avantaja, como se vido enlo de Juan Aguado, y me mandan fazer mucha
honrra, y como dixe ya, Sus Altezas regibieron de mi servigio, y tienen
amis fijos sus criados, lo que en ningima manera, pudiera esto llegar con
otro Principe, porque adonde no ay amor todo lo otro gesa.
** Dixe yo agora ansi esto contra un maldezir con maligia, y contra mi
volumtad, porque es cosa, que ni en suenos deviera llegar amemoria,
porque las formas y fechos del Comendador Bovadilla, con maligia las
quiere alumbrar en esto, mas yo le fare ver conel brago ysquierdo, que su
poco saber y grand covardia con desordenada codigia, le ha fecho caer en-
ello.
*'Ya dixe como yo le escrivi, y alos frayles, y luego parti asy como le
dixe muy solo, por que toda la gente estava conel Adelantado, y tan bien
por le quitar de sospeclia. El quando lo supo echo a Don Diego preso, en
una caravela cargado de fierros, y a mi en llegando hizo otrotanto, y des-
pues al Adelantado, quando vino, ni le fable mas, ael ni consintio, que
fasta oy nadie me aya fablado, y fago juramento que non puedo pensar por
que sea yo preso.
**La primera diligengia quel fizo, fue a tomar el oro, el qual ovo sin
medida ni peso, e yo absente. Dixo que queria el pagar dello ala gente,
y segund oy, para sy hizo la primera parte y enbia por resgate resgatadores
nuevos. Deste oro tenia yo apartado giertas muestras, granos muy grues-
sos, como huevos de ansara e de gallina, y de pollas y de otras muchas
fechuras, que algunas personas tenian cogido en breve espagio, conque se
The Letter to the Nurse 429
alegrasen Sus Altezas y porello comprehendiesen el neg09io, con una
cantidad de piedras grandes llenas de oro. Este fue el primero a sedar
con maligia, porque Sus Altezas no toviesen este neg09io en algo fasta que
el tenga fecho el nido de que se da buena priesa. El oro que esta por fundir
mengua al fuego, una[s] cadenas que pesarian fasta veynte marcos nunca
se han visto.
'*Yo he seydo mui agraviado enesto del oro, mas aunque delas perlas,
porque non lo he traydo a Su Alteza.
**E1 Comendador en todo lo que le paregio que me danaria, luego fue
puesto en obra. Ya dixe con dc.M. pagara a todos syn robar anadie, y
que avia mas de quatro quentos de diesmos e alguaziladgo, syn tocar enel
oro. Hizo imas larguezas que son de risa, bien que creo que encomen^o
en si la primera parte. Alia, lo sabran Sus Altezas quando le mandaren
tomar cuenta, enespegial sy yo estoviese aella. El no fase sy no desyr que
de deve grand suma, y es la que yo dixe y no tanto. Yo he sido mucho
agraviado en que se aya enbiado pesquisidor sobre mi, que sepa que sy la
pesquisa que el enbiare fuere mui grave que el quedara enel govierno.
** Pluguiera a Nuestro Senor que Sus Altezas le enbiaran ael o aotro doss
anos ha por que se que yo fuera ya libre descandalo y de disfamia, y no se
me quitara mi honrra ni la perdiera. Dios es justo, y ha de hazer que se
sepa por que y como.
**Alli me juzgan como a Govemador que fue a ^igilia, o gibdad o villa
puesta en regimiento y adonde las leyes se pueden guardar por entero syn
temor que se pierda todo, y re^ibo grande agravio.
** Yo devo de ser juzgado como capitan que fue de Espafia a conquistar
fasta las Yndias a gente belicosa y mucha y de costumbres y seta a nos mui
contraria, los quales biven por sierras y montes sin pueblo asentado, ni
[como] nosotros, y adonde por voluntad divina he puesto so el seiiorio del
Rey e dela Reyna nuestros Sefiores otro mundo, y por donde la Espana
que hera dicha pobre es la mas rica.
**Yo devo de ser judgado como capitan que de tanto tienpo fasta oy
trae las armas acuestas sin las dexar una ora y de cavalleros de conquistas y
del uso, y no de letras, salvo si fuesen de Griegos o de Romanos o otros
modemos de que ay tantos y tan nobles en Espana o de otra guisa re9ibo
grande agravio, porque enlas Yndias no ay pueblo ni asiento.
** Del oro y perlas ya esta abierta la puerta, y cantidad de todo, piedras
pregiosas y espe^ieria, y de otras mill cosas sepuede esperar firme mente,
y nunca mas mal me viniese como conel nonbre de Nuestro Senor que le
daria el primer viage, asy como diera la nego9ia9ion del Arabia felis fasta
la Meca, como yo escrivi a Sus Altezas con Antonio de Torres enla
respuesta dela repartition del mar y tierra con los Portogueses y despues
viniera a lo de Colucuti, asy como le dixe y di por escripto, enel monesterio
dela Mejorada.
**Las nuevas del oro que yo dixe que daria, son que dia de Nabidad
estando yo muy aflegido, guerreado delos malos Cristianos y de Yndios en
termino de dexar todo, y escapar sy pudiese la vida, me consolo Nuestro
430 Christopher Columbus
Sefior inilagrosa mente y dixo Esfuerga no temas, y proveere entodos los
siete anos del termino del oro, no son pasados y enello y enlo otro te dare
remedio.
** Ese dia supe que avia lxxx° leguas de tierra y entodo cabo dellas minas.
El pare^er agora es, que sea toda una. Algunos han cogido cxx castillanos
en undia, e otros xc, y seha llegado fasta ccl, del fasta Ixx, otros muchos
de XV fasta 1, es tenido buen jornal, y muchos lo continuan. El comun es
vi fasta xii, y quien de aqui abaxa no va contento. Pare^e tanbien que
estas minas son como las otras que responden enlos dias no ygual mente.
Las minas son nuevas y los cogedores. El pare^er de todos es que aunque
vaya alia toda Castilla, que por torpe que sea la persona, que no abaxara de
un castillano o doss cadadia y agora es esto ansy en fresco. Es verdad
que tienen algund Indio, mas el negogio consiste enel Cristiano. Ved que
discrigion fue de Bovadilla dar todo por ninguno y quatro quentos de
diezmos, syn cabsa, ni ser requerido, syn primero lo notificar a Sus Altezas.
Y el dano no es este solo.
** Yo se que mis hierros non han sydo con fin de fazer mal, y creo que
Sus Altezas lo tienen asy como yo lo digo, y se y veo que usan de miseri-
cordia, conquien mali9iosa mente les diserve. Yo creo y tengo por muy
^ierto que muy mejor e mas piedad avran comigo que cay enello con
ynorangia y for^osa mente como sabran despues por entero, y el qual soy
su fechura y miraran amis servi9ios y cono^eran de cada dia que son muy
avantajados. Todo pornan en una balan^a asy como nos cuenta la sacra
escriptura que sera el bien conel mal el dia del Juyzio.
"Sy toda via mandan que otra me judgue, lo qual no espero, y que sea
por pesquisa delas Yndias, muy hiunill mente les suplico, que enbien alia
doss personas de congiengia y honrrados ami costa, los quales creo que
fallaran de ligero, agora que se falla el oro, v marcos en quatro oras. Con
esto, y syn ello es ne9esario que lo provean.
*'E1 Comendador, en Uegando a Santo Domingo, se aposento en mi
casa asy como la fallo, asy dio todo por suyo. Vaya en buen ora que quiga
lo avia menester. Corsario nunca tal uso con mercader. De mis escrip-
turas tengo yo mayor quexa que asy melas ay a tomado, que jamas sele
pudo sacar una, y aquellas de mas mi desculpa [que mas me avian de
aprovechar en mi desculpa, Navarrete: tom. i, p. 275], esas tenia mas
ocultas. Ved que justo y onesto pesquisydor. Cosa de quantas el aya
fecho me disen que aya sydo con termino de justi^ia, salvo absoluta mente.
Dios nuestro Senor esta con sus fuergas, y sela [saber] como solia, y castiga
en todo cabo, en especial la yngratitud de [e] injurias."
Translation.
*' Transcript of a letter which the Admiral of the Indies sent to the
Nurse of Prince Don John of Castile. [In the year 1500, when he was re-
turning from the Indies as a prisoner.]
**Most Virtuous Lady: Though my complaint of the world is new, its
habit of ill-using is very ancient. I have had a thousand struggles with it,
The Letter to the Nurse 43 »
and have thus far withstood them all, but now neither arms nor counsels
avail me, and it cruelly keeps me under water. Hope in the Creator of
all men sustains me: His help was always very ready ; on another occasion,
and not long ago, when I was still more overwhelmed, He raised me with His
right arm, saying, *0 man of little faith, arise: it is I; be not afraid/
" I came with so much cordial affection to serve these Princes, and have
served them with such service, as has never been heard of or seen.
**0f the new heaven and earth which our Lord made, when Saint John
was writing the Apocalypse, after what was spoken by the mouth of
Isaiah, He made me the messenger, and showed me where it lay. In all
men there was disbelief, but to the Queen, my Lady, He gave the spirit of
imderstanding, and great courage, and made her heiress of all, as a dear
and much loved daughter. I went to take possession of all this in her
royal name. They sought to make amends to her for the ignorance they
had all shown by passing over their little knowledge and talking of ob-
stacles and expenses. Her Highness, on the other hand, approved of it,
and supported it as far as she was able.
** Seven years passed in discussion and nine in execution. During this
time very remarkable and noteworthy things occurred whereof no idea at
all had been formed. I have arrived at, and am in, such a condition that
there is no person so vile but thinks he may insult me : he shall be reckoned
in the world as valour itself who is courageous enough not to consent
to it.
** If I were to steal the Indies or the land which lies towards them, of
which I am now speaking, from the altar of Saint Peter, and give them to
the Moors, they could not show greater enmity towards me in Spain. Who
would believe such a thing where there was always so much magnanimity ?
" I should have much desired to free myself from this affair had it been
honourable towards my Queen to do so. The support of our Lord and of
her Highness made me persevere: and to alleviate in some measure the
sorrows which death had caused her, I undertook a fresh voyage to the new
heaven and earth which up to that time had remained hidden ; and if it is
not held there in esteem like the other voyages to the Indies, that is no
wonder, because it came to be looked upon as my work.
"The Holy Spirit inflamed Saint Peter and twelve others with him, and
they all contended here below, and their toils and hardships were many,
but last of all they gained the victory.
**This voyage to Paria I thought would somewhat appease them on
account of the pearls, and of the discovery of gold in Espanola. I ordered
the pearls to be collected and fished for by people with whom an arrange-
ment was made that I should return for them, and, as I understood, they
were to be measured by the bushel. If I did not write about this to their
Highnesses, it was because I wished to have first of all done the same thing
with the gold.
**The result to me in this has been the same as in many other things;
I should not have lost them nor my honour, if I had sought my own ad van-
432 Christopher Columbus
tage, and had allowed Espanola to be mined, or if my privileges and
contracts had been observed. And I say just the same about the gold
which I had then collected, and [for] which with such great afflictions and
toils I have, by divine power, almost perfected [the arrangements].
"When I went from Paria I found almost half the people from Es-
paiiola in revolt, and they have waged war against me until now, as against
a Moor; and the Indians on the other side grievously [harassed me]. At
this time Hojeda arrived and tried to put the finishing stroke: he said
that their Highnesses had sent him with promises of gifts, franchises and
pay: he gathered together a great band, for in the whole of Espanola
there are very few save vagabonds, and not one with wife and children.
This Hojeda gave me great trouble; he was obliged to depart, and left
word that he would soon return with more ships and people and that he
had left the Royal person of the Queen, our Lady, at the point of death.
Then Vicente Yanez arrived with four caravels ; there was disturbance and
mistrust but no mischief: the Indians talked of many others at the Can-
nibals [Caribbee Islands] and in Paria ; and afterwards spread the news of
six other caravels, which were brought by a brother of the Alcalde, but it
was with malicious intent. This occurred at the very last, when the hope
that their Highnesses would ever send any ships to the Indies was almost
abandoned, nor did we expect them; and it was commonly reported that
her Highness was dead.
**A certain Adrian about this time endeavoured to rise in rebellion
again, as he had done previously, but Our Lord did not permit his evil
purpose to succeed. I had purposed in myself never to touch a hair of
anybody's head, but I lament to say that with this man, owing to his in-
gratitude, it was not possible to keep that resolve as I had intended: I
should not have done less to my brother, if he had sought to kill me, and
steal the dominion which my King and Queen had given me in trust.
**This Adrian, as it appears, had sent Don Ferdinand to Xoragua to
collect some of his followers, and there a dispute arose with the Alcalde
from which a deadly contest ensued, and he [Adrian] did not effect his pur-
pose. The Alcalde seized him and a part of his band, and the fact was that
he would have executed them if I had not prevented it ; they were kept
prisoners awaiting a caravel in which they might depart. The news of
Hojeda which I told them made them lose the hope that he would now
come again.
**For six months I had been prepared to return to their Highnesses
with the good news of the gold, and to escape from governing a dissolute
people who fear neither God nor their King and Queen, being full of vices
and wickedness.
**I could have paid the people in full with six hundred thousand, and
for this purpose I had four millions of tenths and somewhat more, besides
the third of the gold.
"Before my departure I many times begged their Highnesses to send
there, at my expense, some one to take charge of the administration of
The Letter to the Nurse 433
justice; and after finding the Alcalde in arms I renewed my supplications
to have either some troops or at least some servant of theirs with letters
patent; for my reputation is such that even if I build churches and hos-
pitals, they will always be called dens of thieves.
*'They did indeed make provision at last, but it was the very contrary
of what the matter demanded: it may be successful, since it was according
to their good pleasure.
** I was there for two years without being able to gain a decree of favour
for myself or for those who went there, yet this man brought a coffer full :
whether they will all redound to their [Highnesses] service, God knows.
Indeed, to begin with, there are exemptions for twenty years, which is a
man's lifetime ; and gold is collected to such an extent that there was one
person who became worth five marks in four hours; whereof I will speak
more fully later on.
** If it would please their Highnesses to remove the grounds of a common
saying of those who know my labours, that the calumny of the people has
done me more harm than much service and the maintenance of their
[Highnesses] property and dominion has done me good, it would be a
charity, and I should be re-established in my honour, and it would be
talked about all over the world: for the undertaking is of such a nature
that it must daily become more famous and in higher esteem.
*'When the Commander Bobadilla came to Santo Domingo, I was at
La Vega, and the Adelantado at Xoragua, where that Adrian had made a
stand, but then all was quiet, and the land rich and all men at peace. On
the second day after his arrival, he created himself Governor, and ap-
pointed officers and made executions, and proclaimed immimities of gold
and tenths and in general of ever)rthing else for twenty years, which is a
man's lifetime, and that he came to pay everybody in full up to that day,
even though they had not rendered service; and he publicly gave notice
that, as for me, he had charge to send me in irons, and my brothers like-
wise, as he has done, and that I should nevermore return thither, nor any
other of my family: alleging a thousand disgraceful and discourteous
things about me. All this took place on the second day after his arrival,
as I have said, and while I was absent at a distance, without my knowing
either of him or of his arrival.
**Some letters of their Highnesses signed in blank, of which he brought
a number, he filled up and sent to the Alcalde and to his company with
favours and commendations : to me he never sent either letter or messenger,
nor has he done so to this day. Imagine what any one holding my office
would think when one who endeavoured to rob their Highnesses, and who
has done so much evil and mischief, is honoured and favoured, while he
who maintained it at such risks is degraded.
'*When I heard this I thought that this affair would be like that of
Hojeda or one of the others, but I restrained myself when I learnt for cer-
tain from the friars that their Highnesses had sent him. I wrote to him
that his arrival was welcome, and that I was prepared to go to the Court
434 Christopher Columbus
and had sold all I possessed by auction; and that with respect to the
immunities he should not be hasty, for both that matter and the govern-
ment I would hand over to him immediately as smooth as my palm. And
I wrote to the same effect to the friars, but neither he nor they gave me any
answer. On the contrary, he put himself in a war-like attitude, and com-
pelled all who went there to take an oath to him as Governor; and they
told me that it was for twenty years.
** Directly I knew of those immunities, I thought that I would repair
such a great error and that he would be pleased, for he gave them without
the need or occasion necessary in so vast a matter: and he gave to vaga-
bond people what would have been excessive for a man who had brought
wife and children. So I announced by word and letters that he could not
use his patents because mine were those in force; and I showed them the
immunities which John Aguado brought.
** All this was done by me in order to gain time, so that their Highnesses
might be informed of the condition of the country, and that they might
have an opportunity of issuing fresh commands as to what would best pro-
mote their service in that respect.
**It is useless to publish such immunities in the Indies: to the settlers
who have taken up residence it is a pure gain, for the best lands are given
to them, and at a low valuation they will be worth two hundred thousand
at the end of the four years when the period of residence is ended, without
their digging a spadeful in them. I would not speak thus if the settlers
were married, but there are not six among them all who are not on the look-
out to gather what they can and depart speedily. It would be a good
thing if they should go from Castile, and also if it were known who and
what they are, and if the country could be settled with honest people.
*' I had agreed with those settlers that they should pay the third of the
gold, and the tenths, and this at their own request; and they received it as
a great favour from their Highnesses. I reproved them when I heard that
they ceased to do this, and hoped that the Commander would do likewise,
and he did the contrary.
**He incensed them against me by saying that I wanted to deprive
them of what their Highnesses had given them; and he endeavoured to
set them at variance with me, and did so; and he induced them to write
to their Highnesses that they should never again send me back to the
government, and I likewise make the same supplication to them for my-
self and for my whole family, as long as there are not different inhabitants.
And he together with them ordered inquisitions concerning me for wicked-
nesses the like whereof were never known in hell. Our Lord, who rescued
Daniel and the three children, is present with the same wisdom and power
as He had then, and with the same means, if it should please Him and be in
accordance with His will.
**I should know how to remedy all this, and the rest of what has been
said and has taken place since I have been in the Indies, if my disposition
would allow me to seek my own advantage, and if it seemed honourable to
The Letter to the Nurse 435
me to do so, but the maintenance of justice and the extension of the do-
minion of her Highness has hitherto kept me down. Now that so much
gold is found, a dispute arises as to which brings more profit, whether to
go about robbing or to go to the mines. A hundred castellanos are as
easily obtained for a woman as for a farm, and it is very general, and there
are plenty of dealers who go about looking for girls : those from nine to ten
are now in demand, and for all ages a good price must be paid.
*'I assert that the violence of the calumny of turbulent persons has
injured me more than my services have profited me; which is a bad ex-
ample for the present and for the future. I take my oath that a number
of men have gone to the Indies who did not deserve water in the sight of
God and of the world; and now they are returning thither, and leave is
granted them.
**I assert that when I declared that the Commander could not grant
immunities, I did what he desired, although I told him that it was to cause
delay tmtil their Highnesses should receive information from the country,
and should command anew what might be for their service.
**He excited their enmity against me, and he seems, from what took
place and from his behaviour, to have come as my enemy and as a very
vehement one ; or else the report is true that he has spent much to obtain
this employment. I do not know more about it than what I hear. I
never heard of an inquisitor gathering rebels together and accepting them,
and others devoid of credit and unworthy of it, as witnesses against their
Governor.
** If their Highnesses were to make a general inquisition there, I assure
you that they would look upon it as a great wonder that the island does
not founder.
** I think your Ladyship will remember that when, after losing my sails,
I was driven into Lisbon by a tempest, I was falsely accused of having
gone there to the King in order to give him the Indies. Their Highnesses
afterwards learned the contrary, and that it was entirely malicious.
** Although I may know but little, I do not think anyone considers me
so stupid as not to know that even if the Indies were mine I could not up-
hold myself without the help of some Prince.
*' If this be so, where could I find better support and security than in
the King and Queen, our Lords, who have raised me from nothing to such
great honour, and are the most exalted Princes of the world on sea and on
land, and who consider that I have rendered them service, and who pre-
serve to me my privileges and rewards: and if anyone infringes them,
their Highnesses increase them still more, as was seen in the case of John
Aguado; and they order great honour to be conferred upon me, and, as I
have already said, their Highnesses have received service from me,
and keep my sons in their household; all which could by no means
happen with another prince, for where there is no affection, everything else
fails.
**I have now spoken thus in reply to a malicious slander, but against
436 Christopher Columbus
my will, as it is a thing which should not recur to memory even in dreams;
for the Commander Bobadilla maliciously seeks in this way to set his own
conduct and actions in a brighter light ; but I shall easily show him that his
small knowledge and great cowardice, together with his inordinate cu-
pidity, have caused him to fail therein.
"I have already said that I wrote to him and to the friars, and imme-
diately set out, as I told him, almost alone, because all the people were
with the Adelantado, and likewise in order to prevent suspicion on his part.
When he heard this, he seized Don Diego and sent him on board a caravel
loaded with irons, and did the same to me upon my arrival, and afterwards
to the Adelantado when he came; nor did I speak to him any more, nor to
this day has he allowed any one to speak to me; and I take my oath that I
cannot understand why I am made a prisoner.
**He made it his first business to seize the gold, which he did without
measuring or weighing it and in my absence ; he said that he wanted it to
pay the people, and according to what I hear he assigned the chief part to
himself and sent fresh exchangers for the exchanges. Of this gold I had
put aside certain specimens, very big lumps, like the eggs of geese, hens and
pullets, and of many other shapes, which some persons had collected in a
short space of time, in order that their Highnesses might be gladdened,
and might comprehend the business upon seeing a quantity of large stones
full of gold. This collection was the first to be given away, with malicious
intent, so that their Highnesses should not hold the matter in any account
until he has feathered his nest, which he is in great haste to do. Gold
which is for melting diminishes at the fire: some chains which would weigh
about twenty marks have never been seen again.
** I have been more distressed about this matter of the gold than even
about the pearls, because I have not brought it to her Highness.
**The Commander at once set to work upon an)rthing which he thought
would injure me. I have already said that with six hundred thousand I
could pay every one without defrauding anybody, and that I had more than
four millions of tenths and constabulary [dues] without touching the gold.
He made some free gifts which are ridiculous, though I believe that he
began by assigning the chief part to himself. Their Highnesses will find it
out when they order an account to be obtained from him, especially if I
should be present thereat. He does nothing but reiterate that a large
sum is owing, and it is what I have said, and even less. I have been much
distressed that there should be sent concerning me an inquisitor who is
aware that if the inquisition which he returns is very grave he will remain
in possession of the government.
** Would that it had pleased our Lord and their Highnesses had sent
him or someone else two years ago, for I know that I should now be free
from scandal and infamy, and that my honour would not be taken from
me, nor should I lose it. God is just, and will make known the why and
the wherefore.
*'They judge me over there as they would a governor who had gone to
The Letter to the Nurse 437
Sicily, or to a city or town placed under regular government, and where the
laws can be observed in their entirety without fear of ruining ever>'thing;
and I am greatly injured thereby.
*' I ought to be judged as a captain who went from Spain to the Indies
to conquer a numerous and war-like people, whose customs and religion are
very contrary to ours; who live in rocks and mountains, without fixed set-
tlements, and not like ourselves: and where, by the Divine Will, I have
placed under the dominion of the King and Queen, our Sovereigns, a
second world, through which Spain, which was reckoned a poor country,
has become the richest.
*' I ought to be judged as a captain who for such a long time up to this
day has borne arms without laying them aside for an hour, and by gentle-
men adventurers and by custom, and not by letters, unless they were from
Greeks or Romans or others of modem times of whom there are so many
and such noble examples in Spain; or otherwise I receive great injury, be-
cause in the Indies there is neither town nor settlement.
** The gate to the gold and pearls is now open, and plenty of everything —
precious stones, spices and a thousand other things — may be surely ex-
pected, and never could a worse misforttme befall me: for by the name of
our Lord the first voyage would yield them just as much as would the
traffic of Arabia Felix as far as Mecca, as I wrote to their Highnesses by
Antonio de Torres in my reply respecting the repartition of the sea and
land with the Portuguese; and afterwards it would equal that of Calicut,
as I told them and put in writing at the monastery of the Mejorada.
"The news of the gold that I said I would give is, that on the bay of the
Nativity, while I was much tormented, being harassed by wicked Christians
and by Indians, and when I was on the point of giving up everything and
if possible, escaping from life, our Lord miraculously comforted me and
said, 'Fear not violence, I will provide for all things: the seven years of
the term of the gold have not elapsed, and in that and in ever)rthing else I
will afford thee a remedy.'
"On that day I learned that there were eighty leagues of land with
mines at every point thereof. The opinion now is that it is all one. Some
have collected a hundred and twenty castellanos in one day, and others
ninety, and even the number of two hundred and fifty has been reached.
From fifty to seventy, and in many more cases from fifteen to fifty, is
considered a good day's work, and many carry it on. The usual quantity
is from six to twelve, and anyone obtaining less than this is not satisfied.
It seems to me that these mines are like others, and do not yield equally
every day. The mines are new, and so are the workers: it is the opinion
of everybody that even if all Castile were to go there, every individual,
however inexpert he might be, would not obtain less than one or two cas-
tellanos daily, and now it is only commencing. It is true that they keep
Indians, but the business is in the hands of the Christians. Behold what
discernment Bobadilla had, when he gave up everything for nothing, and
four millions of tenths, without any reason or even being requested, and
438 Christopher Columbus
without first notifying it to their Highnesses. And this is not the only
loss.
** I know that my errors have not been committed with the intention of
doing evil, and I believe that their Highnesses regard the matter just as I
state it : and I know and see that they deal mercifully even with those who
maliciously act to their disservice. I believe and consider it very certain
that their clemency will be both greater and more abundant towards me,
for I fell therein through ignorance and the force of circumstances, as they
will know fully hereafter; and I indeed am their creature, and they will
look upon my services, and will acknowledge day by day that they are much
profited. They will place everjrthing in the balance, even as Holy Scripture
tells us good and evil will be at the day of judgment.
"If, however, they command that another person do judge me, which
I cannot believe, and that it be by inquisition in the Indies, I very himibly
beseech them to send thither two conscientious and honourable persons at
my expense, who I believe will easily, now that gold is discovered, find five
marks in four hours. In either case it is needful for them to provide for
this matter.
**The Commander on his arrival at San Domingo took up his abode
in my house, and just as he found it so he appropriated everjrthing to him-
self. Well and good; perhaps he was in want of it. A pirate never acted
thus towards a merchant. About my papers I have a greater grievance,
for he has so completely deprived me of them that I have never been able
to obtain a single one from him ; and those that would have been most use-
ful in my exculpation are precisely those which he has kept most concealed.
Behold the just and honest inquisitor! Whatever he may have done, they
tell me that there has been an end to justice, except in an arbitrary form.
God, our Lord, is present with His strength and wisdom, as of old, and
always pimishes in the end, especially ingratitude and injuries."
CHAPTER LXXXXV
INTRODUCTION TO THE "LIBRETTO"
We have already said that of this book only one exam-
ple ' has been preserved. It reposes to-day in the San Marco '
Library at Venice, and probably its pages have never been
closely examined tmtil they looked into the camera to be repro-
duced for this present Work.^ Peter Martyr de Anghera may
^ Ferdiiiand Columbus is said by Henry Harrisse, in Additions to the Bibliotheca
Americana VetusHssitna, to have owned at one time an example ot this Libretto and to
have written therein, following his custom with his books: " Costo en venetia 4 Marauedis
a 4 di de Maijo d. 15 21." In his important Excerpta Columbiana (Paris, 1887), Har-
risse notices a book in the library of Ferdinand Colvmibus entitled Viagio ed Paese
de Visola de loro trouato p. Juan de Angliara, with the following memorandum in the
hand of Ferdinand: ** Costo en Ferrara medio quatrin ^ 4 di de Mayo de 152 1, y el
ducado vale 378 quatrines." The memoranda in his books serve quite accurately to
fix the halting places of Ferdinand Columbus in his wanderings, but while it was not
an impossibility he hardly could have been in Venice and Ferrara on the same day.
As Harrisse, in his later book, Excerpta Columbiana, makes no mention of the Lib-
retto, he may be imderstood to correct the statement in the Additions.
* The library of St. Mark was established on the loth of September in the year
1362, on which day the Venetian Senate accepted the offer of Francis Petrarch to
give to the church of St. Mark all his books, in consideration of his being provided
with a dwelling house for the remainder of his life. Petrarch's books were first de-
posited in a monastery of the ntins of St. Sepulca, in which monastery he himself had
for a time a residence. Among his precious possessions were a manuscript of Homer
which was given to him by Nicolaos Siguros, Ambassador of the Greek Emperor: a
beautiful copy of Sophocles: the entire Iliad and a great part of the Odyssey, trans-
lated by Leontius Pilatus and copied in the handwriting of Boccacio, whom the
translator had instructed in Greek: an imperfect Quintilian: the works of Cicero trans-
lated by Petrarch himself and many others of great, if not of equal, interest. The
Venetians apparently did not appreciate Petrarch's gift when he left them his books.
Tomasini, in the early part of the seventeenth century, asked permission to collate
some of the books in the collection, when he was led to the roof of St, Mark's only to
find the books partly reduced to dust, partly petrified. To-day this famous library is
poor in its possessions of volumes and manuscripts belonging to the great poet. The
librarians of St. Mark have been men distinguished for honesty and care as well as
for learning, yet in some way most of the books of the poet have disappeared.
3 The Libretto is recorded as No. 32 in the Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima,
and also receives mention imder No. 48 in the same work, but at that time it was
439
440 Christopher Columbus
be said to have composed the matter in this little book, writing
it in Latin from a series of letters addressed by him to vari-
ous noted personages. These letters were written immediately
after the events they describe. They bear the first news. They
reflect first impressions. Personal correspondence with the
Admiral, interviews with his sailors, conversations with his
companions, a knowledge of the Court side of affairs, — all these
things equipped our author for his work. He tells what he
knew, what he saw, what he heard. This work was put into
its present narrative form some time prior to the simimer of the
year 1501. The manuscript, or more probably a copy thereof,
fell into the hands of Angelo Trivigiano, who translated it into
the Venetian dialect and transmitted it to Domenico Malipiero,
an admiral and a Venetian historian. The manuscript went
into print in April, 1504, and, except for the interjection by
Trivigiano of the few words describing the personal appearance
of Colimibus, the work is Peter Martyr's own.
For many years diligent search had been made for the letters
and original manuscript of Trivigiano sent to Domenico Mali-
piero. It was known that Malipiero presented them to the
Venetian Senate, whence Albertino Vercellese da Lisona, the
Venetian printer, obtained the manuscript of the Libretto for
publication. They were known to have some way gotten into
the family of Jacopo Soranzo of Venice, in whose library they
were marked as the contents of a Codex No. DCLXI. This
library went partly into the hands of a priest, the Abb^ Canonici.
and partly into the library of Amedeo Svajer. The Canonici
library, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, went to
England, being largely incorporated in the Bodleian Library.
The Svajer library was divided between the Marciana, the Ven-
etian State Archives, and the library of the Counts Mannin di
Passeriano. The particular Codex in question finally found its
way into the possession of the Rev. Walter Sneyd of London,
and on his death went to his son, living at Newcastle-on-Tyne.'
thought no example of the Libretto had been preserved. When Mr. Harrisse pub-
lished his Additions (No. i6) to his great work, he described the example in the San
Marco Library as, he says, de visu, but he is not correct in saying it "contains only
the Voyages of Columbus."
An exact fac-simile of this most rare specimen of Americana is here for the first
time given.
» The writer repeatedly attempted to obtain a sight of these manuscripts or a
transcript thereof, but his solicitations in the interests of historical inquiry failed.
Introduction to the '' Libretto" 441
About 1892 the editors of the magnificent Italian Columbian
history, the Raccolta, succeeded in having copies made of the
letters and of the manuscript Codex, together with a photo-
graph of the title-page of the latter. The fact that the Lib-
retto was printed in the year 1504, and thus contributed to the
dissemination of the news of the discovery, makes it of much
more interest to us than the original manuscript copy hidden
from sight for so many ages, and subject to the possibility of
changes and alterations. As a matter of fact, however, the
printed copy has followed carefully Trivigiano's transcript.
Angelo Trivigiano has gone into history as the individual
responsible for the Libretto, He was the Secretary of Domenico
Pisani, Ambassador from the Republic of Venice to the Span-
ish Court. He wrote home at least four separate letters, one of
which is dated Granada, August 21, 1501,' and was addressed
to the famous Admiral Domenico Malipiero.^ Peter Martyr, who
comes first in point of importance and fulness of all the early
writers on America, had written in Latin many letters on the
discoveries, some of which were gathered by him and put into
his Decades. The earliest of these fell under the eye and hand
of Trivigiano, and the latter translated the greater portion of
the First Decade into the Venetian dialect. The above work
appeared in Venice, coming from the press of Albertino Ver-
cellese da Lisona, on the tenth day of April in the year 1504.
Trivigiano knew Colimibus personally, and while the Admiral
was in Spain, between his third and fourth voyages, a signal
proof of the latter's graciousness is fotmd in the letter written
to Malipiero imder date of August 21, 1501 :
**Magnifico et clementissimo domino Dominico Maripetro quondam
clarissimi domini Fr^ncisci, domino observandissimo, Venetiis. Mag-
nifico et clarissimo signore mio observandissimo. cum grandissimo des-
piacer ho inteso, per lettere de mio padre, che la magnificentia vostra se
duol de mi dicendo havermi scripto duo fiate et che io non li ho resposto, et
tanta mazor passione me sento quanto io mancho de colpa, perch^ da
quatro mesi in qua io non ho receput'o alcuna sua. ma ben li ho scripto
almancho tre fiate. se la magnificentia vostra non le ha havute n^ io le sue,
non ne ho per6 colpa alcuna. de questo instesso mio padre se lamenta de
mi, che non li scrivo, et io me lamento altro tanto de ltd: tamen me par
' See Zurla's Di Marco Polo, Venice, 1818, vol. ii., p. 362.
* Domenico Malipiero wrote Annali Veneii dalV Anno 145^ al 1500, published in
VArchivo Storico Italiano^ Florence, 1843, vol. vii., see Part II., p. 622.
442 Christopher Columbus
che n^ lui n^ io ne habiamo colpa. siamo cussi luntani che spazar de R
ogni tracto corieri seria troppo gran spesa, che ogni corier vol. loo. ducati
a venir de 11. et per6 bisogna scrivamo per via de Roma, Zenoa et Franza,
et che usamo el mezo de mercadanti zenoesi; sich^, magnifico patron,
vostra magnificentia non se doglii de mi, che zuro a Dio niuna altra cossa
piu desidero a questo mondo che servirla. et az6 che la intendi el tuto, io
ho tenuto tanto mezo che ho preso pratica et grandissima amicitia cum el
Columbo, el quale al presente se atrova qui in desdita, mal in gratia de
questi re et cum pochi danari. per suo mezo ho mandato a far far a Palos,
ch'^ uno loco dove non habito salvo che marinai et homeni pratichi de quel
viazo del Columbo, una carta ad istantia de la magnificentia vostra, la qual
sia benissimo facta e copiosa et particular de quanto paese ^ statos coperta.
qui non ce n'^, salvo una de dicta Columbo, n^ h homo che ne sapia far.
bisognerk tardar qualche zorno ad haver questa, perch ^ Palos, dove la se
fa, h luntano de qua. 700. milia, et poi, come la saA facta, non so come la
potr6 mandar, perch^ I'ho facta far del compasso grande, perch^ la sia piiji
bella. dubito ch'el bisogneA la magnificentia vostra aspeti la nostra
venuta, che derasone non doveria tardar molto, ch'el sark presto imo anno
che siamo fuora.
"Circa al tractato del viazo del dicto Columbo, uno valentuomo Tha
composto, et h ima dizeria molto longa. I'ho acopiato et ho la copia apresso
di me, ma h si grande che non ho modo de mandarla se non a pocho a pocho.
mando al presente alia magnificentia vostra el primo libro, quale ho tras-
lato in vulgar per mazor sua comoditk. se 1'^ mal scripto, vostra magnifi-
centia me perdoni che Vh la prima copia, n^ ho tempo de recopiarlo per
seguire Io resto.
**I1 compositore de questa h Io ambassator de questi serenissimi re che
va al soldano, el qual vien de 11 cum animo de presentarla al principe nostro,
el qual penso la fark stampare, et cosi la magnificentia vostra ne haverk
copia perfecta. non rester6 perh6 de mandarli, questo vulgar mal scrito
et mal composto, per contento de la magnificentia vostra; ma senza la
carta, vostra magnificentia non haverk molto piacer. de la carta penso
la restark molto satisfacta, perch^ Tho vista et hone preso gran contento
cum quela puocha intelligentia ch'io ho. el Columbo me ha promesso
darme commoditk de copiare tute le letere I'ha scritto a questi serenissimi
re de li soi viazi, che sark cosa molto copiosa. voglio in ogni modo tuor
questa faticha per amor de la magnificentia vostra.
"Ulterius aspetiamo de zorno in zorno da Lysbona el nostro doctore,
che lass6 11 el nostro magnifico ambassator, el qual a mia instantia ha facto
un' opereta del viazo de Calicut, de la qual ne far5 copia a la magnificentia
vostra. de carta de quel viazo non h possibile haverne, che el re ha messo
pena la vita a chi la dk fora. questo h quanto posso far adesso per ser-
vitio de la magnificentia vostra; e se li par che piu possa far, la mi co-
manda.
** De novo qui non habiamo alcuna cosa. le nove aspetamo de Italia,
io sto in continuo desiderio de sentir la expeditione de la magnificentia
Introduction to the *' Libretto *' 443
vostra, ch'el nostro signer Idio me doni gratia io possa sentir presto iuxta
la expetatione mia. altro io non ho. me ricomando per miara de volte
a la magnificentia vostra, preghandola se degni recomandarmi a la mag-
nifica mia madona et al magiiifico messer Fantino, a la magnifica madona
Francesca Marina Maria et messer Zuane, et basar Francesso per mia parte
et saludar mio fiozo et tuti de casa, ch* el Signor per sua bontk et dementia
ne conservi tutti sani nella sua bona gratia.
**Servulus Angelus.
**Ex Granata, die. 21. augusti. 1501.**
*'To the magnificent and most illustrious Master Dominico Malipiero,
etc, etc, at Venice: —
*'I have heard with the greatest concern, through the letters of my
father, that your magnificence complains of me, saying that you have
written me twice and that I have not replied to your letters. And I am
all the more disturbed by it as I am not at fault, because for four months
I have not received any letter from you; but I have certainly written to
you, at least three times. If your magnificence has not received my
letters and I have not received yours, I am not at fault for that. For this
same thing my father complains of me, that I do not write to him, and
I am likewise complaining of him. Notwithstanding, it appears to me
that neither he nor I are to be blamed for it. We are so far apart that
it would be too great an expense to despatch couriers from there at every
moment, as every courier wishes 100 ducats to come from yonder. And
therefore it is necessary that we write by way of Rome, Genoa and
France, and that we avail ourselves of the means of Genoese merchants.
So that, magnificent patron, your magnificence must not complain of me, for
I swear to God that I desire nothing more in this world than to serve you.
*'And in order that you may understand everything, I have used so
many means that I have had free intercourse and am on terms of great
friendship with Columbus, who is now here in disgrace, in ill favour with
these Sovereigns and with little money. At the request of your magni-
ficence, I have by his means ordered a map made at Palos, which is a place
inhabited only by sailors and people fully conversant with that voyage of
Columbus. This map will be very well made and copious, and will give
particulars of all the cotmtries which have been discovered. There is only
one map [of this kind] here, which belongs to the said Columbus, neither is
there any man who knows how to make one. I shall be obliged to wait
some days for this map, because Palos, where it is being made, is a distance
of 700 miles from here: and then when it is finished, I do not know how I
shall be able to send it to you, because I have had it made of large size, that
it may be finer. I doubt not your magnificence will be obliged to await
our return, which of necessity cannot be far distant, for it will very soon be
a year that we have been abroad.
*' As to the Work on the voyage of the said Columbus, it has been com-
posed by an able man, and it is a very long history. I have copied it and
have the copy in my possession, but it is so voluminous that I have no means
444 Christopher Columbus
of sending it to you save a little at a time. I send the first book to your
magnificence at this time, which I have translated into the vulgar tongue
for yotu" greater convenience. If it is badly written your magnificence
will pardon me for this is the first copy, neither have I had time to recopy
it, wishing to secure the entire Work.
**The author of this book is the Ambassador of these Most Serene
Sovereigns ' who is going to the Sultan ' ; he comes from yonder intending
to present it to our Prince who, I think, will have it printed, and then your
magnificence will have a perfect copy of it. I could not refrain however
from sending you this version badly written and composed in the vulgar
tongue, in order to please your magnificence; but without the map, your
magnificence will not have much pleasure in it. I think your magnificence
will be fully satisfied with the map for I have seen it, and with what little
knowledge I have, I was very much pleased with it. Columbus has prom-
ised me to give me an opportunity to copy all the letters he has written to
these most Serene Sovereigns in regard to his voyages, which will be a very
lengthy imdertaking. I wish by all means to engage in this task through
love for your magnificence.
'* Later: We are daily expecting our doctor from Lisbon, who left our
magnificent Ambassador there: at my request he has written a short ac-
count of the voyage from Calicut ,3 of which I will make a copy for your
magnificence. It is not possible to procure the map of that voyage, be-
cause the King * has declared a sentence of death against any one giving it
out.
*'We have no news here. We are expecting news from Italy. I am
constantly desirous of seeing the expedition of yotu- magnificence. May
our Lord Gk)d give me grace that I may soon feel that my expectation is
just. I have nothing else to say. I commend myself a thousand times to
your magnificence, begging you to deign to commend me to her magni-
ficence, my lady, and to the magnificent messer Fantino, to her magni-
ficence,my lady Francesca Marina Maria and messer Juane, and to kiss Fran-
cesco for me and salute my son and all of the household. May the Lord
in His goodness and clemency keep them all well and in His good favour.
*'Servulus Angelus.
**From Granada, August 21, 1501.'*
It is pleasant to catch the glimpse of kindliness on the part
of the old Admiral, lately come home in chains, living under
the frown of the Court and in the cold of scanty resources, and
^ Peter Martyr of Anghera.
2 The Sultan of Egypt.
3 This is probably the voyage made by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, who sailed from
Lisbon for Calicut, March 9, 1500, with thirteen ships, and whose expedition found
itself unexpectedly driven on the shores of Brazil. Cabral gave to this region the
name of "Terra de Santa Cruz." He returned to Lisbon at the end of July, 1501,
and we can see the alertness of foreigners in this attempt of Trivigiano to secure a
copy of a map showing the new discoveries.
♦ The King of Portugal.
Introduction to the ^' Libretto*' 445
yet obliging a new friend with minute details of his discoveries.
It was not necessary to give to a citizen of another country a
map of the discoveries, — indeed, it was contrary to custom and
contrary to law. The last paragraph of this letter of Trivigiano
(the custom applying to Spain as well as to Portugal) discloses
the dangers confronting strangers and foreigners who sought to.
obtain geographical information concerning newly discovered
lands.
The following three letters belong to the same corre-
spondence :
**Magnifice et clementissime domine domine colendissime. A li zomi
passati scrissi a la magnificentia vostra copiosamente quanto me occoreva,
et li mandai uno libro del viazo del Columbo. da poi ho receputo sue de
rultimo lido, a le qual far6 resposta. et prima ringratio quanto mi posso
la magnificentia vostra de la humanitk la usa in scrivermi cosi copiosa-
mente et darmi tanti particular avisi, che certo me sono stk gratissimi, si
per non li haver hauti per altra via como per esser de uno tal mio signor.
questo magnifico orator etiam ne ha obligo a la magnificentia vostra,
perch^ I'ha inteso per sue Httere cose ch'el non haveva per altri, et maxime
de la venuta del magnifico messer Francesco de Montibus, che li h tomato
molto al proposito, et ne ringrazia summamente la magnificentia vostra,
et de questo et de le humane salutation, et in con verso molto se li rico-
manda, offerendosi molto a tuti li soi piaceri. ben io ho sentito molesta-
mente che la magnificentia vostra non sia ancora expedita. prego el
nostro signor Dio la trazi de tal affanni et travagli come merita la sua inno-
centia. et illuipini quella terra che cognosca le opere sue. circa el de-
si derio ha la magnificentia vostra de intender el viazo de Calicut, io li ho
scritto altre fiate che aspeto de zomo in zomo Messer Cretico, qual me
scrive haveme composto ima opereta. subito ch'el sia zonto, far6 che la
magnificentia vostra ne haverk parte, li mando al presente uno altro
pezo del viazo del Columbo, et sic successive Io mandar6 tuto, bench^
credo che a quest a hora el sark gettato a stampa de H, perch^ Io ambas-
sador de queste alteze ch*^ venuto de li, cha va al soldano, Io ha composto,
et Io vole donar a la illustrissima signoria ; ma senza carta la magnificentia
vostra non potrk pigliame compito piazer. come li scrissi, Tho mandata
a far far a Palos, che h loco a marina, dove se fanno; ma non credo de
haver modo de inviarla a la magnificentia vostra avanti la nostra venuta:
la qual per6 spero haverk ad esser presta, che son hormai .13. mesi che
siamo in questa legatione. me doglio de la partita de li garzoni, per Io in-
teresse ne ha la vostra magnificentia. el nostro signor Idio la restauri in
qualche altra cosa. di novo non havemo de qui alcuna cosa. questi seren-
issimi et catholici re sono benissimo disposti a perseverar la guerra contra
Turchi, et hano dicto apertamente al magnifico ambassador che non solum
anno, ma I'altro e Taltro sono per mantenir Tarmata sua contra Turchi a
446 Christopher Columbus
favor de le cose christiane et particular de la serenissima signoria nostra,
et accadendo el bisogno non sono per recusar de metere le proprie persone.
altro non ho. me ricomando a la magnificentia vostra.
"Ex Granata."
*'To the magnificent and most illustrious master, etc.
**I wrote at length to your magnificence some days ago in regard to
what occurred to me, and I sent you a book of the voyage of Columbus.
Since then I have received your last letter to which I will reply. And first
I return thanks to your magnificence with all my heart for your kindness in
writing me so fully and in giving me such particular advices, which cer-
tainly have been very welcome to me, as much because I had not received
them from any other source, as because of coming from such a person as my
lord. This magnificent orator is also obliged to your magnificence, be-
cause he has learned things from you for his letters which he did not learn
from others, and especially of the coming of the magnificent messer Fran-
cesco de Montibus, who has returned yonder very appropriately, and he
thanks your magnificence most emphatically for it, and by this letter and
with his kind salutations and in much conversation he commends himself
to you, placing himself at your disposal in everything that you desire. I
have felt very much disturbed that your magnificence has not yet been
despatched. I pray to our Lord to deliver you from such troubles and to
dispose matters according to the merits of your innocence. And to en-
lighten that coimtry that it may recognise your works.
** In regard to the desire of your magnificence to learn of the voyage to
Calicut, I have written you at other times that I am daily expecting Messer
Cretico, who writes me that he has composed a small Work in regard to it.
As soon as he arrives, I will see that your magnificence has a part in it. I
send you now another portion of the voyage of Columbus and thus succes-
sively I will send all, although I believe at this very moment it will have
passed into print yonder, since the Ambassador of their Highnesses who
has come from there and who is going to the Sultan, has composed it and
wishes to give it to the most illustrious Seigniory, but without the map
your magnificence will not be able to derive entire pleasure from it. As I
wrote you, I have ordered one made at Palos, a place on the seashore where
they make them ; but I do not believe I shall have an opportunity to send
it to your magnificence before our coming, which I hope, however, will be
very soon, because it is now thirteen months that we are on this embassy.^
'* I am sorry for the departure of the boys, on account of the interests of
your magnificence. May our Lord God requite you in some other ways.
We have nothing new here. Those Most Serene and Catholic Sovereigns
are very well disposed to persevere in the war against the Turks, and they
have said publicly to the magnificent Ambassador that not only for one
* This is not dated, but as Trivigiano says, in the first letter dated Granada,
August 21, 1 50 1, that he had already been a year in the embassy, thirteen months
would fix the time of writing the second letter as of the month of September in the
same year.
Introduction to the '' Libretto'' 447
year but for another and another their army is to be maintained against
the Turks, for the protection of Christian interests and particularly of our
most serene Seigniory, and if it becomes necessary they will not refrain
from taking the field in person. I have no more to say. I commend my-
self to your magnificence.
*'From Granada.**
"Magnifico et clarissimo signor. Tute le lettere de la magnificentia
vostra me soleno esser gratissime, come letere de chi son piti schiavo che de
me medesmo; ma queste ultime me hano empUo de tanta alegrezza, che
non trovo loco che me tegni, sentendo la innocentia de la magnificentia vostra
esser stk cognosciuta et lei liberata de afani, cum tanto suo honor et reputa-
tion, et subito rimasta de la zonta, che per lo vero Dio non so che cosa a
questo mondo me potria esser piii grata et de mazor contento. ne rendo im-
mortalissime gratie al nostro Creator, dator de tuti li beni et che non lassa
perir li iusti et boni, et cum la magnificentia vostra et tuti me congrattilo
cum tuto lo core, bench^, per la fede de Dio, el dover voria che la magni-
ficentia vostra et tuti se ne congratulassi cum mi, perch^ voria meterne la
testa che persona del mondo non ha receputo mazor alegreza de Anzelo.
Dio ne sia laudato, spero ne la sua divina bontk che veder6 de brevi vos-
tra magnificentia exaltata a quello grado che la ne h benemerita, et refaremo
li danni de li travagli patiti. I'ho facto intender a questo magnifico am-
bassador, che certo ne ha receputo grande piacer, et scrive de sua mano a
la magnificentia vostra. missier Cretico, etiam sviscerato perlial et ser-
vitor de la magnificentia vostra, la rengratia che la se habi degnato per sue
lettere salutarlo cosl amorevolmente, et molto se ricomanda, congratulan-
dose ex intimo cordis de le felicitk sue. el venne de Portugal fino questo
setembre molto informato del viazo de Calicut, et tuta via compone imo
tractato che sark molto bello et grato a chi se delecta de tal cose, se
venimo a Venetia vivi, vostra magnificentia vederk carte et fino a Calicut et
de Ik piu che non h do fiate de qui a Fiandra. vi prometto che Vh venuto
in ordene de ogni cosa; ma questo vostra magnificentia non se curi divul-
garlo; unum est che I'haverk, et intenderk a la venuta nostra tante par-
ticularitk quante se la fosse stk a Calicut et piti inanti, et de tuto vostra
magnificentia ne sark fata participe, che forsi altri no.
*'Mando cum questa uno altro libro del viazo del Columbo, el quale
essendo mal scritto, la magnificentia vostra me perdonerk che non ho
tempo transcriverlo; io I'ho traducto cosl de grosso, et soto piiX brevitk che
ho possuto, per dar spasso a la magnificentia vostra. a la venuta nostra
vederk el tuto piu particolarmente et per la opera integra et per la carta
che li portar6. in questo interim la passerk cum questo. io havea lassato
de mandame piu, perch^ credeva ch'el fusse stk getk a stampa, che cosi me
aferm6 Tambassator de queste alteze che and6 al soldano; ma poi ch'el
non I'ha facto, proseguir5 in mandar a libro per libro, et questo h lo terzo
adviso suo. n^ bisogna che vostra magnificentia de questo me ne prega,
perch^ ho piii voluntk di farli piacer che lei non Tha de receverlo. ren-
gratio la magnificentia vostra de le nove la me scrjve. io a Tincontro non
448 Christopher Columbus
ho nova alcuna da dirli, salvo che tuti siamo alegri, poi che havemo inteso
la electione del successor del nostro patron, prego Dio ch'el vegni presto a
ci5 possamo repatriar, et che io possa venir a veder et far reverentia a la
magnificentia vostra, che una hora me par mille anni. in questo interim
me ricomando a la magnificentia vostra et pregola se degni racomandarme
a la magnifica mia madonna.
*'De la bona dispositione de queste catholice alteze non dir6 altro, ch^
la magnificentia vostra essendo de pregadi lo intenderk per le publice. el
signor Dio faci che la metino in operatione, al che po esser certa la magni-
ficentia vostra che non se li mancha de solicitudine. se ha aviso de qui che
lo arciduca de Bergogna, zenero de queste alteze, h partito de Fiandra per
venir a tor el zuramento per el fiolo che ha a succeder in questi regni, unde
iudico fra brevi zorni se partiremo forsi per Castilia.
"Ex Exigia. 3. decembrio."
**To the magnificent and most eminent Lord. All the letters of your
magnificence are always most welcome to me, as being the letters of one of
whom I am more the slave than I am of myself; but these last letters have
filled me with such joy that I do not find a place which can contain me, feel-
ing that the innocence of your magnificence has been recognised and that
you are freed from anxieties, with so much honour and esteem and at once
re-instated by the Council; for by the true God, I do not know that any-
thing in this world could be more pleasing to me and give me greater joy.
I give everlasting thanks for it to our Creator, giver of all benefits, who does
not allow the just and good to perish and I rejoice with all my heart, with
your magnificence and with every one. Although, by the faith of God,
duty wills that your magnificence and every one should rejoice with me over
it, because I would wager my head that no one in the world has received
greater pleasure than Angelo. God be praised for it. I hope in His divine
goodness that I shall very soon see your magnificence exalted to that
degree of which you are worthy, and that the injuries and afflictions you
have suffered will be recompensed. I have made this known to this mag-
nificent Ambassador, who certainly has derived great pleasure from it, and
is writing with his own hand to your magnificence. Messer Cretico, also a
loyal servitor of your magnificence, renders thanks that you have deigned
to salute him so kindly in your letters, and commends himself to you
greatly, rejoicing with you, from his inmost soul, over your felicity. He
came from Portugal at the end of last September, well informed in regard to
the voyage to Calicut, and is constantly at work composing a treatise which
will be very fine and acceptable to those who are pleased with such things.
**If we reach Venice alive, your magnificence will see maps, both as far
as Calicut and a distance beyond there greater than twice the distance
from here to Flanders. I promise you that everything has come in order;
but this, your magnificence may not care to divulge. One is, that you will
have and will learn, upon our arrival, as many particulars as if you had
been to Calicut and beyond, and your magnificence will be made a par-
ticipant in everything, as perhaps others will not.
Introduction to the '' Libretto" 449
** I send with this another book of the voyage of Columbus, which being
badly written, your magnificence will pardon me that I have not time to
transcribe. I have translated it almost as a whole and with the most
possible brevity in order to give space to your magnificence. Upon our
arrival you will see the whole more particulariy, both by means of the entire
work and by the map which I will take there. In the interim, you will be
satisfied with this. I had given up ordering more of the Work, because I
believed that it had already passed into print, as I was told so by the
Ambassador of these Highnesses, who went to the Sultan, but since it has
not been done, I will continue to order it book by book, and this is his third
advice. Neither is it necessary for your magnificence to beg me to do this,
because I have more desire to give you pleasure than you have to receive it
from me. I thank your magnificence for the news you write me. In re-
turn I have no news to tell you, except that we are all joyful since we have
heard the election of the successor of our patron. I pray God that we may
soon be able to return home and that I can come to see and pay reverence
to your magnificence, for one hour appears to me a thousand years. In
this interim I recommend myself to your magnificence and pray you to
deign to commend me to her magnificence, my Lady.
**I will not say anything else of the good disposition of these Catholic
Highnesses, because your magnificence being *de pregadi' will understand
it by the ordinary means of publicity. May the Lord God cause them to
put it into operation, for which your magnificence may be certain that
solicitude is not lacking.
** It is learned here that the Archduke of Burgundy, son-in-law of these
Highnesses, has left Flanders to come and take oath for the son who is to
succeed in these realms, therefore I think we shall perhaps start for Castile
in a few days.
**From Exigia, December 3.** [1501.]
** Magnifico et clarissimo patron et signor mio. Credo che I'ultime ch'io
scripsi a la magnificentia vostra fosseno de d5 del instante da Exigia, cum
le qual mandai uno de li libri del viazo del Columbo, che ^ lo 3^. dapoi ho
receputo letere de la vostra magnificentia de .9. novembrio, che come lit-
tere de mio signor a Tusato me son stk gratissime et tanto piu de I'usato
quanto io vedo la magnificentia vostra andarse redriciando a bon camino.
**E1 Columbo se mete in ordene per andar a discoprir, et dice voler far
uno viazo pi^ bello et de mazor utilitk che alcuno altro Thabia facto, credo
partirk a tempo novo; cum lui va molti mei amici, che al suo ritorno me
farano participe del tuto. sono etiam preparate a Cades molte caravelle,
che de zomo in zomo deno partir per la insula Spagnola, cum .3000. homeni. **
**To my magnificent and most eminent patron and Lord.
"I believe that the last letters I wrote to your magnificence were from
Exigia, where I was for a short time, and with which I sent one of the books
of the voyage of Columbus, which is the third. Since then I have received
letters of Nov. 9 from your magnificence, which, being letters from my
VOL. II.— 39,
450 Christopher Columbus
LfOrd, as usual have been very pleasing to me and more than ordinary, when
I see your magnificence again directed in a favourable course.
"Coliunbus is preparing to go and make discoveries, and says he wishes
to make a finer voyage and one of greater utility than any other he has
made. I believe he will start at the beginning of the new year. With him
go many of my friends, who upon his return will make me a participant of
all the results of the voyage. They are also fitting out many caravels at
Cadiz, which from day to day are to start for the island of Espanola,
with 3000 men.**
This last letter evidently was written in the opening days of
the year 1502. The reference to the greater expedition,* with
its three thousand men, is doubtless to that under Nicolas de
Ovando, who, with some twenty-five hundred men and twenty-
five or thirty ships, left Spain, February 13, 1502, and landed
in the new city of San Domingo, April 15 following. Colum-
bus set sail for Cadiz on the voyage mentioned in this last letter
of Trivigiano on May 11, 1502. He returned to Spain from his
fourth and last voyage, November 7, 1504. The Libretto by this
time had been in print for nearly seven months, and, as the
reader will discover, carries the history of Columbus and of his
discoveries no farther than the return of the Admiral and his
brother from the third voyage, and their appearance at the
Royal Court, ** where,*' says Trivigiano, **they are yet found at
the present time/'
We thus know from Trivigiano himself that while he was
the translator and transmitter of this written history of Colum-
bus, the ** composer'' thereof was the Ambassador sent by the
Spanish Sovereigns to the Sultan of Egypt. The Ambassador
was Peter Martyr of Anghera, who departed from Granada on
this Embassy, August 14, 1501. This composer, Peter Martyr,
' The expedition was a colonising one rather than one of discovery, notwith-
standing the destination was stated to be '* las Islas e Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, a
las partes de las Indias que Nos Mandamos descobrir," — **the islands and mainland
in the 0cean-sea» to the parts of the Indies we have been commanded to explore."
One of the ships, La Rabida, named after the convent near Palos, where Columbus
with his little son halted in his darkest days, but whence issued his help and aid, was
lost at sea with one hundred and twenty persons. Antonio de Torres, who accom-
panied Columbus on his second journey to the New World and who bore back the
earliest account of that voyage, was the Captain-General of the present expedition.
Bartolom^ de las Casas. the future historian of the Indies, and no less number than
twelve Franciscan monks, were among the men of peace who accompanied the men
of war. Las Casas said of the Governor, Nicolas de Ovando, that he was a good
Governor, but not for the Indians, and it is true that no Governor, good of repute or
bad of repute, ever made more bloody history.
Introduction to the '' Libretto'' 451
resented the publication of the Libretto. He was the great
epistolary writer of Spain, his adopted country, if not of the
world and of his time. There are preserved to us and printed
in book form in 1530, no fewer than 812 of his delightful letters.
In the year 151 1 he himself published at Seville a short history
of the discoveries compiled from letters he had previously writ-
ten. He entitled his work Oceani Decas. In a document
printed in Spanish on the folio following that of the title, Queen
Joanna grants Peter Martyr the privilege of printing his work
upon his petition. In the year 15 16 Peter Martyr pubUshed in
Alcala another edition of his history, enlarged to three decades.
In the seventh book of his Second Decade he says:
**Est praeterea cautum ne alienegena qtiifcp in iuffu regio commifceatur
hifpanis. Propterea ftii admirat?. Aloifium quenda cadamuftu venetu
fcriptorem rerum Portugalenfiu ita perfricata frote fcripfiffe de rebus caftel-
lanis fecimus uidimus itiimus: quae necp fecit iincp ne^ uenetus quif^
iiidit: ex tribus meae decadis primis libellis: ad cardinalem Afcaniu &
Arcimboldum : quibus eram conterraneus : quando ilia fiebant : fcriptitata:
ea excerpfit & fuflfuratus est: exiftamans noftra niin^ proditiira in pub-
lieu : Potuit & forte apud oratorg aliqug venetum in eos libellos incidiffe.
Celebres nancp uiri ab illuftriffimo fenatu illo miffi funt ad reges hos catho-
licos : quibus ego ipfe ilia oftendebam libens : utcp exemplaria ab eis caper-
ent facile affentiebar. Vtcuncp fit bonus uir Aloifius cadamuftus alieni
laboris fructum fibi ftuduit uendicare."
" It was moreover provided that no foreigner should form part of an
expedition without the order of the King of Spain. Wherefore I marvel
that a certain Venetian, Aloysius Cadamustus, a writer of Portuguese things,
should have been so lost to shame as to write on Spanish [Castilian] affairs :
he says We went: we saw: we accomplished: whereas neither he nor any
Venetian saw or accomplished anything [in that region] : He extracted and
stole certain writings from the first three books of my Decade sent as they
were written to Cardinal Ascanius [Sforza] and Arcimboldus, whose fellow-
countryman I was, thinking that our work would not appear in print: it
might be perchance that he came into possession of these books at the
hand of some Venetian ambassador. Many famous men are sent to the
Catholic Sovereigns from that illustrious Senate and I freely disclosed to
them my books : and I was quick to suffer them to make a copy of them :
however, this good man Aloysius Cadamustus was eager to appropriate for
himself the fniit of another's labour.**
Peter Martyr may never have seen an example of the Lib-
retto, and probably alluded to the Paesi Notcamente Retrouati,
published for the first time at Vicenza in the month of November
452 Christopher Columbus
in the year 1507. The fourth book of this work reproduced
faithfully the matter in the Libretto, and it was doubtless this
and subsequent editions which fell under the eye of Peter
Martyr and caused him to charge Aloysius Cadamustus with
unworthy conduct in appropriating his letters as his own. This
is more likely, since the voyage of Cadamustus was first nar-
rated in the Paesi Nouamente Retrouati.
Peter Martyr, reading in the Libretto or the Paesi the account
of the Columbian voyages and the expeditions of Pietro Alonzo
Nino and of Vicente Yafiez Pinz6n, discovers the matter to be
taken bodily from his own writings, not yet at that time pub-
lished, but somewhat widely known through the passing of his
manuscript letters from hand to hand. He utters a cry of
complaint, not against the correctness of the printed record,
but against the surreptitious manner in which it was given to
the public, and he charges the author, or the alleged author,
not with uttering misrepresentations, but with deliberate
plagiarism.
Aloysius Cadamustus, or Luigi Cadamosto, was a Venetian
captain who, in the service of King Alfonso V. of Portugal,
made the voyage to Cape Verde and Senegal in 1455 and 1456.
He died in 1480 ' at about the age of forty-eight years, having
in his early manhood enrolled himself among the most distin-
guished explorers of the African coast. Therefore it is not at
his door that Peter Martyr s charge of plagiarism will lie. There
seems to have been doubt in the minds of the early historians
as to the personal experiences related by Cadamustus, and it
may be that this reputation had so attached itself to the Vene-
tian navigator that the very name stood for a form of plagiar-
ism. Thus, without alluding to Trivigiano by name, Peter
' Martyr might be chastising him by calling him an ** Aloysius
Cadamustus*' — that is to say, a man who appropriates the work
of another.
Trivigiano is the first writer to give any particulars as to the
personal appearance of Coltimbus. These were not taken from
Peter Martyr, for the latter nowhere speaks of the Admiral's
person. Nor could Peter Martyr, when he came to publish his
First Decade in 151 1, have had the Libretto before him, or he
would have been struck with the propriety of alluding to the
* See Zurla's Det Viaggi e delle Scoperte Africane di Cada-Mosto, Venice, 1815.
Introduction to the '' Libretto'' 453
outline drawing of the figure of the great discoverer. Trivigi-
ano himself, who was admitted by the Admiral to terms of
intimacy, introduced into his translation the brief description
of Christopher Columbus.
Neither Trivigiano nor Peter Martyr contributes anything
to the biographical knowledge we have of the Admiral. Gallo
and Senarega, the earliest biographers of Columbus, have
copied the brief description given by Trivigiano, but in addition
they give us information as to the origin of the discoverer.
The writings of these Genoese chroniclers were not published
until the eighteenth century, but doubtless historians had
access to them, as they were in the nature of official records.
Giustiniani is the first writer to publish to the world the state-
ment that Colimibus was sprung from common stock, — vilibus
ortus parentibuSy — incorporating the very expression of Gallo,
but omitting the details given by him as to the training and
trade of Columbus and his family. This work reached the pub-
lic in 1 516. It was not until 1571, when the Historie del S. D,
Fernando Colombo was printed, that any further information
concerning the personal life and character of the Admiral was
given, and which repeated the description of the physical traits
mentioned by Trivigiano.
This little book was the innocent cause of an interesting
geographical error in connection with the name Joanna, which
Columbus gave to the island of Cuba. Peter Martyr, in his
letter to Cardinal Ascanius Sforza, and which formed part of
his First Decade y says:
''Patefecit navigatione hoc prima sex tafitum insulas aic^ ex Us duas
inauditce magniti44inis : quarum alteram Hispaniolam: Joannam alteram
uocitavit: sed Joannam esse insulam non pro certo habuit.'*
"In this first voyage, he found as many as six islands: and of these,
two were of extraordinary size: He called one of them Espaiiola and
the other Joanna, but he did not know for certain that Joanna was an
island.''
Trivigiano properly translated the latter part of this phrase
into the Venetian dialect in his manuscript, thus :
** Una chiama jpagnola^ Valtra la ZoUna, ma la Zoana non hebero be
certo che la fuijji isola/'
454 Christopher Columbus
Harrisse ' and other writers ' have shown how the printer,
Albertino Vercellese da Lisona, edited the Libretto, making
chapters where Trivigiano had a continuous story. He made
chapter two end with part of the above translation, ** Una
chiama fpagnola: laltra la Zodna mela/' uniting the conjunction
ma (which he changes into me) and the article la in one word,
and then he commenced the third chapter with ''Zodna no
hebero be certo ch'lafufje isola.'' In the Paesi Nouamente Re-
trouati of 1507, and in other books following after this, the
mistake was gravely incorporated and the island of Cuba for a
time took its place in geography as Joanna Mela. And, indeed,
the mistake at one time took on continental proportions, and
on the map in the edition of Margarita Philosophica of Gregory
Reisch, printed by Johannes Gnminger at Strasburg in the year
15 15, the northern continent is called Zodna Mela.
The Libretto is the first collection of voyages ever printed.
It contains, as we have already said, the first three voyages of
Columbus, thus giving to the world for the first time an account
of the latter portion of the AdmiraFs second expedition and of
the third voyage.^ The book, rare and valuable as it is,
would be of the first importance were it not that Peter Martyr
himself gave to printed form some seven years later his own
letters forming the First Decade. As it is, some of the dates
given by Trivigiano are accepted by writers in preference to
those given by Peter Martyr in his Decades, on the ground that
any difference would be decided in favour of the earliest public
statement of those dates. When they were communicated to
the Venetian secretary they were fresh in the mind of Martyr,
and the passing years are not calculated to sharpen details.
Besides the three Coltimbian voyages, there is the one made by
Pero Alonzo Nino'* and Cristobal Guerra in 1499 and 1500,
^ The Discovery of North America, p. 314.
* Dr. Frank Wieser, in his Zodna Mela.
The reader will find this interesting error on the recto of folio a ii in the fac-simile
we give of the Libretto.
3 From May 30, 1498, to October, 1500, in which he saw the mouth of the Orinoco
River and the Gulf of Paria, and from which he returned to Spain in disgrace and
chains
4 Pero Alonzo Niflo was the pilot of the unfortunate caravel, the Santa Maria,
the flagship of the Admiral on his first voyage. In the Libretto he is called Alonzo il
Negro. The name was written in the Venetian dialect, Nigno, and this became in
the careless printing, Nigro, changing the n into an r. The error passed from the
Libretto into several of the books on the early voyages, notably the Itinerarium Por-
Introduction to the '' Libretto'* 455
going over much the same route travelled by the Admiral in his
third voyage/ going farther west a matter of many leagues.'
This was a famous voyage, however, for it opened to Spain a
veritable gate of pearl. Nifio carried back with him from the
coasts of Paria and Cimiana a great quantity of precious pearls,^
the first instalment of gems which were destined to be poured
into the lap of that Eiu-opean country. Peter Martyr, in the
eighth book of his First Decade, says that when they departed
from Curiana, Nifio had of pearls threescore and sixteen poimds
— counting eight oimces to the pound, — purchased in exchange
for trifling things,^ in all to the value of five shillings.^ When
they came home Nino was arrested at the instance of his com-
panions, who charged him with concealing a great quantity of
tugallensium and Grynceus. Ramusio speaks of him correctly as "Pietro Alonzo
called Nigno.'* In the German translation of the Paesi, published in 1508, and in
which Spanish, Latin, and Portuguese proper names are rendered into their German
equivalents, Nigro is called der Schwartz. In this same German edition Colimibus
himself has his name transformed to its equivalent, — Dawber,
^ They are said to have returned, landing in Galicia, at Bayona, in April, 1500.
In Navarrete, vol. iii., p. 541, will be found the deposition of Nicholas Perez, who
says that Nifio arrived in Spain a few days before Hojeda returned from his first
expedition. The date of this cannot be fixed, except that it occurred before July 28,
1500, as on that day Bishop Fonseca, acting for the King and Queen, and Hojeda
signed a contract for another expedition to be undertaken by the latter.
Himiboldt gives the date of return as April, 1500. Peter Martyr says they
started home octavo idus Fehruarii (February 6) and were at sea sixty days — three-
score days, — which would make the date of arrival April 5.
* The expedition, unlike most that sailed to the New World, consisted of a single
ship of about sixty tons, and a crew of thirty-three men.
3 There is preserved in the Municipal Library of Ferrara a manuscript contain-
ing a description of voyages, apparently earlier in its composition than the Libretto
or Paesi. In it one reads this passage in the description of the pearls brought by
Pero Alonzo Nifio from Curiana: "And Anzol Trivisan, the Secretary of the Illus-
trious Seignory of Venice, being in Spain, saw a great quantity of these."
4 As an illustration of the cheapness of articles of food, Peter Martyr declares
in the eighth book of his First Decade that on this expedition the sailors bought a pea-
cock for four pins, a pheasant for two pins, and a wood pigeon or ttirtle dove for one.
When the natives asked what they should do with the pins, since it was their custom
to go naked, the sailors told them they were to be used in picking their teeth or in
removing thorns from their flesh.
5 The importance of this discovery of a pearl coast by Nifio was always recog-
nised in Spain, and we find expeditions, when licenced to go to the New World, were
expressly forbidden to visit the region in which Nifio found the pearls, whether under
the name of Curtana, Curiana, or Valfermoso. This was notably the case with the
expedition of Alonzo Velez de Mendoza, under letters patent of July 20, 1500, the
third expedition of Hojeda. under letters patent dated June 8, 1501, — notwithstand-
ing this interdiction the expedition seems to have visited Curiana, — and even as late
as when Vicente Yafiez Pinz6n was sent to Porto Rico and was given power to make
discoveries everywhere, ''except the region where Nifio found [bartered for] the
pearls."
456 Christopher Columbus
precious pearls and thereby defrauding the King of his one-
fifth share. He was kept in prison a long time, but to the end
denied that he had detained for his own use any of the pearls.
Peter Martyr tells of a dinner he attended, given by the Duke
of Medina in the city of Seville, when there was brought to his
host a parcel of a htuidred and twenty ounces of pearls for his
purchase, and that the fairness and briUiancy of the pearls
greatly delighted them. Then, he says, some declared that
Nino did not get the pearls from Curiana, which is distant more
than a htmdred and twenty leagues from Boca del Drago,' but
that he procured them in the regions of Cumana and Mana-
capana, near the Os Draconis — Dragon's Mouth — and the island
of Margarita, for they deny that any pearls are found in Curiana.
Thus was this alert Venetian courtier, Angelo Trivigiano,
the first to present to the world a portrait of Christopher Colum-
bus, and, fully appreciating the value of Peter Martyr's letters
in describing the earlier voyages to the New World, he was the
first to publish those voyages in printed form. The demand
for such a narrative might easily exhaust even a large edition,
and examples of books which are much read and re-read scarcely
ever have long lives. We may not wonder overmuch, then, if
there has come down to us only one example of this interesting
little book.
I The Mouth of the Dragon, so named by Coltimbus during his third voyage,
August 13, 1498. Columbus himself had given this name to the wild channel between
the north-western point of the island of Trinidad and the eastern point of the main-
land, forming the northern entrance to the Gulf of Paria.
CHAPTER LXXXXVI
Libietto De Tutta Ld Naulgatfone De Re De Spngna De Lc Ifble Et
Terrcni Nouamence Tfouatu Capitulo primos
:^ RiSTOPHORO Col8bo2cnoi\efyhomodeaUa 6C
^ ^ procf ta datura roffb de grandc ingegno 61 faza Ionga«
Scquito molto tempo li (creniflimf Rc.de (pagna m q^
lonc^ p^ttc andaoano; j)curado lo aiatallero adarmare
quaiche nauiltoxhe (c offeriua atrouarep poncte infii^
lyfmitimrdelaindia:doueccopiade picrre pciolc:&
& fp^ci€:dC oro:che facilmece (e pornano c6(tqre,Per molro renipod
Re 6C }a Rcgina;& turti li primari de Spagna:de ro ne pigliauano zcv
choidC finaiiter dapo fettc anni:& dapo oolri rrauagli.Cdpiaccitrno a
fua uoIuta;6f liamiamo una naue & do caraaelle co Icqie circa all pmi
xorni de fepte,i492.fe pri d^ li liti fpani:df icomlzo ejfuo uiazoXa.ii*
R lo da Cades fe nado ahfole fortua tc cb alpn tc fj>agno]i I'echi
p amao canarie:forno chiamate dalf antiq iToIe fortuare nelmar
ocea lotan dal ftrcto.noo.mi.fccodo fua rajon cttf dfcono.30.
Ieghe:una Icga e.4.fnigla.q(le canane forS dee fortiaare p la loro tcpie.
l^noforadlcltadelaruropauerlottKfrodi.lbnocr habbitate de gere
nude cB uiuono fenza religi6e.alciia.q ando colobo pfar aq & tor rcfrc
fcatnetOTpria chel (4 meteflr a cofi dura fanga.DrM /t-quereelfoJe occi
dcte.Nauigado ^j.note 6^ zorni cofinuircr) mai uede terra alcfia, Dapoi
un ho n^atoi gabia uereno terra Etdclcoprirno.viilbie* Do de leqic
de gradefa inauditaruna chiama fpagnolailalrr^ la zoana nicla. Ca.ni«
Oina no hcbero be cerro cB lafufle ifola. Ma zoti cfi foro ala
2* zoana fcorcdo qUa p cofta.Sctirono cataf del mefe dc noucb.
fra detiiTimi bofthi rurignoli:& trouoro grandiflifTii fiuiri de
aqoe dolce:& boifTimi porti:& gradi fcorcdo p co(la de lazonna p map
ftro pill de«Soo«niigla che no trouorn rermie ne fegno de trrrt^icjpcfo-
ro difuflfe terra fermatdelibo de tornaf :pct) cofi cicoftregea ilmaf ;pcl>
•era adaro tatop diuerfi golfirche hauea uolro lapua a leptetrioc, Ita c^
labora ormallfcomizaua adar tnuaho;uoIra aducpla^ua ucrfo leuare:
atrouo Itfola chiamata fpagnoIa^Et dftderido tetar lanatura dc li lochi
dalapte d tramotanarza k aproxiaua atcrra:qn lanaue mjzor inuefti (b
pra una frcha pianarche era copta daq:* fe aprite:ma laplanine del fnf-
fo die ftaua fotto laq laiuto che no fonierfe:lc carauellc fcapolo Ii hoi:
& efmotati 1 terra uideo hoi d lifola Iiqli uifti fubito fe mifeno a fugire
abo^chf defiflfimitcoe fuflfeno rate fief (eqratedacai(fauditapgcia)li nfi
ieqtadoli plo una d5na:& lamenoro anauere be pafiuta d nfidbi & uio
fid ornita d uedimti cR loro tuti uao nudi:la laflfarno aodaf .Ca.iiif
Vbito d) fo 25ca aibi cK fauea oue ftauao:mo(lrado ilmarau iglofb
Ak
457
458 Christopher Columbus
aloro ornato.ec libcralica de Ilnfi tuti aragata corfero aiiiatitia«Pe(an<la
qda eer gcce raadata dal cielo:Se gitauaiioiidaq;& pottauano feco oro
Che baocao:& baracauao oro i piackne de tem OC tase de uero.clH li do
naua una ftringa o fonaglto o uero un pczo dc rpcchio;o ajcra bofti^^
(aiQl dauano p limd cofe oro chc haueano:haii^2aTadto inficfiie un
comercio familianCt rcado li nf i li loaro coftuimiouoron p i^gni^ afli
che haueano Re tra de loro:& efmontando linofln in terra forono tt^
ccuti honoranflimamece dal Re: 6C da li bomini de ]ifi)la:& bene acha
rezan«ucnendo la (era^fif dato rl figno del Aue maria Iszenochiandofi li
nf j;iimel f aceuano loro:& uedendo che b noftrt adorauano la crocetfiC
loro fimeIxnente:uedendo etiam che la fupradidla naue iota andauaoo
con loro barche che chiamauano Canoe aportare in terra U homini 6C
le robbe co tanta carita che nihil fupra le loro barche fono de uno foto
legno.Cauateconpietreacutiflimelonge&drede.La fono alcunedi
lxxx,rerai Iuna:elh' no hano ferro alcun:per laqual cofa h noftri rooIti»
fe raaraucgliaro come fabricalTrro le loro cafe;che marauegliofamente
erano Iattoratc;6C laltre cofe chc hanonntefbro chCitutto faceuano con
alcune pictre d fiumiduriflimer&acutiflinieJntefbrochenon molto
lotano da quella ifolaterano alcde ifole de audelilTimi hoi chc fe pafTe^
no de carnc humafui«£c i^ucda fu ja cauia che al pnncipio chc uettero
If noftri fi mefino in fuga crcdendo f u((eno de qoelli homini quali chia
mau?no Canibaliih noftri haucuano laflfato le ifole de quetttiuomini
ofccni qfi amezo el camin da labanda de mezo di»
Capitulo qumto«
T le lametaaano Ii poucn homini che non altramete (bno ue
e xati da'quefti canibali:come fere faluatiche da tign BC leoni:U
garzoni che loro predeno licaftranorcome faciamo noi caftia
tirperche diucntano piu gralTi per niazarli;6f li homini matori cofi co>
me li predeno li amazano:6{ mangiano;6C mangiano frefchi le inteftmi
61 h extrcmi mebra del copro^El lefto mralano;& lifemano ali foi tepl
come faciamo noiUiprefiuti le donne non le maz»o:ma k faluano af
far fig1ioli;non altrimente come faciamo noi«Galine per uouuk ticcMe
ufano per fchiauc.Dc le ifole che oramaipotemo rcputai nofirc^Cbfl U
homini come Ic feorancicome prcfencano quefh canibali dppro;(iiiiMse
aloro:n5 trouano altra falute che fugire^nchora che ufino taette aco^
tifTimeitanfen aiiprimare el furore dC la xabia de quells trouaix>:chepo
cho gli zouano;& confeflano che.x«canibali che li rrouano4oo. delo^
ro li fopana No poteno linii bn ttedere che adori qfta gcte altroche el
cido fole 8C Uina;Dcl. coilui de nitre ifole«labreuitadclccpo ft ffiacba^
nccMk intcr^reci fu ca che no potemo fapexe alno
The '' Libretto '' 459
OtutuIofextOf
Ihotninf deopella liUaridNi^yix^
I grandeza:S forma de naoonialquaiito dolcf chome caffagnc
lrefche:elqual chiaauno Agrs«Qroaprrflb deili e in aliquant
ta tttimacipnerne portaoo aIoiechfe:& ainafo attacbatiTaini banc co
gnofciuto li pf i;che da un lodio (K lalcro no fano traficho ale*' ^ .mc
xaro adimandare p ligni doue trooano qucllo oro^Inreforo c icua^
no nella rena de cerci fiumi:che coireno ddltiflimi m6f i\Ne .ogra fani
ga la recoglono in baIotte:dC loieducano dapoi in lame.Ma el no (c tro
m in quella parte delifola done eranOtCome dapoi circudido lifola co
Jinofcetf ro per expietiA:f>ercbe dapoi partiti dcii fi imbatero acafb 1 un
iume de imenfa grandeza:doue eflendo crmonrati in terra pet fare aq
6C pefcare trouorono la rena mefcolata con molto oro .'Dicono no ha^
Uer uiftoib quefta ifola alcuno animal da quatro piedi faluo de tre gt
nerationetde cunii;di (erpenti de grandeza 8i numero admtrabile quaM
U ifola nutrifce ma non che nodno ad alcu;uedeno ct faluatiche turta
re:Anadre mazor de le noftre:oche piu bianche chc cdani con el capo
ioflb»Papagai dcliquali alcuni fono uerdi alcuni zalli tuttoel corpo«aI
tri limit! a quclli de tndia ro Una gorgicra roflaine ponorono*xLma de
diuerti colon.QijeCli papagalli portati oe 11 moilrano;o pet propihqui
ta;o p natura qfte ifole pticipare de Udia:beche iaopinione di Colombo
pari adueriar abgradcra de la fpera, Atcftado mnxime Anftotele nel fin
del iibro1!]c c<;!o SC mudo.Scneca SI altri che no fono ignoranti de coC^
KDographia dicono hndia n5 moiro diOarc da lafpagna p logo tt^&o de
tnare.Q^eda terra ^duce de fua nataracopia de ma(lice:aIoe:bambafb
& altre tinacl cofe cej:ri grani rofli de diuerft colori piu acuti del peuaie
itoc noi habiamo«Certa canella:zenzaro del qual ne porcarono*
Capjtulo (eptimo4
L colobo contento de quefta nuoua tena:trouo de li fignalf ft
e un nuouo;& inaudiro modo.Eflendo ormai laprima ucta dell
bero tornarrene:& lafToapfTo al Re rupradidio,xxxrat« homlk
Hi iqoali haueifero ad inuedigare lanatura del luoco:& lepr infino che
lui comaflfe^Quefto Re fe chianAaua Guacranarillo c5 ilqual fad^o lig^
SC c5federati5 de uira 6C Talute 6C adefenfioe de qlli cH reirauao elTo Re
milericordia rnotus:guardado li rimafi lachrio:8£ abrazadoli ii mdRt^
ua farii ogni comodita:8: el colobo in quefto fece uela p fpagna:& mc>
no reco.x.horoini de qoella i(bIa«DaIiqua]i comprefero che loro legua
zo fe impararebefacilmcte:qual etiam fe pole fciiuere co noftre Icttere
Chiamauano elcelo turci la caxa boa lo oro cauni homo dabem toy^no
niente maxani li altti faoi uocabuli loro non profcrifcono mancho de
46o Christopher Columbus
q jelli Che \i noftri btinftSC quefto fo eliucceflb de laprima nauig$tfSe#
Opitulo oAauo*
c L dc St la degina che alrro non detiano chr augumencar la re
ligion xpian r.6L re durre moke fimphce nacioe al dfuin cult%;
fjcilmere comofli no folo da coIobo;ma ec dio da piu de.2oo*de Ij fuof
fpajnoli che crano ftaci c6 el Colombo.Receuero efTo colobo co gra*
cifllima fasa 6C lifccero gradiflTirai honor! 6C Tentar poblicamcte dauan
ti de loroxhe eapccflfo de loro dc liprimi honoruEt uolfero che fuflCe
chiamato Adtnirice del mare oceano.Ec p qro efTo admitante afferma
(e fperaua nel prmcipio rrar gradiflTima ucilica de qurfte ifokipiu per H
fpcdtode augumeco de la fede che altra uti ka» Vn fue feremflimc mae
de fcceno pparareJ7.nauili era naue co cable gracle:&«xit.carauelle fca
za cable coj 2oo.homini co Ic fue arme rra lequale crano fabn:arcifici
de tucrc le arte mechaniche falariatucS alchuni hoir mi da cauallo • El
Colombo pparo caualti:porci:uache:& molri a!tri animali co li foi n(Uk
rculi:legumi:rormcnto:orzo.& alrri fimili:no folnm per uioere ma eti^
am per el femuiaraiite & alcre moire ptare de arbon;che non fono dell
perche non crouorono m rurra quella ifob alrro de nodra cognitione:
chepthi:S( palmealti(rime:K de marauestioni duresa;dfrtAura:& altr^
sa p la uberca de ia cerra:6^ altn affai che fano huQi che nc Tono igno
tuche qaella terra t la piu ubcriofa che altra fia fotro eltblr.Preparo eti
am cl didto admirante per porrar con fi tucti lOrumenri de tjpalunque
cxercitiorK dcmum tutre quelle cofe che fe apcrteneuano acruna,Cuta
che fe habbiadeif scare m nuoui paefi.MoUi fidari & li clienn del Re (e
meflmo de propria uolunra a quefta nauiganone:per dcfiderio de noue
6C aucftonca de 1 jdmirate . AM.di de rcptembno«f45>3xon profpero ui
CO fecero uela da Cades:5^ el primo di de odobno zonfeno alle cana^
rie:6£ da lultima de laquale e chiamaca fereca a«4 odlobrio derre uela al
mezo di»Non fe hebbe nuoua de loro fine alio equinodtio dello inuer^
tio.che eifendo el Re 6C, U Regma amenfa del campo a .2}. marzo per
uno corrcr hebbero nuoua eflTcr zonri a cade.xii.di quefti nauilii adn(«
apnleJ494.del capttar de que(h nauilii per uno certo fradel della bal^
)a del pnmo genico df 1 fereniflimo Re drftmato da ladmirante arriuo
a fue altezeidalquale 8C alcriVide degni teftimonii hebbe quato qui fot^
co(ecomiene#
Opitulo nono«
Li primi rorni de odobrio partito lo admirante Colombo da
a canana.Nauigo.xxi.zorno p mare. Imprima che trouafle rer
ra alchuhatma ando pia aman linift'ra ucrfo oftro carbino che
laltro primo uiazo*Vnde diuenne ne lifole de canibali Adtidilbpn.Ec
The '' Libretto " 461
g|a prima oetteno una fe fna tamo fpeflfa df arborf cht ncn (1 potena di
fcetnenr cbc cofa fi futtc^BC perche era doislniai el 2omo che ueddcro
lacbiamarono dominicatSf acorzendofi che era hdbitani:non fe fcrmo
lono in eira;ma andarono auancijil qucftoixxizorno fecodo el iudicio
loro feceno SzoJeghe.Staro li era propitio el uento da cramonrana« da
poi partiri da qucfta infuia per pocho fpacio deuenneno in una altra te
ferta;6C abundantiflima de mohi arbori che jfpirauano uno odore mU
labile* Alcbuni che defcorfero in terra non uecceno homo alchuno^Nc
animate de altra forte che luxcrtole de inaudita grandeza« Quefta in^
Tula lachiamarono croce.Et fu la prima terra habbitata che ucddcno
dappo el fuo partire de CannariatEra quefta infuia de li cnnibali: cho^
medapoi cognofcettcro perexperientia&ptrliinterpetri dc imfula
Ipagnola che haueuano con fi.Otcundando la infuia trouatono moiti
careUde«2ojn«;o«cafeluno.Lequaleeranotutte edificate per ordine«
Inarcoatornounapiaza ritonda:cheliftauade mezo:tutri erano de
ligno fabricate intondo.Prima furno'in terra tanti arbori altifljmi che
fannoLiCfrcunl^anttadelacafa:Dapoilimcttanodcntro alchuni traui
Clirrt:aco(lati a quefti le gni longhi che non cafchino» EI copcrto lo fa
no in forma de pauioniEt tofii tutte quelle cafe hanno el^tcdo acuto#
Dapoi telTono qdefli Icgni dc fog^ie de palme;5; de cf rce altre iimile fo
^it che fono fecurilTime per lacqua.Ma dentro dali traui curti telTono
con cotde de bambaxo:et de altre radice che flmigliano al Sparto. Han
noalchune fue lettere che (lanno m aere^Sopra a le quale mettano bam
baxo:6£ (Iramo per letto.Et hanno pbrtichi:doue fe rcduccano in zuc*
are« In uno certo locho uetteno do ftatue de lignoiche ftauanno ib^
pra a.i,biflre:pe(brono foffcro foi ydoli.Ma erano pofte /blu p belleza
€heellifolameteadorao:elcielocofoip]aneti.Acoftadorih nh aqflo
loc6:doae hoUdC d6ne fe mcfino afugireiK abadon^do le fue cafe.xxx«
feie 8C garzoni che erano prefoniiliqli garzoni quedi can.>bali haucua^
«io pii Sc alcune infule p mazarlii^ le frie per tegnire p fchiauetfugge^
ro ali nfi.lntrari linf i i le <iie ca(e:trouoronb che haueaano uafi de pie^
era a nfa ufanza de ogni fortc:& ne le cufine carne de hoi lefTate ilieme
CO papagalli:6f ochc 6C anare erao i /piedo p roftinp cafa trouarono oIH
de brazi 61 code hamane:che (aluauano p fare fern a fue fti2e:pche n5
hano ferro:& trouorS caam el capo de un garzoe morto pocho auan^
t j che era attachato a un ttauo:& giozaua ancora fangue«Ha qucda ifo
b.8.gradi^mi fiun7^;d; chiamarola guadipea per eer fire al mote de fc j
tnaria df guadaluppi di fpagnatii habitati lachiamano Orachara:poni^
no daqfta ifola papagalli mazor ch fafiai;molto diflercti dali altri:hano
tutto el cotfOiOC It ^lie roITe le ale de diuerfi color /» N9 macho ccpia
462 Christopher Columbus
tiino de papagalHUhc ai^fl) de iiot dI%i(btticlioii che h boftht fimbt
f lent df popagalli nodimeno H nptrifconoifiC poi li iiiazano«Lo admlil
ce colooo (ccc donate molci picnti ak donexhe crio f ugite aloro:& oif
dinaro che c6 qoelU ^(end andaflb atiouaie U canlbalUiiipbo cbelk to
ueanodoue(lauaiio:a:andatediAedoQCfrouoniogri[numeiode qlll
liqli iicniano p ingordita de It doni.Ma (ubico che uctteno U nfi o pef
paura che ft hauellino o p cSfcientla de loro fekrita^grardado in fan
luno laltro fe meftino af ogiie nelle ualle 6t bofchl nidnfeU nfi che e»
no andatj p lifola reduAianaue r6pero quance barche trouorno de lo*
ffo.Et fc partirno da quefta goadaluppa p andar atrouar li fuoi dSpagol
alifbla (pagnoIa.Nel primo uiazo iauoro aman defttra ft alafintfha mol
te ifoIe.Lt aparfe di tramontana una gran ifola laquale quelli de lo aAr
ntrante che hauea menari feco da Ufola rpagnoIa;(aueano parlareiftdl
li che erao recupat i de lema de li cambah.Dtflbno cR (e chiamaoa Ma
tininh Aflfermando che in eflfa n3 habicauan faluo femineJequale a oet
to tcpo de lano ft congiungeuano c5 li canibalncoroe Te dice de le aosi
2:one»Er li patruriuano mafculi U nutriuanoift poi It mandauano alild
to padri:& fl fetnine le trgnioano Te co.Diceuano eria che quelle femf/
tie hano ccrtc cauc Ktande fotto f ctrainr ^ ^r^l ftism^ fi adahto tcpo
delano che el ftacuito alcuno uada ad elTe^Er fc alchuno per fotza opdr
itiRMc ccrca dinttate le fc dcffendano con freze Icqualc trasena bentp
finio:per alhora no poteno It noftri xoftatie a qoella ifbla % Nauigv*^
dodaila uifta de quota ifola a cinquilta miglla paflfomo pet unaltta iSf
la laqual Upredidi de lifola (pagtf)la diceuao eiTer populaciflfi ina:6C bar
bundance de rate le cofe neceflatie aluido huinano:6C ch ella era pieoa
de aid iiionti;li nuflfono nome monrerraco Ji ptefad de lifola fpagnoto
tt li recuperaci da canibali diceuan che alcune fiace efli canibaU andaui
entile migtia per prender homini pet man»rli.EI^Ufnte zorno fop
ptirno unaltra irola:laqua] per cfler ronda lo admitantc lachiamo iaiv
\i^ mana torandatunaltra poi auanti chiamo fiin Mardno.Ma in lun^
iildeque(lereferfnorono%ctetzog;iomotroiiorono unaltra laqua^
le fetono iudtcio eflfer longa pet cofta dlametrale«Da leuante apponea^
f e«clmlglia.Unterpreri del paefe affttisano quelle ifole ellere tiittedcf
marauegliofa belleza:& ferdlita:6C qoefta uldma chfamaro landa oai^
ria .idqu^iDapoi laqual trouo altre aflfaiflitme ifolesma de It a«cccc«aii'
glia una mazor de tutte le altre:laqual da U habirand e chiamata 9y ds
& \i noftri lachiamarono fandtacroce.Qttl Tcorfeno per far aqiia:8(io
admitante mando in terr j«xxx«homini de la Ilia nnue che irquitaffeno
b ifola Jiquali trouorno quactro Canibali con quattro feminetlequak
Bifti It noftd coa le roan zond postuao ditnandar fecocfo^lcgoale libe^
The " Libretto " 463
ntepti Iix)o(lri;Ii cdnibali fugicrono alibofchiiEr (laado U lo admiran
te do zorm;fece llarf.xxx.de U fuoi homini in terra cormuo in aguaro
i qfto \i nfi uceccno uegnire una chtqea.cioe una barcha co.vi;i. hoi 6C
nii«ddne: 6i facfto iegno li nh li afaltorono:8d loro c6 freze ie dcfcndea
tio:per modo che auanri che li noftri fe cojpriflfeno c5 lerarghe uno bti^
ichatno fu morro da una delefeminerlaqual c5 una friza ne fcritte an
diora unaltro grauiflriinamenre;& li nodri fe acorleno che le frize cra^
lioaro(echace:chc in cima deJaponta crano onte dc certo ungucro ue
oenato.fra qucHi era una femina a laquale pareua che turri li a.t ri obe^
difleno come Regia:&: codTa era un zouenc fuo fiolo robudo de ape^
Ao crudele:& faza de alTaifinoXi no(lri dubitando che cp freze no fuf
fino gua(li:Deliberorno per lamiglor uegnire a1e(lretre:Et cu(i(dJCo de
lire mi in aquaXon una barcha de naue fa inueilirono:S{ mandaro afon
dotLoro ueramente cu6 homini come feminc nodado non reftauan de
trazer frtze con tato impeto uerfo deli noflri come efTendo in barcha^
Se miTeno (bpra a un ^(Tocopto daqaa:6C h combatcndo ualenteme n
te furono prefi dih' nol^ri:S^ un ui fu morco:6£ el fiol dc la regina feri^
to de doe f erire.Condudh' dauanti dalo Admirance non perfeno la atro
Cica;& ferita loro. Altramenre fool per dar un fier leone quando (e 'en^
te prcfoiSf ligato:6f alhora piu rugge:6c piu Te incrucklsrce. Non era ho
mo che h* ui;dc(Ie che non (entifle paura ranto atroce: 6C diabohco fuo
afpedo.Procedendo in que(lo modo loadmiratc hora per niczo di:ho
ra per Garbino:hora imponente diuene in una uaftita de mare pic na de
Inumerabile infule differenre«Alcunepareano ho(cofc:6C amene:altre fe
chc:6l fterile: faxofe montore;altrc mdftrauano fra fafli nudicolori crt
mu(ini:Altredi uiole: Alcri biachifTimi^unde rooici exiftimauano fofle
uene de meralli: e pietre pretiefe n6 fcorrero qui pche el tempo n5 era
fcuono* Et per paura dela denfltatSC fpiOitudinc de tante infule^Dubita
do che le naue mazor non muedilTino qualche faflfo^fe referuoron a qi
che altro tempo numerare le infule per U gran mulcitudine: Ec la con^
fufapmi(liondecfle.TamSalcune carauellechenon libifbgnaua trop
po fondo palTorno per mezo alcune:& numerorono^xlvixhiamorono
<|ue(lo loco Ardpelago ; per tanto numero de infule paflando auanti a
quefto tradlo fn mezo del camino.Trouorono una infola chiamata bii
diemanlouecranmoltidiqoelli cheforonoliberatsdemah delicani^
bali:quali diceuano che era popularifllima coltiuadarpien j de pord : 6C
de bofchi: & li habitadoride eflfa erano (lad concinuo inimici deli ca^
nibali.loro non hano nauilii da potere andare arrouare la in^la deli ca
tiibah\Ma fl per cafp li canibali uano ala foa infula per dipredarii tSC U
poflfono naectere k tmne adolToli chauano Ji ochi; Sc tagUano in pezi
464 Christopher Columbus
li rudiflino : 8L lideuoranoper uf ndettt tuctc quefte coie intendeoano
per gli interpetri menaci da lifola Spagnola* Li nodri per non troppQ
tardare preiermifleno quefta infula: faluo da un canto in uer potieme
che per far aqua fcorfero « Doue rrouarono una gran cafa : 61 bella j|
Tuo coftume con UttdxiUpichok ma dcxabitate« per laqual caufa non
intendendo fcl f uflfe: o per ladafon del anno che a quel tempo habita(>
ieno al monte per il caldo:& per paura deli canibah« tutca quefta inftila
hano un folo Re quale chianiano chacichio:& e obedito con grandifll^
ma reuerensa da rutti« La coda de quefta infula ucrfb mczo di fe ex^
de area axc.miglia* La no<!ite do feminc: U do zouani deliberati da le
man deli canibaU fe gitcoron in man di nottaron ala infula chera loio
patria*
Capiculo*!*
Admfrantf tandem zonfe^o lafua armata a lifbla (pana:Diffa»
1 te data prima infula deli canibalixcccclighe^Ma con infelice ad
uenlmento:che trouoro morti lutti li cpmpagni hsueano lafla^
ti li* In queda ifula fpana e una tcRione che fe chiama xainana:da laqua
Ic lo admirate uoledo rornatc in ipagna la prinvi uolta. folic patizo c5
luxMomini de Jifola. 6e Uquaii tre foium erao uiui;li aim moni:per la
muttation de laereji altri quando primo zonfero a fan Theremo: che
coll hano chiamato quclla coda xainana. lo admirante ne fece lalfare
uno.li altri do di noAe furriuamete fe gitraron in mariA: nodando Sea
parcno.De laqual cofa pero no fe euro credendo trouar uiui IhxxxyiiU
che hauea laflatb^Ma andato un ppcho auanti lincotro una cnnea roe
barcha longa de molri remi;Nellaqual era un fradcl del Re Guaceana^^
riUoieon elquale quando to admirante (iiiparti hauea facfla li ferma con
fedcracion;& recomandato lifuoi. Cotlui acompagnato d? uno folo ue
ne da ladmiranfe & per nome de fuo fradel glie porroaidonare do ima^
gine doro:Et comedapoi fe intefe per el fuo idioma mcomenzo anarra
re limortc de gli noflrKma per deffeiflo de interpetri altutto non fu in^
cefo« Zonto lo admirante al Caftel de legno:& Je cafe quale gli noftrl
hauean fadtc: trouo che tutte erano deflrudc : 61 conuertite in cuiere:
De laqual cofa tatti rPceuetei'Qigran paflion^pur per uedcre li alcon de
li rimafi era tcflati uluo : fccc trazere molti bombarde azo che li alcun
fuflfe afcorouegmfleforaimaruttoinuano perche morti eran tutti*
Lo admirante mando fuoi meiH al Re Gaaceanarillo liquali riporto^
rono per quanto per fegni hauean pofTuto comprendere : che in quella
infula fonno moki mazor Re de lui;de liquali do intefb U fama de que
The "Libretto" 465
ftanoua genre uenenoH con grandeexerdtotS^ruparati Iinoftriforo
no mortirSf ruinorno cl CalUllo : abtufando tucco« BC che lui uolendo
li aiiicar era (la fcrito de friz 1 : 6C monflro un brazo che hauea liga to:
Dicendo che quefta era la caufa che non era ucgnuto ad ladmirance co^^
me el defideraua» Lalcro fcqucnce zorno lo admiranre mando unaltro
Marchio^da flbih'a al didto Re* liqual tirattogli uia la binda dal brazo
irouo non hauerc fcrita a!cuni:Ne (egno de ferica^tamen trouo che era
in IcSto monftrando de bau^re male • E lo flio ledo era conzonto con
alrri fepti Iccti de fuc concubine, unde incomcnzo afufpicare lo admp-'
i3Witc 6C li altri;chc li noftfi fulTero ftati niorti per configlio: & uo!on^
ta dc coftui.TaitiJn difliinulan Jo Marchio nicfTc ordinc con lui che el
fequ?nte zorno el ueniflc auifitare lo admiranre:6{ cofi fece ; & ladmi^
nnte li fece bona cera:8i gran careze:& molto fc excufo de la morte de
li no(lri:ui(ta una dele fcminc toire dali Canibali.Laqual h' noflri chia
mauan chararina gli fece gran fefta : fi^parlo con lui molro amoro^'<
mante chegllnodri non lointefero.Dapoife parti con grandeamO'^
re forono alcuni che conHgliauanb lo admirantc:chcl doueflc retegni-^
re: fl^ far confeflafle come li noftri erano morti : 6C li faceffe portare la
debita pern . Ma la udmiranrc confidero che non era tempo de irrita'-*
re lianimi dcli infulmi : El zorno (equcnrc zl fraUd Jc qucfto Re uen^
ne a nauc:^ parlo con le femine fopra didl^: & le fubdufle come mon-'y
ftro lo exiro ; che la nocfle fequente quella chatar/na fopra dida : o per
liberarfe de catiuitaro per pcrfuafion del Re fegicro ne hqua con.vii. a!
trc femine tutte inuitaic da lei:& palTorno forfeJii^miglia de mar.li no
ftri feguirandole con Ic barche Ic recupero.iii. (blamcnte. Catharina
con le altre trc Pcnc andorono al Re. Elqualc lamatcina per tempo k*
ne fugitte con tutta la fua famiglia.Vnde gli noftri comprcfero che gli
.xxxviii.reftari fuflero fta morti da 1qi«
CapituIo.xL
O admiranre li mando dri^to cl fopradidflo Marchfo ro^ccc.
homini Armati:elqual cercadolo deuenne a cafu alia bocha
I dun fiume.Doue ttouorno uii NobiliiTimo: 8C bon porto c]
quale chiamato porto reale « La intrata e tanto ritorta che
come Ihomo e (Kntro non^cognofce doue cl fi^vintraco An
dhora che la intrata lia fi granda che tre naue aparo ne pariuano intra*
IC ncl mezo de! potto c un monte tutto uerde:& bofcofb picno de pa
p8galIi;K alrri uccdUche continuo cantano fuauemente : Et in quefto
Bii
VOL. II.— 30.
466 Christopher Columbus
porto:correno do flum(.P^ocr deik(o pfo amnri aidftto ma MBima a
CiiSC pcniando li fulTc d re fe ne ando a quella: 6C approximadofir )i ue n
nemcontrounoacompagnato da cento hommi fcrociflimi 1 n afpedo
curi armati co archi:& frczr;& lanze«Cndando che non c rano CatubaU
Ma uynosicioc nobi\u6C g^ ntilhominiXi noftri fadoifceno de pace:6C
loro depofta la fua fcrita le fcccro infieire n-iOlti s^wiciidC tanto che inu
tned.ate (enza rifpedlo difcefono ale naueidoue forono donati de roplri
p(enri«Ooe fotiagli da rpauier:& flmel coreXi nf f roefurocno la fua cali
che era la arcumferenza,ixxi(.gran paflfixra tonda:fid con.xxx. altre ca^*
fe picole.atorno.li rrauierano canne de diuer6 colori con marauigliofe
arte tefTure.Domandando U noftri al meglo che poreuano del Re fcatn
pato:gU nodificorono che era f ugito al monce « Er de quefta tal noua
amicitia li noftri deliberaro fare inrendere alo adniirante«Mal admiiaik
te in diuerfe parte mando d iuerfi homini ad explorare del di^o Re • Iiv
tra quail mado Horeda:& Gormalano zouani nobili: df animofi qocfti
nouorono.ifihfianii:uno da una parce:8f laltro da laltrajUde liquali de
Tcendeuano da uno alriflfimo monte-^ nel fabione che turti quelU de II
folarecogleuano oro.in quefto modo cazauano le braze in alcune fofle
6C cd la man liniftra cauauan larena:5£ cd la dmRta cogicuan oto.dC lo da
uano all noRrf.Et dfcono hauere uido molri granelli de quatita-de zeca
ra qual fo portato al Re difpagna. Vno grano de,ix.on,qual fo ui(k> da
puraflfaiperrone.
Capitulo duodecimo*
A li noflri (uifto queflo) tornorono ad lo admirante per che ha^
m uea comadato foito pena dela uira cK nifciuno faceffe altro che
defcopnre.lntefero eciam che tera uno cerco R e ali monti;doue
uenian li fiumi toqual chiamano Cazichio cannoba cioe lignor dela ca^
(a do loro:boa uo) dir cara:canno oro:& cazichio re«Trouorono in que
fll fiumi pefci pfedliflrimi:& Omiliter aque • Marchio de libilia dice che
apreflfo li canibali cl mefe de decembrio e equinodio: ma non Co come
pofTi elTere per la rafon dela rpera:& dice quel mefe li ucelli faceano U
fuoi nidi 8C alcum haueano za fioli.Tamen domadato de lalteza del po
lo da loriente:dice che ali canibali ruto el cano era afcoib fotto el polo
arrico:6£ li guardiani tramontatuN5 e uegnuro ateuno defto uiazo che
li fi pofTa preftaie firma fcde per eflfere homini illinctati.
OpitulotXiii.
O admirante prefe locinfrone uno loco propinquo a uno porta
per edificare una cita:6£ incominzo a fabricare:8{ fare una chJe/
Ga.Ma approximandofe el tempo che hauea promeflb d le no^
Aificarli del fuo rucceflb«d( cufi remado.dodcci carauelle in dritto coo
The " Libretto " 467
fiOiStiria del che hauemo uifto:& cxiatn dio faflo.Eflendo rinnfo lo ad
roiranfcnclifoja Spjgnola laqualc alcuni la chiamano offira uoglono
che fia qiiella de laquale nei tcllaincto ucchio ncl tcrzo libro dc \i re fc
ne fa mtmione . Laquak pf r fua largcza c cincp gradi auftrali chefo^
no migla.cccxxxx.El po!o ft lieua,x>i'.i,giadi : & da mczo zowo fi co-^
nic el dice gtadi.xxiiMa fua logheza da leuate a poncte.c otoccto c otan^
ta milgaja forma delifbla c come la fogia don caflagno.Lo Admirantc
delibero edificnre una cira fupra un colle m mc2o lifola da la parte dc
tramontana, ptrche \i apj»flb era un moiue alto bokhofo con (afli; K
da far caloina laqual chia^no ifabelhiSf all piedi dc quefto noote era una
pianuraderex3nramiglaIonga:&largam alcun luoco dodcfe &inal^
cun luoco piu (lrctta,vi.tnigla.pcr laqual paHauar.o molii fiumi ; 61 lo
inazordcflb fcorre dauanti la porta cfe la cita un trar darr bo • Ita che
quefta pjanmae tamo uberiofaxhe m alchuni zardini the fcccro lepra
larena del fiume leminorrono diucrlc forte de hi rbe come tauani: la-'-*
Auche:uerzf:borafene:tutte m termine dc fcdcfi zorni nafcetttro nielo
tii : cucumeri ; ruche : & altrc fimcl cofl'e.in.xxxvi.zorni forono racol-
te: meglor che mai maraflmo.In qucfto lo Admirate per noticiabauea
da quclli mfutani che bauca fcco mando trata horomi a una proumcia
dj queOa iTola dicla Cipangi: laqual in me zo de n^ola era licuata : mun^*
luofa con gran copia de oro.Qucfti homini retornati rcfeiireno roira^
bilita de richeze de quel loco:5^ che dal niontc defcedcuan quattro fiu>
michediuidonlifolainquattropartc.lun uaucrfo Icuante chiamato
Suma.laltro In ponente atnbiuco.el tcrzo attramontana di(3o lachem
d quarto a mezo di Naiba chiamato«
C apirulo.xjn'r*
A per tornare al propoGto lo admirante facfta quefta cita incm
m eta de muro a di.xii dc Marzo fe parti con circa a quatrocento
a piedi 8C ha cauallo fe mife in cammo per andal-e ala prouincia
dc loro dela parte de mezo 6l8C dapoi paflati monti:uallc: 6C fiumi do*
uennc in una pianura e principio de cf mbago:pcr laqual pianura corrc^
no alcuni riuoli con rena da oroJntrato aduchc lo admiratc pe^ Jxxiii
migla dentro dc lilbia : 6C dillante dala (iia cita • zonfc in una riua dun
gran fiume:6£ li in un colle cmmente delibero far una forteza per po^
let piu liguramrntc crrcare li fccreti del pacft: dC chiamo la forteza «S«
Thoma flFando in queda edification molti paefi ueneno alo admirante
per haucre fbnagli:& altrc fuflaf che hauca: 6C lui ai incontro li diman
do che li portaflino dc loro, Vndc in pocho tempo andarono: 6i porto
rono aflai quatita dc oroiintra liquali un porto un grano de una onza:
Itooftxi fcmacaufgliarono (kcalgradezauamencoDcennidcmonAra
468 Christopher Columbus
ciano tfotiatrene anchi de mazori: 8C maxime in an pitTt dlCbnce de U
mezazomatafecrouaua degrapesideliquali pcrnoncflere lauorati
tC melTi m opra nonl lo exiftimauano molto.Da qucfto aim porrarono
mazor peri ae»x.dragine Iano:8f eriam affirmauano trouarfene de liuk
son ; Lo admirante foando alcuni dc fuoi a quel luocho IfquaM rtrrcv
oarono moiro piu de ql ch gtera di(9o«hano U hofchi pici d ipetie:aia f!
le recoglono faluo in quaro uoglono permuttar con gli homini dtlle ai
tre ifole uidne in piadene:6d cattini de cerra;& uafi de legno fadi in sd^
ere ifole per che loro non hano«TroQorono del mefe de mazo uue GS^
uitiche ben mature,Qi)efta prouincia non obftate che fia (axofa: tamS
e plena de arbori:Sf cutca uerdevDicono cf) It pioue aflTai pero ibno mol
ti fiumi& riui con la rena de oto.6C credeno che quello oro defccda di
quelli ncioti 9t (bno gete molto occiofe de inuerno rremano da fieddo:
St bano li bofcbi pieni df babafo ne ne fano fare ueftimeci. Cap» xi%
Btcaco qaanto e dido lo admit ante fene torno alia RocbaMfa^
c bella doue laflfo al goaerno alcuni:& lui fe parti co tre nauil i pet
andare a defcoprire certa terra tt> lai hauea uifto.penfb fuiTe tec
fa ferma:8{ e migia Jxx«S; non piu lontana data dida ifola Spagnola/La
qua! terra lipaefani chiamauan cubaa^aflato^ ii dolTanda^del mezo d(
fi mefTe atidife uerfo ponente:S; quanto piu lo andaua auanti tanto piu
fe flongaua iliti 6C andauafe in Golfando ucrfo raezo di Jta cB ogni zoc
no (e trouaua piu uerfo mezo di*tanto chel zonfea una ifola chiamara
da piefani iamaicatma come lui dice dali cofmographi e dida lanna ma
2or:quaIe e mazor dela ciciliatK ha un folo monte in mezo che incbo^
roenza a leuar(e da tutte le parte de ]ifoIa.Ma uaafcendendo culiapoco
a pocho fina nel mezo de lifbla che] par che non afcenda « Qi)e(la ifola
cufi a le marine come al mezo e fert(li(Iima:8f plena de populo che piu
acuto:8C de mazor ingegno che tuti li altri ifulani : atti a mercantte : 8C
bellicofi.Et uolendo lo admirante mettere in terra tn diuerfi lochi cor<
xeuano armati 81 non li lafciaueno efmontarc^ in moiti lod combat^
tereno con li nodri: ma reftorono perdentitK feronfe dapoi amici« Lap
fata qaefta iamaica nauigaron per ponente«viLzorni pur per la cofta de
Cuba.tanto che to admirante penlaua dhn paflato fmo a laorea. cher<^
fonefb che apreflfo el nodro leuantetSC ciede Jiauer trouato de le«xxijtfi
hore del fole le«xxii.anchora che in quefta naoiganoe el patiiTe de grab
de anguftie;tamen dellbero andare tanto aoanti che uolea tiedere UH>
ne de quefta Cuba fe lera tetra ferma o no:& nauigo«i3oo«mig!a fttfQ
ntnte per el litto lempre dela cuba«Et in qoefta nauigati6e meJBeitome
a«7bo«ifok$ma ne palTo piu de«3doOtEt trooo molte cofe deghe decfir
iiiemor2^on;fcorrendo la cofta de qacfla terra Cuba; ft pritpo ^pcd0
The " Libretto " 469
dapoi che incomanzio a naufgare t rouo vn bellifTimo porto capace dc
gtan numero de naurdoue mefTo fn terra alcui fuoi trouoiono alcune
cafe dc pagia fenza akun dcr.tro tamen trouorono fpid: de Icgtio al fuo
cho con circa a Aoo. libre dc pcfccrSi doi ferpenti dc otropi. di luno.ui^
fto che nallo ucd 'ano incom^ncioron a manrare el pcfccifij lalTorono
gli (crpenti che eraro ala forma de cocodnlli.Dapoi (I mi{I<-no a €( ica*
re un bofcho li uicino uiddeno molti de qucfti (crpe nri ligan ad arbori
con corde:8{ cfcorfcro un pczo auati trouorono da.lxx.honiini che era
no fugiti in cima duna grandiffima rupe per uedcr quello uoleano fare
If noilcuMa \i nn li fecero rate carerc c6 (i gni moftrandolf lonagli : dC
altrc fuibf che un di loro fi nfigo fmStarc in un.i altra rupc piu uicina.
Vn del ifola (pagnola che da pichofo tra nutrito co lo admirate fc a uici
no a coftau* li plo che d? linguaro erano qfi c6formi2& arccaratelo:&
lui:& li aJtri tutri ucncno a nauctSi fcccro grade amicina con h niu6i li
dechiarorono cR loro erao pefcatori ucnuti a pcfcare p cl fuo Rc.chc fa
ccua pafto a unaltro Re:& dezo rrouorofi moiri cotcci cb li nil li hauea
no lafcfari li foi ferpeti qli (aluao p la pfona dl Re: p pafto dclicatifljnio
Lo admiratc (hauea la informatiS ch defideraua)li lafTo andaret 6C lui ft
gui el fuo ulaso ucrfo ponccc:&r fcorredo qfta^re la rrouo molto fern-
kidC piena de gcte mafucnflime c5 fcora alcUn fufpccflo correuao a na^
uc;8C port^uan ah nfi de lor pan che ufanoiK ruche piene de aq.& linui
rauano io terra amoreueliffimamere.Scorfi auati deucncro in una n>ul*
titudie de ifolc fine nucro qli ifinito che rute moftraua'o habirate pienc
de arbori;& fcrriliffime dala pee (i:h terra ferma fccondo loro nella co^
fta^Ne la coftacB fcorreuao trouorono un fiume naujgabile de aq rato
calda cK no 6 li pofleua tegnire le mane.Trouarono dapoi p:u auati al^
cuni pefiradori i certe fue barche de uno legno cauo come zopbli cfi pe
fcauio.In qfto mo haueuao tin pefcc duna forma a noi incognita cb ha
clcorpodaguilla:&ma2or:6^fupraaIateftahaccTta pelle tenfriflima
che par una borfa grade. Erqfto lo tieono ligato co una trezola ala fp5
da dela bircha p che el no po patir uifta de aeic:& coe uedco alchun pe
fee grade o bifii fcudelera li laflao la trero]a:& qllo fubito corre como
una Dera a] pelce o ala bifciarbutadoli adolTo qlla pelle cB tien fopra la
tefta CO laqi tjc tato forte ch fc ipar nS pofTonotft non li lalTa fi nol tiii
foe de laq; cjql fuLlto fenrito laire lafla la prcda.& li pefcadori pfto apiV
glare.Et i pntia de li. nfi pfero.iiii^gran caladrejrqe donorono all nf 1 p
cibo dilicatiflimo. Domandando li nfi quanto durarebe qfta cofta uer-'
fo poncteinfpofero ella no haucr fine Partitx da qui fcoritro piu auan>
ri. pur per cofta trouoro gran diuerfita dc gentc: & aprcflb quefla rerra
una ifola doue noo uidono perfona alcuna che cutti fcne crano fugiti
470 Christopher Columbus
Ma folo uideno do cani de brutifldmo afpedlot 6C non habaiauao uide
no oche Anare tra quefta infula : 6C la cofta de cuba trouoroDo uno fi
(tcedito paflfo 6C con tante gorghi: tanca fpuma molte fiate cochorono
con ic naae terra«xLtnJgla gle duro quedi gorgbu&era laqua tanto bia
cha:& fpcfla che parcua fufli gitrata farina p tuflo, Paflaii qucfti gor^
gW aJxxx* migla troUDron un moritc Alctmnio.Doue mefino in terra
alcani homini per fat aqua:& legnc.un baleftrier che incro in un bo^^
fcoafpaflb. Se efcocro in un homo ueftico de biancho fino in terra che
\i fu fupra a capo che non (e nauidde nel pricipio crcdeite chel fufle un
(rate che cOn loro h;q^eano in nJue«Ma (ubito drieto cuRui ne apparfie
no do altri ueftiti a quel niodo.& cuH efguirdando ne uedde una fqua^
dra de circa a»xxx Jiquali utfti (ubito incomenzo a fugire:Et quelli taU
li andauano dirieto facendo fcgno che non fugifTe • Ma lui quanto pia
prefto potte ne uene a naue» Et fece intendere alo adrairante quato Iha
uea utfto. £tqaal mando in terra per diuerfe uie molti homini.Ma nia
no (cppc trouate alcua cofa. Veddero uiole alTai attachate ad arbori;^
molti altri arbori de (piciarie « Scorrendo auanti trouarno altre moloe
gente de diuerfe iingue lequale quelli delifola Ibagnola che crano con
ladmiranre* Niente inteodeiiann. Erro&e^tido pure qucfta terra cu^
ba le andauano ogni zorno pia itigolt^ndo.hora a oflro: 6C hora a gar^
bin:8d fcorrcndo el marc pieno de in(6lc:6C molte fpiagge. Adeo che piu
f jade le naue tochauano terra: 0^ laqua enrraua dentro:& hauea guafto
uele &rchie:d£ elbifcodtotun f oreno coftredli atornarfe p la uia che an
darono.Et per che ne landare hauea facfla bona compagnia a tu€ti nel
ritorno foron ben uidiiSi cufi peruenero alifola (pagnola*
CapitulOtXvi.
Oae trouorono che un Monfignor margarita; 8; altri molti ca^
d ualieri (e erano partiti irati contro alo admirante : 8C tornati itu
fpagna* Vnde anchora lui delibero uegnire dubitando no rifruit
ftno mil de cllo al Sercniflimo Re » per adimandare gente: « uiduai
fie.Ma prima cercho de mittigare alcuni de quelli del Re.che fcrano cc
cfdegnati contra de loro per infolentie:6f furti:Rapine:& homicidii fa^
ceuano fpagnoli auanci liruoiochi:& prima reconcilio:6;fefeamico
un Re Guationexio: & fece matrimonioduna fua (brella in un homo
de lifbla che lui hauea tolto fin al primo uiazo 6C a releuato fuo iterpe
ire. Dapoi ando al monte doue haoea fada laforteza chiamata.S« iho^
mafo.laqual aflfidiata da un Re zm. xxx. zorni lalibero 8C prefe quel Re
che aflidio fua fortez3:Et Oeliberaua etiam andare piu oltra fubiugan
do quelli Re« Ma intcfo che per lifola lemoriua de fame:tt che za nen
iiofSoitlunainfioiwSCqueftopeilotodifiedo peichcaxodie chii^
The *' Libretto '* 471
ftfanf patifleno haaeano cauare le radice:de lequal loro (e ne fano pane
6t nutricauanfe.Pefando per qutfta caufa chrtdiani doaei habandonare
Ufola ma el male era fopra d< loro per che \i noftn forono (bcorfi de uu
duariedal Ke Guarionexio chr nci fuopaefenonera canta neceirica«
Per qucda caufa lo admirace (i rimofc dal inchomindato camin*Ec per
che li fuoi haueHino piu rcdudli inquella ifola per ogni occurremia fa
brico tra la rocha de.S.Thomaro:6£ el regno del Re Guarionexio unal^
era rocha fupra a un raonte 81 lachiamo la conceptione . Li tfulani Qe»
dendo chriAiani cfTer in prepofico dc manrcgnire quella ifbla mandaro
no de diuerfe parte amb;irciarori ad lo admirace dc (uplicarlo per lamor
de dio el meccfTc frcno a li fuoi liqualiTorto pccfto dc trouare oro an^
daaan per li bla 8C |i fdceano milli mali ofTcrcdoIi dnli criburo de quel
le cofe che fe trouauano ne le loro prouincie:& cofi fo coclufo 6C fadlo
a^prdo Ji hibitacori de 11 moti cibani da loro Te obligano dare ogni tre
mefl che loro chiamano ogni tre lune una certa miflura picna de oro:
6C mandirla fina a la cicaXi alrri do dour nafcono le (peciarie:& gotco^
fu' ft obligano dare dc quelle una cerra quantita*
Capiculo.xvii^ ^
A quefto acordo fo^rotro prr li famrtpcr che cflcndo mancha^
HI tc quelle fuoi radice haueano aflTai trau3gli andar tutro el ror^
no per bofchi procurando da man2:rc pure alcuni atrcfeno : dC
a1 tempo dcbito J)ortauino parte dc obliganonc exculandoli del rcfto;
fi£ ^metteuano c^ primum (e poteflino rdhurarc pagariano el doppio;
In quefto tempo fu trouaro neli monti cibani un pczo dc oro de onse
xx,da un ccrto Re che habitaua dtftante da la riua del f lume clqnal fo
ctiam porrato inSpagna a li ferenifTimi Re che molca genteel uedcttc
fu trouato borchi dc uer2i:8£ molte altre coflc digne. Ec perche alcuni
ft mir lu.glaueno dicendo cofli come Ic carauelle andorono in Spagna
carche dc ucrzi:per che piu prefto non andorono carcbe dc oro c(fcn^
done tantaquanritata quefto refpoic che ben che fc trouioro aflare^
fpedto a moiti altri Iochi;attamen el non fc rccogleua fcn^a gran fatica
6£ che gli homini che meno feco erano in diTpofuion Contratia ali fati
gityrmo dediti al otio & lafciuicrnon curiofi a caftigare paclirymo (can
de]o6:d; per lor mili coftonii Ce nbellorono ad ciTo ndaiirante* Ec uP^
tra de quefto li homini dc lifola che (apcuan de nitura barbarica crano
non pochoindomjti:&multo piu crdegnati per lo mal portamento
de Spagnoli.«deo che fina ala pfcnte hora apena el guadagno fatifta afa
fpefa^Nientedimeno quefto anno.i^oi.hanno in doi nifli ricolto.i2oo.
fibre de oro,de.viij«onze per libra, Et alrrc intrate &' guadigni come di
(otco a dio piacedo diremo nSdiuertendo dal noftroppofito. In quello
472 Christopher Columbus
anno ufcne wnta furia dc uf nto the cradicauJ \i atborf : & pottaoan fU
na al cielo & foraer fc tre nauc del Colubo che flauano in porto:&: crc-^
kicttc race laqua cfs la uennc (bpra ala cerra alta piu dun brazo«De laqi
coHi linfulanr penfauano che H chndiani de do fufTino caufa per \i lora
peccati che crano andati a diftiirbare el loro tranquillo uiuerc : per che
CO era alcun che mai hauefli nc audito nc uifto limel cofa. Lo admfrao
te uegnuro al poEto immediate fece fare do carauellc che baueuacon fi
maiftri fufficientiffimu CapituIo»xviif*
N qucfto mero niando Bcrtholomio columbo fuo fradello che
i za lo hauea conflituito Capitanco dc lifola con alcuni bene ar^
mati & c\ercicati ale mincre de metalli:ali mcti doue cauano lo
to che fono.^o Jeghe diflati dala forteza ifabclla:per inucftigare ad pic
num lanatura de quelli luochi. Andaco el diclo capitanpoxuer adcian^
tado che cofi in fuo lenguazo el chiamano irouo profondiffime cauet
& antique:donde fe iudica che 1 ke Salamone cauaflt d fuo thefcro co^
me fe kzc nel teflamcnto uechio.U maiftri ch/e el capiraneo frco mena
to hauea cerchado le fuperficie dela terra de quelle caueaiittino che da
raua circa a,i6.migla iudicarono che fufle tata quatita de oro che ognt
maidro facilmente poteflc ran:iri» ngni rorma irc uiizc Ut: oro# Dc laql
cola el capitaneo fubito ne dctte noticia al admirarc elquale intefQque
fto delibcro tornare in fpagnarprimo conftitui fuo fradello cnpitaneo c
gouernator dc hToIa:6J cllo ie parti al principio dc m3r2o.i495»ala uol-^
ca de fpjgna.In qucfto meso el capitaneo remafo dido adelantado pei
configlo del ndmirate fuo fradello edifico apreiTo le preface caue de lo*
Jo una forte2a:S^ la chijmo nurca:pchc nela terra de che faceuan Ic ma
ra trouorono immixto loro confumo tre mefi a far edificare:& fabrics
re artificii da lauorjrciK rccoglcr oro:ma la fame el difturbo:& co^ren
fe a laflar lopra imperfe(fla;Si pai tiflc de lUSC lafib ala guardia dc la for
teza^x.homini con quelb parte chel potte (fc pan dc lifolr.SC on can da
prendcre cunigli:K tornaffe a! a to: ha dela conceptione : ncl roeft che
Gu3rioncxio:& raanicantexio Re dcueano pagar el tributo. Et ftato li
nitto rugno fcofTe el r ributo int^gro di quefti do Re:& le coffe neceC
larie al uiuere per lui 6C per li fuoi che crano feco:chc erano'da«4po.ha
ininii Opitulo«x»r«
T a circa att pr imi it luglo 20ft trr carauelle co formcto ogli^
e uin carne de por v ho:Sl de manzo falatnlequal fucte code foro«
no partue:6; accadun d:iito la fua portion.Per quede didecanii
neTle li^icreniflimi' Re de fpagna mandorno p comadameto ali fuoi ho
mini che crano in lifola che douelle andare adhabitarc dala pte del me
za di piu piopfnquaak caue dc Joro;& che li m^ndalTe in fpagna toott
The '' Libretto '' 473
1j Re dc hfbia che haaca morti cbriflisnf cS foi fubdf ci;6; madato adfis
cotione li madaci forono pcc(i« ^oo.infulani cd li foi Re:& de(lina£i ali
fcreniflftmi RtidC ctiam dala parte in uerfo mezo di de liloU iccondo el
inandaco cdiArorno in un coilc apceflb un optimotS^ hel potto una ro
cha laqual chiatnaro dc Tan Domcnico; pecchc de domenfca zofcto al
loeo de li«Nci portocorrc un fiume de niiubemme aque uberiofifllmo
de diuerie forte depcfcerpcr ilqi li nautii nauigano finaj'i.migla aprcf
fo la locha aurea.Ne la forteza dc ifabclla loITarono folum li amalati:S:
alcuni maiftri cbe fabticauano do caraucllc tutto^el reftoucane a que*^
(larochadefanDonientco.Oapotfabricataqueda rochalo capKmco
lalTato in guardia in didla rocha.xx,homini fe parti co el redo p and^re
9 prelcrutare le parte detro hrda uerfo ponete* Capitulovxx*
T meflb in camin trouo el fiume Naiba di(lante.i2o« migia elqi
c come e dit^o difopra de(ccde dali mott dbani dala pte de oftro«
paflatoquellomandodoicapicon ale une genre nc lapuincia
de alcuni Re di la parte dc oftro che haueao molt; bofchi dc ucrrin de
liquali ne taglaro gran quantita:6d le mifleno nele cafe dc quelli infula
tii a <a1uane fino che nrornaflino a leuar co naui]i;S£ cofl fcorrado c] du
Ao capitaeo da la man dcxtra nO motto diflTir ditfifamc nat ba.Trouo
un Repotcte che hauea meflb caporper fubiugar qlli populi de qfti lo
Chi. Ma el regno de qfto tal Re e 1 capode lifola uerfo ponere ql (e chil
ma Saragna lotan dal fiume Naiba.50. legbc pacfe motfiofo^S^ afpro:5i
tutu li Re de qUe pte glc dano obedicza . Lo capitaneo facendofi auari
pcne a plamcto co qflo Re in m5 che lo in Jufle a pagare tributo di go
foni:canauo:& altre colTc cfe loro hano:pcb oro no fe croua in q'lle pte*
£t dapoi f^dto lo aeordo andirono d copagnia a cafa de ql R#*;doue To
tono moltohon itati: 6C li ucne incotro tutto ql populo co grl fefta &
Iter cetera li forno qfti do (jxrdaculi.El prio cb U ucne ic6tro.3o» belle
^ouie done del Re nude tuterexcepto le pte pudibude cfs haaelo coptc
ro certo pano de gotoi fecodo loro ufanza: 8C codume alle dozelleima
qile4c6 fono corrode uano fecodo tutto el corpo difcoptei haueao una
tama de oliuo cadauna in mantco li cauelli p Ic ipalletnia ligata la frote
CO una bida^Ei color de laqle en oliuaCtro ma formonfTime: faltado &
dazado chaduna dono el raaio doliuo al capitaneo ch porrauao i man
intrati i cafa li fu aparechiata una ccna raolto lauta a loro ufanza: 6C da
poitutttalozati (ecodo laqualira de cadaun»EI lequete zorno forono
codudti a ona cafa laquale uftino i locho de ceatro doue li fo fadi mol
ti2ochi:6£dan2e tranquille; Dapoi quefto uenncro due fquadre de
homini:una da^una banda:6{ laltra di lalcra banda combattando infie^
lBecofifetoc€mente:fiCarptamente;pareuanfuIlero capitali inimici»
c a
474 Christopher Columbus
con dardiiK fi:tec:Ira chc ne forotio mortf qaattrcHt grati qaintlla fc
cici dC quefto per dare folazo al Re; dc al capitanio: 6C piu fttiano moid
ma cl Re fadto el fuo (egno in mediate ceuorotia»
* CapitaIo.xxf«
Tel tc»o zomo Te parii de U & corno aliiabetlft jdooe hauea laf
e jfad amalaritEt ritrouo che erano morti da*cc«per uarie infirmir
ta:De che k ttouaua mal contento: Br molto piu che ii6 uedea
apailte naifc deipagnacon uidoarie^De che hauea gran neceffita: Taiv
ikm d<:liberamo parcire H amalati per li caftelli alariua del pare: Da i(a
bella a Tan Domenfco adric do camin da oftro attramomana e deffcor^
no qucfti caftelliiPrimo da ifabella a«xxxvi.miglia la rocha Tperanza. fit
da fpcianza a«xxiiii«miglui Sadta Catharina.Da*S.Oitharina a«xx«miglia
fin lacomo^Da (iin lacomo alm\xx«Ia conceptions Vnaltra tra la cdn^
o^tioe 6C fan Domenfco la chiamarono bono anno del nomc dun Re
li uicinorPartitili^malati per quefti C^elli Ju i fene andp a fan Dome^
nico fcodando li fuoi tributi da quellt Re«Et coli ftando alcuni zomCp
k rapine 6C mali porramenri de fpagnoli moiti dc quclli Re fe rebelloc^
no:Et fccero Too Capitanio el Re Guarionexio & erano conuegnurf a
cerri 2orntofiij«ttrp^^rtigfioiicon«inr«inftfa armaria fuomodd , EI che
pre(entendo el capicaniotpreft el tratto auanti:6f a uno a uno tutri li (u
pero;Non pero fenza gran trauagli:6; angu(lie.& qui elallaremo 6C to£
naremo aloadmirame Colombo,
Capitulo.xxfr*
O admirante Colombo adi.xxviii«ma2ro.i498.parHto dal caftel
1 lo de barameda a preflb cades con otto nauilii carghi corfe al c6
faeto camino dele ifole fortunate: Et qucHo etiam per paura 4t
alcudi corfari francefi:6; ando a lilbia de lamedera:& de li mandb dnqi
nauilii adicto camino ala lifola f|)agnoIa:6t ieco retiene una naoe: 6C do
carauelle con lequal (i mifle a nauigare uerfb mezo dt con intentioe de
trouace la linea equ jnodtiale:& de li uoltatfepoi uerfo ponentc : & pet
inftigar la natura de piu diuerli luochi:& trouofl<c in quelle parte a me^
20 el fo corib alifole decauo uerde«Del qual parrito:per garbio nauigo
48o*migtia con tanta feruetia de cal<k> che era del mefc de rugno che
quad H nauilii fe abrurauano:& fimclmente (e botte /chioppauano : in
modo che aqua:e uintc oglio andauiano fora: 8t If homini embaftiaua^
no de caldo»yiA\ ?orni ftetero in quefto affanno: 8C el primo £orno fu
ierenotSZ li altri nebulati:& piouofi:unde^piu fiate Te pentiano eiTere aQ
4atiaquelcamino;pa(rati li.viii* 2:omife milTe eloento elqualrolto
Impoppeleneandarcoalauoltadeponete cominuo trouado megliot
tcfHaiedeaexe^itachealtcrzo zomotrouorono ameniflimoacxeitt
The ** Libretto '' 475
8 lultimo'di de lugJio dab gabia de lamaror Nioc forono fcopcrtl tre
altiflimi monti.Dc laqual cofa non pocho Cc ieiegcarono;p che ftauao^
mal cocenci;'p laqiia che gtie comenzaua a manchare p elfete ckppate
Ic botte dalaefmefurato caldo con lo aiuto de dio zonfero a terra* ma
p eflered mare tutco pleno de feche no fe porcuano a coftare;be ccpre
leno che lenr terta moIcobdbitata:p ch dale naue (e uedea belUfliml or
tixSC prati pici de fiori che U madauao HiauifTimi odori fina a naue« De
U a uiod miglia trouorono un bonitTimo porto ma &nza fiume:p laol
co(a fcorfero piu auitUdC cade trouorono un porto atriflftmo di potcrje
riparare;6C fare aq.laqi chiamauan ponta de erena. No trouorono u ici^
no al porto alcana habitatioe.Ma molte ucftigic de aiali che mcflraua
no le pedate»Et laltro zomo ucddf no uenire da locano una canea 2oe
ana barcha al modo loro:o uero un zoppolo a] modo nfo caxxiiii. zo
iieni armati de (tlzciQC targhe:6^ erao nudi copti Tolu le parte ucrgogno
(e CO un pano de babafo.capelll longhi.Lo admirate p tirar coftoro a fe
glie fe mo(har ronaglJ:6C uafi dc rami lucidi:& alrrc fimel core:ma quel
li quato piu erano chiamati:tato piu dubitauao eflcre inganati:& fe flat
^uano ogni hora piu cotinuo efguardando li noftri co grande adroira
tione.uededo lo adnKramc no liporeriirarc co quede coff tordino che
nela gabia dela naue:fe fonafTe taniburllni pf ue:K aTtrr mtttamcntU Ei
cantare p prouare (i co tal lofenghe (e pofTino defme(licare:Ma loro pc
fando che quelli fulTero fuoni che HnuitalTeno abataglia tutri imcdiate
tolfero dardi:& frize i mano pefando che li nfi li uoiclle afraltare:d£ pat
nti data naue mazore cofidandofe nela celenta de fuoi remi fe acofloro
no a una naue minore;& tato li li auicinoirono che Ir patron! dela naue
glie gicto un faJo:6d una be rctta a un di loro: 61 p fegni (e cocordorono
andire i fu li liti a parlare mflerae« Ma andato el patr6 dela naue adima
darehcetiaalo admirate: 6^ loro temedo de qlche mgano dctterodeli
lemi in aq;6£ le ne aodorono uia«in modo che de qutfta tena non heb^
bero altra cognitione:5£ non niolto lotano de qui trouorono una core
Chia de aq da Icuate in ponete tato celere:& iropetuoia che lo admirate
mat dapoi che nautga(che le da la fua ptteriria}dice hauef habuto la ma
2or paura andato alqto auati p quofta corcthia trouo una certa bocha
che pareua lintr^ta dun porto doue andaua q(la corcrhia:& da q(la bo^
cha a lintrare iliua unaltra corcthia terribile de aq dolcc laqi fe cdz6ge
oa c5 la filfaJntrati in queCfo golfo trouarono tande aq dolciflfima: 6C
boa:6£ dicono che.xxvi.leghe cotinuo hano trouato aq dolce, 6C quaro
piu andauano a pone e tato piu erano dolce«Trouorno dapoi un mote
altiflimotOoue mifTe in tcrr.i:6d uiddino moiri capi coltiuati ma no uit
ttro ne hoi;nc onche cafe»6( dalato del mSce uerfo ponete cognolTetce
476 Christopher Columbus
xo effere alcuna pidnurJ: 6i p moTri fcgni copf edcfiano chf queftii terea
ie chiamafle pana:6£ eflfeie grande:& populatiflima uerfo ponete tolfe^
xo de qui quacro homini in nauetdC andoron^ fcguirado qudia cofta da
ponete an zornociraci dalamenita del luocho andarono i terra pocho
auacl cl zorno doue trouareno mazor numcro de hoi che in alcuno al>
cro IUOCO.& trouacono Re: quali ch^amauano cacihi liquali mandaro
ambafiadori ad lamu:ante:p ceni c figni de crandc offerte;^ inuitandoli
adefmotace in t|^rrd.El che recun!ndo lo adcuiracerquelli nandarono ale
naue gra numcro de barche;con gran roultitudine de hoi ornati de ca-^
thcne ddro:8d per Ie orietale ale braza:5; a! collo:& doroadati doue re^
cogUeuano quelle per!e:Sf oro,c6 cenni refpondcano che Ie pie fe (roua
no in fcle de) mire li uicino;Demon(lrauano rt che cetrouano in copia
aflfa coueniete:tn a preflb loro no ne faceuan grade exiftimation dele q
Ie ec n^ otTenuao ali nfi: uolendo loro (lare alquato deli Qi p che li foe
neci dele n.iue (e gua(lauano:Lo admirate delibero dcflferire quefto co^
tnertJoadalrrotepo.Etmadoalhoradobarchede hot in terra pinui^
(tig3te:& intedere la natura de quel locho. Andati adonche a terra foro
no receuti molto amoreueImete:tutti coreuano auederli come un mira
coIo:6d doi de coftoro piu p^/tui -dU u •!•-• ic^ferono In contro uno era
uechio:6ClaUro zouene fuo fioloSAi fcdo loro co(hSe la falutatioe ;.Li
nienorono in una cafa fatta in tondo a uati laqua|e era una gran piaza«
liqua!t entratuquelli feceno portare certe carieghie da (entare dil legno
negriltimotS^ lauorati c6granmagifterio:6drentadoli noftri infiemc
conquelliprioaatirVeneromoItifcudieritutticarchide diuerfe gene>
f atioe de ftutti(incogniti a noi}3C uini bianchi dC roflfitno de uue: p che
non hanno uigne naa fatti de diuerfi frutti molto ruaui:6£ ameni. ratto
adanque colatione in caia del uecbiosDapoi el zouene li coduflle a cafa
fustOoue ftauano moke femine feparate tutte da glihomini: liquali tat
tiuannonudiexceptolepudibande parte cheportano copte concert!
uell de babafo teflfuto de uarii colon : 8C adimandati donde portaflfino
loro d> portauSof riideaao cSfegni che glieueniua da cerri m5ti che mo
Kiauanp^a liqli p mo alcun non douefleno andare pmr che li fe manza
no hoi: Ma li nfi nS poteuano intendete fitMceuano de fiere: o aero da
canibali mondtauan moleftia che non intendeuano d noftxo parlare;
K etiam che loro non erancrinteii^
Capitdlo»xxiii;
rStati adunque li noftri in terra ffna amezo H tomardno tnaUr
f con alcone colane d^ perle: Et lo admirante imedi ate fe leoo c5
tute Ie naue per refpetto del formento : che come habiam ditto
t imaiciua 6C queito con animo de comai unakra fiada* Etproccdcdo
The *' Libretto '' 477
abdml totitfnao tionraa mancho fondoi 8; p moltf zc^mt ditt)?no gif
uauagUo alenauc tnagiore; & p quefto madaiono auanti una garaucll4
mlnote co el fcadagto che faceua la uia alalt^^Andato cirfimoiti zornf
ciedendochcquenafufTeinfuIafperando potertrouar uia& uolrarfe
[>cc tramontatia uerib linfola fpagnoIa;Capitoino tn tin fiume dc $fun
dica de«xxx.cubut:& de largheza inaudira: Donde che €0endo in«xpuuo
xxjeghelarghepocoaaanrj purpcrponcntcmaunpochopiu ameza
di:che cufi ft ingolfaua quel lito ucttcro cl mar pieno dc herba ben che
pareuache corcfTecome un flume.Ec (bpra d&l mare mandaua alcune
iemcorcchepareuanolentei&eratanto fpefla Iherba che impcdiuael
nauigare dc le naue.Quf in queRo loco:Dicc lo admirante efTcre p tut
to lanno gran tcperie de aere:Et cl zorno tutro ]3nno:e(rete quafi cqua
U:Sc non moiro uana:6f uedcndo in queflo golfo quali intncata: & no
trouadoexirodatramontana p andare alifola r^gnoJa«uoIro la prpua
doue hauea la poppc;& ntorno per el ramin che kra intrato : di mfiro
de Iherberprefb uerfo tramontana el drttro (uo camino: Alcuni dicono
chequclia fia terra ferma de lindia:tamen lo admirantc non trouo altro
capo ma tomato alquantoindirieroper tramontana pigliandoel fuo
camino con laf uto dr aif» sonienltlola ^agnola (ecoodo cj firmato pi€
pofito adAxviii«auo(lo«l49S»
CapituIotXxiiif;
OiltoTo admiratrcolombo aiifola fpagnob trouo ogni ccifai In
Z confu!ione:A: uno Roldano che era (lato fuo ar Jeuato.coh mol
ti altri fpagnoh' iera rcbellato 6c uolendo loadmirante rpttigarla
non (blum non (i pacificoe:ma fcrilTe ah ferenifl[imi Re tanto mahe dc
lo admiranterquanto mai e poOibile a dir : SCcuhmic fuo fradcllo che
tcmafe Capitanco al gouerno de hTdla (pagnola « AccuTahdpJo che ellcr
era fcelerato de ogni de(Vione(la:Crudeiiflimo: 61 im'ufto cbe p ogni fU
sola coda faceua a pfchare:6{ morire homim*:^: erano fupetbi: f nuidio^
fi:& pieni de ambitione mrolIerabJte:& per quefta caufa eflere febellati
di loro:come da fiere:che fe alegrano deipande re fangue humano:& inl
mici del fuo imperioiEt come da quelli che non cercano altro che ufur
pare lo impcrio dcquella infoIa.Atgumentandoq|uc|tc coniedure che
no laflfauano and.ii e a le ca ue de loro fe non faluo li fot aeatjXo adcni
rante(imelii)entenottificoailiSereni0imi Re la ratuia dequcfti gio^
toniMatronirat dechiarando etiam che non attendeuaoo finon a Qufm
& affafinam.miul tutto effrenati : De che temando non cflcre punic*
fi fcnon rebellatl : 6C Andauano per lifola ujplandorf obando : 6i aflafi^^
ttiaio^^ dc dualiono; alotio;ac ala libidine; 6(chc per dileno andauoW
478 Christopher Columbus
^piccandoQponfdliomfnideqaellaiToIa. Etraenttt fe faceaatioqoi
fteinue(3iu6 lo admirantemandoad expugnare un che li hauea tt^
betlato chc fi chiamaua cl Re de dgiani qlc hauca da ky milia homioi
rutci armati de archi\6C freze ma nudi:& portano depin(5to cl loro coi^
po de uari colon' dal capo alt piedi ingroppati de diuetfe mainr re : que
ill dapoi mold trauagli foiono fupera(i:& ucncno ala obedientia*
Capltulo«xxv«
N qaefto mezo li rereni(ri(ni Re receuertero Ir lettcrc dc lo ad
i mirante & de li aduerfah foiidt uedcndo che per quefte difceti»
fione de rata copla de oro ne rrazeua pocha uciHra: mandorono
nn fuo Goufrnatore che baueffe ad inquirare chi fufle in error:li caftv
gaflfc ouer mandaflfe In (pagna che \i caftigarebbe OL zonto quefto gcv
bcrnatore a hlbla SpagnoIa:per fubornitarK fraudulr ntia de quelli ftc
If ran SpagnoIirSd etiam per grande inuidia che hauea lo adnrirafe e ftfc
fradello fo fuo parere prend^re lo adtnirante e fuo fradello : hquali a
ferri forono mandati ala uoira de Spagna:& 2onn che forono a cad^
li fereniflfiaii Re inrendendo li mando a liberare:6f feceli andare a coi^
re uoluntariamente doue eriam al prefente zorno fe titroudno*
Apol che lo admirante Colombo oegnuro a tal tStumacla mop
d ti fuoi pcotti 6L nut hieri che feco concinuo erano Rati ale fuprl
diStc nauigarione:fecero intra loro deliberatione andare per lo>
oeano adifcopnre nuoue irole:(6{ tolto dal r4o caro patron licentia) ar^
morono nautli a fue fpeCciSC (ene andoron a diuerfi camini con coraanl^
damento de no fe acodare done era ftato lo admirante a.l.leghe: 6; und
pietro alonfb chf amato el negro con una caraueUa armara a fue fpefe ft
mifle andare ucrfb mezo dU8C capico a qaella terra chiamata paria dela
quale za difopra hauemo faAo mf ntione che lo admirante trouo tan^
ra copta de perle:8f fcorendo piu auay quella colh per J«leghe per obe>
dire a li Re deuienne in una prouincia chiamata Girtana db li habitan/
ti dooe trouo un porto fimile a quel di Cades doue itrato uitte un boc
go de«lixx*cafe e fmontato in terra trouo dnquata homini nudi che d3
erano di quel locho ma duno attro popolatiflTimo locho AiU nilgia uid
no de li con liqaati fr ptrmutadon de /bnag1i:8f altre fuilare al sncStr^
hebbe da loro:(quarunche in primis ftcerorefi(lenza%xi?: onze de pei^^
le che portauano al collo.dapo moltejpieghlere:6f el (cquete zbmo fe
leoo CO la naue 8C ando al fuo borgo. Doue zonto tutto el pcpulo che
era infinito corre a marina con adh;tt cegni pre^uano che defmontafy
ieno a terra:ma nigro alonfoCutdedo tanta moltitudii^e)hebbe paura a
delmontareiper che eriam loro non erano piu (le,ujdii«hoinint isa pet
The '' Libretto '* 479
£tnnf gl< faceua fntendrte die fi aoleuano compfaiealoma to(a andaf
fino a naue« Vnde gran copia de loro con fuolsoppolitportando (eco §
tica de perle andarno a naucdn modo chc con alchunc f uITaiette die tsa
leuano pochi denari.hebbeno da.^oJibre de perle« Ma poi chc ^lonfo
negro li ucdde cofi humant:8< doppo (laro.2o.2orni«Delii^oermont9
re in terra.Doue fu receauto amorcuclifTimamcntedc Ioro*habitatlone
fono caxc dc legno coperte dc foglie dc palme. Ec a loro familiar dbo
fono cappe:Da oiolrc dc lequale cauano pcrlcihanno cctui pord zangl
all com j lieaori colombi tortorc m grander habundantia.Le donne nti/
Ctifcano le ochc;« anarc come Ic noftfc.Ne li loro bofchi fonno copia
de pauonuNon cofi ben pennan come li nodrirche el mafchio quad nS
c diffcrenre da la femmathanno fafiani m quantirarlequalc gcnte fonno
perfcdliffimi arcicn mandano la frcza precifc douc uogliono. Ncl qual
luocho alonfo negro con la fua compagnia per quelli sorni chc ftetce^
to It rriumpharono«Haucano un pan per quattro chiodi per uno : uno
faflanoxoli curture oche colombi.Spendf uano eriam per denari parer^
nodn de uerro aghi.Ec domandati per atti BC cenni a che opauano aghi
lefpondeuauo limiliter per gedi per curarfe identi:£f da cauarle le fpine
da ipicdi:perchc uanno A:fcalxu£t per qciefto molto exiftimauaa aghi.
Ma fupra turco h piaceua (bnagli:& andati alquanto dentro lifolaiuetre
ro bofchi de alnflfimt arbon:& fpeiTuOouc (entiuano mugiti de anima
It che intonaua quel pac(c:con extrance uociferatione . Nondimcno iu^
dicauano non cfler animali nociui. Et quedo per che quetii andauano
fecuramenre cofi nudi fcnza tema alchuna per quelli bofchi : con loro
archi dt freze.Haueuanoaloro libiro cerui cenghialt quanti uoleanoi
Non hanno boi ne capre ne pecore ufano pane de radice 8C de pannizo
Qijifi come queitt de lifola fpagnolarhano cauclli negri 6C groflfi 8C me
21 crefpi ma longhi.Et per hauer lide nti bianchi portano m bocha con
tinuo una ccrta herba.Ec come la butrano uia (c lauano la boccha; Le
donne arccndcno piu alagriculrura:& ale cofe dc cafa che li homini.ma
li homini attendeno ale caze zuochi 81 fcfte 8C altri folazu Hanno pi-*
gnate:cantari:zare:S< aim fimili uafi de terra. Comprati in altre prouin
de:fanno traloro ficre 6i mcrchati.Douc concorre tutti lialtri aicini:K
portano de aarie merce fecondo lauarieta dc prouincic:& fanno baratti
61 permutatione da una cofla alaltra fecondo che aloro piacc# Hanno
ofelli 6t altri animali quali nutrifcono K adomeflicano aloro fblazo: li
quali portano gorzcre dc oro SI de perlc.Ma quello oro non trouano f
quclla prouinciatma per baratti Ihanno daltre proumcie:elquaIe e la bo
ca de loro del fiorino de rcno.Li hommi portano una udra in locho dc
O
48o Christopher Columbus
bragha.Et fimili ter pomno Ic'donne ma !a maror parte del tempo "ftj
no in ca(a:Domandato quelit per ccni: 6C am 6 tntermme de quel Ifto
fi troua mare«Demon(lrauano no (aucre:ma per la Ibrtc de animaK che
fe trouano in qurJIf partetloro fermamenre credtno Ha terra ferma: 8t
tanto piu et |2er che hano nau^ato per quella coftiera de poncre piu de
4ooo«miglta;che mai hano rrooato fme:Ne anchi legno alcun dc fine^
Et poi If adiroandareno da che locho haueano quello oro.& da che bi^
da uegn 19 U f ece intendere chelfe partcua da una ^usncia chiamata can
chiete:Diftante da U.vUzomM uctfo ponente, Opitulo.xxvif«
One alon^ negro delibero andare: 6c circa ali priml di de notice
d brio.if ooutffao U a qtiedo canchiete«Doue forfero con la nauet
(li quali fubito ui(li)quelli del paeft oenero a naue lensa timore
aIcuno:6£ portaro quel oro cheal prefimte fe troudno:Quatu9el faffe
pocho:6£ d laforterdf bSta fopradidaitrouorno molri bellf pap^ll de
nola colori H era fuaujflima rcperie flrn2a/reddo alcun: Et fo del me^
fe de nouibriotQ^ella genre e de bona natura:ftano fenza (urpetto al^
cunotTutta to nottc con (e (iie barche oeniuano a naue (ecuramente co
me in cafii loro;Ma (Sno 2eIofi dele fue dSne teql faceuao (tare in drle
fo*Et motto remeflfe hano^ctem gr«n i^uontita de bambafl che da fua
pofta nafle fenza cultura alcuna:del quale fano loro braghe*Dapoi pa&
lendofe de qua:Sf fcorendo per qucfla cofta:piu de»ir, zornate; uette un
luocho bellettflioio con caranienti:& caftelli pure afTai c5 f]umi:& zac
dmirche mai uette pin belli iuochi:nrl qual uplendo dclmontare : glie
oenia alincohtro piu de*2ooo.honnni:armati a ufanza loro : liqli p uia
alcuna del mondo mai uolfero ne pace: ne amicitia nc patto alcuno;de
mondraoano in loro gradiflfima rufticira ymo q ja(i pareuano homini
faluatichirnon obftante che glierano belli hommi: 8C proporrionatifl^
mi delloro corpi bruni de coloreiK uniutrfilmcte macilcnti* Donde p
quefto al5(b negro contento de quanto hauea trou-^tozdclibero tomaf
(e per la uia chera uegnuto» Capitulo*Axviii«
T cofi nauigando c6 laiuto de dio zonfcro a!a prouincia dele ^
e k chiamata curianaX)oue dapoi fterrro zorn<«xjr«adar(e pial^re:
Et m un |}ocho n5 mplto diftante dala prou inda auanti a loro
*tonzcre fe incSttorono in.]rviitzoppuIi:oucr canoe: o ban he de cani^
4>alixhe fono (k quelli uiuo de arne humana liquali uifto la nnue itre
pidamf nte lafaltarono: & circ6ddndola c6 loro archi:& frize incomen
z^rono acSbatteriMa fpagnoli co loro baleftrc : 6C bcbarde le mifle in
gran paura:ln modo che tutti fe dcttero a fog re.& elli con la barchaac
mata li (eguitorono inunto che^ptendetteio una loxo barcba ; de la|le
The '' Libretto " 481
m^ de qaelli oinibali bmtati in aqa j.namtido fd^panno. tm fel on
ne prf ndecero che (capar no pote:dqlc haue ere hoi l%ati c6 mano; 8C
piedltp uolcrli a fuo biTogno m^narlf:Ddde che H nfi c5pre(b quedo:
difcolfe It legar j:6^ el canibalo ligato:& dato in man de Iipreroni del qle
aloro uolcre ne faceflb que ucndetta che aloio piareuat 6C f mediate qll j
CO pugni calci:& baftoni rate mazate glle deteno che lafTareo qfi a moc
te recordadofe che hauea magoaro Tuoi compagni: QC ile qoentf zorm fi
melmete uolea quefhaltn mazare:8; piu oltp adimandaro de loto co^
Ruml^ottificaro che qtielh ^ibali andauao p tucce quelle ifble fcor
lezando:6; tutte quelle puinde:& fprimii aduo atetra ir fano uro (le^
chato p forza de pal j:6C uano arobare« in qfta^utncia dele pie fono gra^
diflime (aune:& dicono che come el more alcuno ho daconro el metce
fio fopra a una certa caietha fotto iaqle fano on certo fuoco Icco: taro
che ft diftilia apoco apoco turta quella carne che n6 refta (aluo lapelle
e lo(ra:D.ipoi el faluano p fuo honote«Et aduxiu«pardrono de queftap
uincia p uegnire mfpagna con*96.libre de pie a once.vntp libra:C6pra
ce aprcxio de pochtflfimi Ibldi m.xvi.zomi ariuaro in galiria«Le pie qua
k portorono fono onentalean non ben forace:fl£ p quato dicono mol^
Ci mcrcadann che zo cognofcaoomS fooo de croppo prano«
CapitulOtXxix.
Inceriancs chiamaco Pinzone:& anes fuo fradello che forono al
o prime uiazo co el col6bo del.f 499. Armorono a fue Tpefciuu
Orauelle:8f acli.xvitf«Nouebrio^iepartiero da palos pandare adi
fcoprfre noue ifole:& teieni:tmbreui tepo forono alifbte de canaria: 6C
poi fuccefliuc ah role de cauouerdeiDaleql partendoferOt pigliado la uia
p garbino:6; nauigarono p auel oeto.joo.leghe.Nel q I uiazojpibno la
(ramorana(laqle imediare ]^(a}forono alaltaa da una tembilif^a for^
runa de mareco pioza:& uccocrudeliflirao nietedimeno leouew^l lo
ro cammo cocinuamete p garbino:n6 fenza manifeOo picolo andoK^
no auati.24oJeghejK adf*xx*zenaro dal6tan uicreno terra:alaqle apra
zimandofe ogni fiada trouao mancho fondo;gitrarono lo fcandiglo 8C
rrouorono.xvubraza dc aqci cande zonti a terra defmotorono dchdo
totni ftettero che mai app^rfc alcun pirtitf de du8C fcorendp piu auaci
ueddeno la notce molte luce che pareuano on capo dc genre darme: uer
fo lequil luce maniorono« xxv« homini bene armati : 6C comando che
oon fadlTino extrepito alcumliquali andarf fifcomprcli elTeregran mul
cltodine de gcnte non uollero per alcun modo difturbarlerMa diliboro
rono afpettarc u mattina dC poi intcndere chi foflVro: farto la martina
eel leoare del fole mandorono poi in tetra.xxxx«homini armati; liquali
D li
482 Christopher Columbus
Subito die forono da que lie gente ui(li:quelli mandaro a lincontfo de
U noftri«32»homiiiiamodo loro armati de arch j & freze: homini gradi
6C han la faza torua & audele a(jpe&o:6C aon ceflauano de minazare a
U (pagnoli Hquali quanto piu careze li faceaano tamo piu (e demSftra^
uano efdegnofi dC mai uoircro ne pace ne acordome anudtia con loroi
Vnde peK alhora fe ne torndrono a naue con animb la mattina ft quen^
te acombateie con eflTuMa quelU quamptimum apaile lanodc k leuoi
no nadj S andoiono oia«QueIlt da le naae exiftimaoano che quelle fof
fero genre che nan uagando coe zingari o uer tanari che non hanno p
pria a.a:ma uanno ozi in qua doman in la c6 fue moglietc & fiolh qui
iimatti Ipa^oliandatonoalquantorequendolorotraze* Ettrooaro
no nel fabbione loro pedate eflfere molto mazor de le ooftre : ynao do
oolte mazoie«Nau%ando piu aoanti trouorono un fiume : ma pon de
tanco fondo che le caraoelle ui pode forzeretper laqual cofa mandaro^
no a terra^.bar€he de le naue armati:lequale armate a terra k M fece i
contro innomeiabil nomefo de gente ignudatliquali con cen 1 8C jadi de
monftraoano molto defideraf el comertfo de linoflii\Ma li (pagnoli ue
dendo tanca turbi non (e afegararonode aco(hir(e«Ma almeglio che po
tero gli gitcaro mu^ fi>mgMo flg«!itieoMuu quero gittacno'au noftri ua
pezo doro. Adco che uno de li (pagnoli facendole a terta per more qU
lo orotSubito una turba de quella canaglia glie forono adolTo per uo^
lerlo prendete;ma qoellodefendendoli con lafpada non pofTeua al gran
numero reparare perche quelli non exiftimauaoo morirejta che falto^
rono in terra mtti li homini de le quatno bardie 8C forono morti otto
ipagnoli:6( li altri hebbeno gran fu« afcampare dC aretrarfe ale barche
ne li ualle eifere armati de lanze 61 oc fpade che quefta gente per mold
che fuflero morti de loro«non curauanotma (cmpre piu arditi U fequi/
cauano fino ne lacqua per modo che alia (Fine prelero una de fe qoattro
barche Sfamazorono el patron.Elreftohebbede gratia de fcampate
con lakre tre«Et andarlene a naue 6i far uelo 8t partirie de ]it6C co(i pec
alhora fe trouorono mal contenti«Ec preftro el loro camin per tramon
tana che cofi fe ingolfa quella coda;
Opitolo.x»r/
Ndati quarama Icghe trouorono el mar de aqua dotcetSf inuc
a (ti^ndo doue quefta aqua uegnia trouorono una boccha che
per quindefe migia (boccaua in mare con grand^flimo impera
Dauanti dalaquale boccha erano moltc infule habbitate de humana K
placeuole Qi li non trouorono afa da contraAatc . Toj(ero«36«(chiaui;
bapoi che aluo non trouorono da contraAaie con guadagno. El b<y
The '' Libretto " 483
fnc df qucfla prouincia fe chi:)tiia Marfnatambil dicf ua queltogfcc dr
Ilfole Che dcntro a latteria fema ft troaaua grande qaantf ta de oro*
Dapoi partitj da quefto Hume in pochi zorni fcoprtliro la tramoota^
na che eri quafi aiorizonce fadto che te dnquanta k gbc lecondo la lo^
to rfguIa«Dicono che fempie fono fcorfi per la terta payxa:per che da^
poi uennero alia boccha cbiamata del dragoncche e una boccha che e
In quefta terra pa)nra.Doueercorie]oadmliante pet alchune infole de
h\che (lano auanti quefta payra in grande numera * Doue ti ouorono
gran copia de^iierzi;del quale carcarono le lor naae intra lequ ale info^
It erano molte de quelle defnabitate per paura de U Canibali • Et uitto
ro infinite cafe ruinate«Ec molti Homini che fugiuanoal monte troua
rono etjam molti arborl de Qiflfia fiRulakk laquale ne portarono f fpa
Sv.6i \i medid che la uittero diciuano che la farebe (lata optima : fi la
(Te (lata rccolta al fuo debito tenipo;6£ li etiam fono arbori gcandifll
mi dC grodi tali che fei homini non li poterebbeno trafengere^ Doue
etiam uittero un nuouo animale quafi monRruoib che elcorpo 6C mu^
lo de uuolpe:6f la Groppa 6C li piedi dtietto de limia:& quelli dauanti q
fi chome de homotle orechie come la notola:Et ha futto el uentre uno
altro uentre di fpra come una ufcha doue afconde fuoi figlioli dapo na
idutitoe mai li lafTa inOre fino atanto che da lof o medemi flano bafian
ti a nutricre:8£ excq>to quando uogliono ladarenino de quedi tali aoi
mali inlieme con (iipi fjgIioli.Fo porcato de fibilia a granata ali ierenif
fimi ReTamen in nauc moritte ifioli:6f el grande in fpagna:liquali co
fl morti forono uifti da molte Sfdiuerfe per/one*Qije(lo uicentines af
ferma hauer nauigato per coda de payra piu de,6oo Jeghe:& non dubi
tano che la fia terra fermatma fono quafi certi de li da payra paniti ue
nero alifota (pagnola a di uinti e tre 2ugno45oo«Et de li dicono eflere
andati continuo per ponente piu de quattroceto leghe in certa prouin
cididoue lei|uattro carauelle che haucano li falto una fortonadei me^
ft de lugtio che doi fe romerfcro una firope & piu per eiTtr homihi per
fi 6C efmariti che altro.La quarta (lette ferma iorta;ma non fenza po^^
cho trauagtio che haueuano perfb za ogni (peranza de falute.Et cofi (li
do uitte una loro naue andare a reconda:perche era con pochi homini:
de liquali dubbitandofi fumerfarfifi buttareoo a terra:& li (lauanno. in
grandiflTimo dubio 6C paura de eftere mal tradlati daquella gente«Fece^
fo deliberatione primo intra loro amazarle:6f cofi (lauahno in uarii 6C
null concepti circa a zorni otro^Doppo facendo bonaza uittero la lo^
to naue che refto folum con defdodo homini:6£ li montarono:& infie
nc con qaella altra che era laluau;dc fecero uela ala uolta de f^gna*
484 Christopher Columbus
done a di ultimo deSftcbrfo drfuorno ddpocoftoro inoItiaTtri hano
nauigito a quefto uiazo per roczo di:& connuo andati p la cofta dc la
terra pJK^^ pi^ ^ ^^9 "^^^'^ m]gla:6^ mat hano trouaro termie alcan cb
fis ifola:6£ per qfto cadauo manifedamcce tie nc cflctc terra forma . Da
laqlc ultimamcrc c fta porta caflia in tutta pcrfeAion oroiplemcrzi dc
la force di(5la di ropra;piper K canellatfaluartcitherbe piante arbori ani^
mall de (ttanee 6C diuerie forte che no< no habiamo. Fjnts^
Tabula«
Cap.li Del coI5bo & coe li fereniflimi Re dc Spagna U armo.iH.nauilfc
Ca.ii. Coe ptito el coIoboiS; nauigato moln zorni trouo iaudite ifole^
Op.ii<« Come ct Colombo zonfe ale do gtandeifoleicioe a zouanna
melaKalafpagnola*
Cap*tf hXome el columbo domeftico la genie de lifola fpagnola:& dela
condtdion dc did^a ifula.
Cap.v* dc U codumi de li canibali.
Cap.vi^de li coftumide li ifulani del infula Tpagnota.
Cap.vii. Come Colombo detibero tornare in fpagna:& laflare homini
in lifola per inuedigare.
Cap.viii* Come el colomho fficortiaco in fpagnaroc con grande honore
receuto da li f^renifTimi Re.6£ come prepare noua armada:pcr ritorna^
re a fuo uiazo:6f el chiamarono admirante.
Cap*ix* Come lo admirate partito con.xvii.nauili tornado a lifole tro^
uo le tfofe de Ji cambali 6C alrce diuerfe tfole.
Cap.x* Come loadmirante zonfe alifolaSpagnoladoue trouo morti
li foi homini che li laflTo.
Cap.xi. Come loadmirantemando fuo fradelloa perfequitareel Re
che hauea niorri foi homini 6C uarie cofe che fe incSrro*
Cap«xii. Coe qlli homini c6 pfeqtauano el Re per far oedeta rrouato
li fitimi da loto 6i altre cole rornarono dal admirate a darii d zo noeicii
Cap.xiii. Come lo admirante f ncomenzo a edificare una dta o uer <if^
(lellotSC manio a mueftigare lifola;
C^p!tulo.xiiii« Conae lo admirante le mele m camin per tiooare la ml
nera de loro:8f edifico la rocha de fan Thoma^
Cap.xv* Come lo admirante (e parti con tre nauilii per defcoprire al /
tre noue'ifoletdoue trouo cofe admirande.
Cap.xvi* Come lo admirante tone al ifola Spagnola:& fecefe tribota^
fii tutti quelli Re«
Cau*xvii* CowemoItlReferabelloronopermalportam^todSpagno
U;oi duna gran tempefta che la uenni^
The " Libretto " 485
dp«xvf it. Come lo admlrdiite mando fuo fradelfo afa mfmm de loros
doud do edifico una forteza chiamata aurea donde poi conftredi de fa
tne rolum re(leron.iiu.hom]ni U altti tornati a jTabella«
Cap.xix. Come zonfero trc naue de fpagna con uf(3uaglia:6f con alco
tii comandamenti chc (c douefle habitare ale caue dc Ipro SCmandare
to Spagna li Re chc hauean morri It chridfani*
Cap«xx« Coe el capitaeo lafTai la fortcza aucca.xx.hoi:cS et reflo ando
per tiToIa:8f fecefe tributar io ql gran Re quale eria fece moki triumphi«
Op* xxu Come el capltaneo torno ale fue for te2< p riuedcrc li Tci ho^
fnini;& come molti Re (e ribellarono per mali portamenti de Spagnoli
6f come forono tutci li Re fuparatf*
Cap.xxii» Come lo admfrantc partito de fpagna per tornare a (b camin
ando 6L trouo noue ifole 6C uaricca dc gente 6C de pacli doue foron mol
Co ben uidi K acc^irrzati.
Cap. xxiiU Come lo admfrate dapof receuuce molte careze 6C donf (fa
ouelle gente ando a1 ilbla fpagnola.
up.xxiiii. Coe lo admfrate trouo liTolaSpagnoIa mal diTpofta:cf> molti
SpagnoU hauean ribel!aro:6f (cripre ro gran male dc lo admirante al Rej
Cap.xxvt Come el Ke dc S^gna antcic dc] diCiurbo de iifola mado un
gouerna dote elquale dapoi mando lo admirante 6C fuo fradello to fend
ala uolta de Spagna:6f 2onti a cade furono deliberati.
Cap.xxKl» Come Alonfo negro compagno de lo admirante tiaufgado
trouo noue ifole 8C inauditi pacH con diuerfi co(himi«
Cap.xxvii.Come Alonfo negro ando a Canchi ete:& altri bcIUtiflimi luo
dii & de coftumi de diuerfe nacftione*
Cap.xxviii# Come Alonfo negro partito dali rrooati luochi con moItc
•jperle per an dare in .(pagna:& come combattcte con canibali 6C topcro.
Optxxviiii. Coe Pinzonc copagno de lo admirate naoigando p trouare
fimiliter noue iMcidC trouo de uarii popuIi:8d coe cSalcuni cobatetero.
Cap^xxx. Come pinzonc ariuo al mar daqua dolcc:df trouo uarfeta de
ifole animali arbor! & diuerfe co(e«
Cap.xxxf • Come pinzonc ando al ifola Spagnoli K de li nauigo per po/
tiente;6£ dipo una gran fortuna fecero ritorno in ^gna«
Ftoifl< el libretto detutta la nauigatiSe del Rede Sp&gnadele ifole 8^
certeof nouamete trouati.Stampado in Vcncfiaper Albcxt*no VciccUe
k da U(bfu a di.x.de aprilc •M.ccccc.iiii*
CON GRATIA ET PRIVlLEGIOi
486 Christopher Columbus
THE LIBRETTO
A Little Book in Regard to All the Navigation of the King of Spain to the
Islands and Newly Discovered Lands
"chapter one
** Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, a man of high and lofty stature,
ruddy, of great intelligence, and with a long face, followed the Most Serene
Sovereigns of Spain a long time, wherever they went, striving that they
might help him by fitting out some ships; with which he offered to find
towards the West, some islands near India; where there is an abundance of
precious stones; and spice; and gold; which can be easily obtained. For
a long time the King and the Queen, and all the dignitaries of Spain held
this in ridicule. And finally after seven years and after many efforts,
they agreed to his wish; and fitted out for him a ship and two caravels,
with which about the beginning of September, 1492, he left the Spanish
shores, and commenced his voyage.
"chapter II
"First, from Cadiz he sailed to the Fortunate Islands which now the
Spaniards call Canaries; formerly called by the ancients Fortunate Islands,
in the Ocean-sea 1200 miles from the straits; according to their reckoning,
which is 30 leagues. A league is four miles. These Canaries were formerly
called Fortunate because of their climate. They are about like the climate
of Europe towards mid-day. They are inhabited by naked people who
live without any religion. Columbus went there to take water and sup-
plies, before putting himself to such great effort. From there he followed
the Western sun, sailing 7^3 nights and days continuously; during which
time he never saw land. After that a man mounted in the cage [look-out's
place] saw land: and they discovered VI islands, two of which were of
exceptional size. One he called Spagnola: the other Joanna Mela.
"■ chapter III
"He was not very certain that Joanna was an island, but when they
arrived at Joanna, following along its coast, they heard in the month of
November nightingales singing amidst very dense forests ; and they found
very large rivers of fresh water and very great and good harbours: and
following along the coast of Joanna towards the north-west more than 800
miles, they did not find the end or a sign of the end: they thought that it
was the mainland. He resolved to return; because the sea compelled
them to this course f as he had gone so far through different gulfs that he
had turned his prow to the north. Thus the north wind now commenced
to give them trouble. Having therefore turned his prow towards the east,
he returned to the island called Spagnola. And desiring to investigate the
nature of the place from the northern side, he approached the land; when
the largest ship struck upon a flat reef, which was covered with water, and
The "Libretto" 487
was opened; but the rock which was under the water being level, helped
her so that the caravel was not submerged. The men escaped and having
landed, they saw the men of the island, who, having seen them, fled sud-
denly to very dense forests : As if they were so many wild beasts followed by
dogs [an unheard of race] ; our people, following them, took a woman and
brought her on board the ship : and being well fed with our food and wine
and adorned with clothes — for they all go naked — they allowed her to go.
"chapter iiii
**She went at once to her own people, for she knew where they were:
having shown them the marvellous adornment and the liberality of our
people, they all rushed to the shore together; thinking this to be a people
sent from heaven. They threw themselves into the water and brought
with them gold which they had: and they exchanged the gold for vessels
of earth and cups of glass. Some gave them a string or a hawk's bell or a
piece of looking-glass, or some other similar thing: and they gave for simi-
lar things gold which they had, having already had a like traffic together.
Our people, seeking to learn their customs, found by signs and gestures
that they had a King among them ; and our people advancing inland were
received most honourably by the King, and by the men of the island and
were well caressed. The evening coming and the sign of the Ave Maria
being given, our people kneeling, they did the same: and seeing that our
people adored the cross, they did likewise. Seeing also the aforesaid ship
was broken, they went with their boats which they called canoes to bring
to land the men and the suppUes, with such charity as nothing exceeds.
Their boats are of one piece of wood only, dug out with very sharp stones,
long and narrow. There are some with Ixxx oars each. They have no
iron whatever, which caused our people to marvel greatly how they built
their houses; which were marvellously constructed; and the other things
which they had. Our people heard that they were all made with some
very hard stones from the river; and very sharp. They heard that not far
distant from this island there were some islands of very cruel men who ate
human flesh. And this was the reason that in the beginning when they
saw our people, they fled, believing them to be some of these men, whom
they called cannibals. Our people had left the islands of these hateful
men about the middle of the way on the south side.
"chapter five
"And the poor men complained that they are troubled by these canni-
bals not otherwise than wild beasts are troubled by tigers and lions. The
boys that they take they castrate; as we cause castration; because they
become fatter for eating: and the mature men also, when they take them
they kill them and they eat them: and they eat the intestines fresh and
the extreme members of the body : the rest they salt and leave them until
the right time, as we do hams. The women they do not kill; but they
save them to have sons; not otherwise than we do with hens for eggs. The
488 Christopher Columbus
old they use for slaves. In the islands which we can now consider ours,
the men as well as the women, as they foresee the approach of these canni-
bals, can find no other safety than flight; although they use very sharp
arrows, they find they serve them little to restrain the fury and the passion
of these cannibals: and they confess that x cannibals who find loo of their
people show themselves superior to them. Our people were not able to
well understand that these people adore anything other than the heaven,
the sun and moon. Of the customs of the other islands, the brevity of the
time and lack of interpreters were the cause of our not being able to learn
anything else.
** CHAPTER SIX
**The men of that island tise in place of bread certain roots of the size
and shape of turnips, although sweet like fresh chestnuts; which they call
Ages. Gold among them is in some estimation. They wear it in the ears
and attached to the nose. Still our people have remarked that they do
not have any traffic from one place to another. Our people began to ask
by signs where they found that gold. They heard that they found it in
the sand of certain rivers, which flow from very high moimtains. Without
great fatigue they gather it in nuggets and afterwards make it into thin
sheets. But it is not found in that part of the island where they were ; as
they afterwards learned by experience in going arotmd the island; because
after leaving this place they encountered by chance a river of great size,
where having landed to take water and to fish they found the sand mingled
with much gold. They say that they have not seen in this island any four-
footed animal save three kinds of rabbits: and serpents of wonderful size
and number which the island produces but which harm no one. They saw
also wild turtle doves; ducks larger than ours; geese whiter than swans
with the head red; parrots of which some are green, some with the body
all yellow; others similar to those of India, with a red ruff. They brought
xl of them, but of different colours. These parrots brought from there
show that, either by propinquity or by nature, these islands are a part of
India. Although [altogether] the opinion of Columbus appears to be con-
trary to the greatness of the sphere. Principally attesting this view are
Aristotle in the end of the book of Heaven and Earth, Seneca and others
who are not ignorant of cosmography, and who say that India is not far
distant from Spain, separated by a long arm of the sea. This land pro-
duces naturally an abundance of mastic, aloes, cotton and other similar
things; certain red grains of different colours more sharp than the pepper
we have; certain cinnamon, and ginger of which they brought some.
"chapter seven
** Columbus, being pleased with this new land, found there signs of a new
and unheard-of world. It being now the spring, he resolved to return : and
he left with the King aforesaid xxxviii men who were to investigate the
nature of the place and the climate, tintil he returned. This King was
The ''Libretto" 489
called Guacranarillo, with whom a league and confederation was made for
the life and safety and defence of those that remained: this King moved
by pity, and looking at those remaining wept, and embracing them he
showed that he would do everything for their convenience. And Columbus
at this made sail for Spain and took with him x men of this island; from
whom he understood that their language could be learned easily; which
also can be written with our letters. They call the heaven *turci,' the
house 'boa,' gold *cauni,' an honest man 'toyno,' nothing *maxani.* Their
other words they do not utter different from those of our Latin. And this
was the result of the first navigation.
''chapter eight
"The King and the Queen who desired nothing other than to augment
the Christian religion: and to reduce many simple nations to the divine
worship: easily moved not only by Columbus but by more than 200 of
their Spaniards who had been with Columbus, — received this Columbus
with a most gracious aspect and rendered him very great honours: and
allowed him to be seated in public before them, which is with them among
the highest honours. And they ordered that he should be called Admiral
of the Ocean-sea. And from what this Admiral affirmed, they hoped in the
beginning to derive the greatest advantage from these islands; having
more regard for the augmentation of the faith than for any other utility.
Therefore their Most Serene Majesties caused to be prepared 17 ships among
which were ships with large top-sails, and xii caravels without top-sails,
with 1200 men with their implements, among which were smiths, hired
artisans of all -the mechanical arts, with some horsemen. Columbus pre-
pared horses, hogs, cows and many other animals with their males; vege-
tables, com, barley and other similar things, not only for living ptirposes
but also for sowing; vines and many other plants from trees, which are
not native there; because they did not find in all that island trees with
which we have acquaintance: only pines and very high palms of mar-
vellous hardness and straightness and height, due to the fertility of the
ground; and others also which bear fruits that are unknown; as that land
is the most fertile of any other under the sun. The said Admiral also pre-
pared to carry with him all implements of whatever art: as well as all
those things which were required for a town which he had estabhshed in the
new country. Many faithful persons and subjects of the King enrolled
themselves of their own will for this navigation; because of desiring new
things and because of the authority of the Admiral. The ist day of Sep-
tember, 1493, with a prosperous wind they sailed from Cadiz and the first
day of October they arrived at the Canaries: and from the last of these
called Fereta, Oct. 4, they sailed southward. News was not received from
them tmtil the winter equinox; when the King and the Queen being at
table in the Camp, March 23, they received news by a courier, that xii of
the ships had arrived at Cadiz: April 5, 1494, they heard of the arrival of
these ships, by a certain brother of the nurse of the oldest son of the Most
490 Christopher Columbus
Serene King, sent by the Admiral to their Highnesses, from whom, and
from other trustworthy witnesses, they learned what is hereinafter con-
tained.
"chapter nine
"The first days of October, the Admiral Colimibus left the Canaries.
He sailed xxi days on the sea, before he could find any land ; but he went
more to the left, towards the south, than the other first voyage. Thus he
chanced upon the islands of the cannibals aforesaid : and on the first island
they saw a forest thick with trees, so that they were not able to discover
what it might be: and because it was Sunday the day they saw it, they
called it Dominica: and agreeing with one another that it was inhabited,
they did not stop in it, but went forward. In this journey of xxi days, they
made, according to their judgment, 820 leagues. Up to this time the wind
was favourable, from the north. After having left this island, at a short
distance they chanced upon another filled with a great abundance of many
trees which exhaled a wonderful odour. Those who landed saw no men nor
animals of any other sort than lizards of unheard-of size. This island
they named Croce. And it was the first inhabited land that they saw after
their departure from the Canaries. This was a cannibal island; which
our people afterwards learned by experience and by the interpreters from
the island of Spagnola, whom they had with them. Circumnavigating
the island they found many villages of from 20 to 30 houses each, which
were all built in order in a circle around a circular place; which was in the
centre. All were of wood, round in shape. First they place in the earth
many high trees which make the frame of the house. Afterwards they
put within some short beams near these long pieces, that they may not
fall. The roof they make in the shape of pavilions; and thus all these
houses have a sharp roof. Afterwards they intertwine these timbers with
palm leaves and certain other similar leaves which are very secure from
water, but within, they intertwine the short timbers with cords of cotton
and of other roots which are similar to the Sparto. Some of their beds
they have in the air; upon which they put cotton and straw for litter. And
they have porches where they assemble for games. In one certain place
our people saw two statues of wood, which were upon two posts: they
thought they might be their idols. But they were placed only for beauty,
because they adore only the heaven with its planets. As our people ap-
proached this place men and women took to flight abandoning their houses :
XXX females and youths who were prisoners — which youths these cannibals
had taken prisoners from some island to kill them, and the women to keep
for slaves, — fled to our people. Our people entered into their houses.
They found that they had stone vessels like ours, of all sorts. And in the
kitchen human flesh boiled, together with parrots: and geese and ducks
were on the spit to roast : and in the house they found bones of arms and
human thighs, which they saved to make tips for their arrows; because
they have no iron. And they found also the head of a boy dead a short
The '' Libretto'' 49^
time before, attached to a beam; and yet dripping blood. This island has
8 very large rivers and they call it Guadipea because of being like the
mountain of Sancta Maria di' Guadaluppi in Spain: the inhabitants call it
Carachara. They brought from this island parrots larger than pheasants,
much different from the others : they have all of the body and the shoulders
red, the wings of different colours. They have no fewer parrots than we
have cats. Although the forests are full of parrots nevertheless they feed
them and afterwards kill them. The Admiral Coltunbus caused many
presents to be given to the women who had fled to them; and ordered that
with these presents they must go to find the cannibals, as they knew where
they were. And when they went, the said women found a great number of
them who came through greed for the gifts. But suddenly when they saw
our people, either because of their fear or the consciousness of their wicked-
ness, looking into each other's faces, they fled to the neighbouring valleys
and forests. Our people who had gone to the island, returning to the ship,
broke as many of their boats as they found. And they left this Guadaluppa
to go and find their companions at the island of Spagnola. In the first
journey they left at the right hand and at the left many islands. There
appeared to them at the north a large island which those people whom the
Admiral had brought with him from the island of Spagnola and who knew
how to speak, and those who had been recovered from the hands of the
cannibals, said was called Matinina; saying that in this island there lived
only women who at certain times of the year mated themselves with the
cannibals; as is said of the Amazons. And giving birth to males, nour-
ished them and afterwards sent them to their fathers: and the females
they kept with them. They said also that these women have certain great
caves undergrotind ; into which no one is allowed to go at any other time
of the year than the appointed time : and if any one by force or by deceit
tries to enter they defend it with arrows which they shoot very well. At
the time our people were not able to approach that island. Sailing from
sight of this island fifty miles, they passed another island which the afore-
said people from the island of Spagnola said was very thickly populated
and had an abundance of all the things necessary to htunan life : and that it
was full of high motmtains. They gave it the name of Monferato.
"The aforesaid people from the island of Spagnola and those recovered
from the cannibals said that sometimes these cannibals went a thousand
miles to take men in order to kill them. The following day they discovered
another island, which because of being round in shape the Admiral called
Sancta Maria Rotunda. Another farther on he called San Martino. But
they stopped in none of these. The third day they found another which
they judged to be near cl miles long in diameter from east to west along
the coast. The interpreters of the country affirmed these islands to be
all of a marvellous beauty and fertility. And this last they called Sancta
Maria Antiqua. Afterwards they found very many islands; but cccc
miles from there, one larger than all the others, which is called by the in-
habitants Ay Ay: and our people called it Sancta Croce. There they
492 Christopher Columbus
stopped to take water: and the Admiral sent xxx men from his ship on
land that they might explore the island. These men found four cannibals
with four women, who having seen our people, with their hands bound,
appeared to ask for help: and who were freed by our people. The can-
nibals fled to the woods. And the Admiral remaining there two days made
xxx of his men stay on land continuously in hiding. In this manner they
saw a canoe come — which is a boat — with viii men and viii women: and
at a signal our people attacked them : and they defended themselves with
arrows, so that before our people could cover themselves with shields a
Biscay an was killed by one of the women, who with an arrow wounded
another very seriously: and our people discovered that the arrows were
poisoned, that at the point they were greased with a certain poisoned oint-
ment. Among these people there was a woman whom it appeared that all
the rest obeyed as queen: and with her was a robust youth, her son, of cruel
appearance and the face of an assassin. Our people fearing that they
might be destroyed with arrows decided it was best to come to close quarters :
and so [putting the oars in the water] with a boat from the ship they at-
tacked the canoe and sank her. But in truth, they, men as well as women,
swimming, did not desist from shooting, with as much force as if they had
been in the boat. They placed themselves upon a rock covered with
water, and there, fighting bravely, were taken by our people: and one was
killed there : and the son of the queen had two wounds. Being taken before
the Admiral they did not lose their atrocity and fierceness. As it is the
custom of a fierce lion when he feels himself taken and bound, he roars the
more and the more fierce he becomes. There was not a man who saw them
who did not feel fear, so atrocious and diabolical was their appearance.
The Admiral proceeding in this manner, now to the south, now to the south-
west, now to the west, came upon a vast sea full of innumerable different
islands. Some appeared wooded and pleasant, others dry and sterile,
others stony and mountainous: others showed among naked stones crim-
son colours, others violet: others very white; therefore many thought
they might be veins of metals and precious stones. They did not land
because the weather was not good, and for fear of the density and multi-
tude of so many islands. Fearing that the largest ship might strike some
rock, they reserved until some other time the counting of the islands, be-
cause of their great multitude and because of their confusion. Neverthe-
less some caravels which did not require too much depth of water went
among them and numbered xlvi. They called this place Arcipelago.
Passing through so many islands, beyond this place in the middle of the
way, they found an island called Bunchema where there were many who
were freed from the hands of the cannibals; who said that it was very
populous and cultivated ; full of hogs and of forests ; and its inhabitants
continuously enemies of the cannibals. They do not have ships so as to be
able to go to find the island of the cannibals ; but in case the cannibals go
to their island to devastate it and they are able to lay hands on them, they
put out their eyes and cut them in pieces and roast them and devour them
The "Libretto" 493
for revenge. All these things the Spaniards understood from the inter-
preters brought from the island of Spagnola. Our people, in order not to
be delayed, passed over this island, except a comer to the westward where
they landed to get water. There they found a large house, beautiful in its
way, with xii others, small but uninhabited; for what cause it might be,
they did not understand: whether because of the season of the year, at
which time they dwell in the mountains on account of the heat, or for fear
of the cannibals. All these islands have one King only, whom they call
Chacichio: and he is obeyed with very great reverence by all. The coast
of this island extends towards the south about cc miles. During the night
two women and two youths who were delivered from the hands of the
cannibals, threw themselves into the sea and swam to the island which was
their native cotmtry.
"chapter X
'**The Admiral finally arrived with his fleet at the island Spana [Espa-
nola], distant from the first island of the cannibals ccccc leagues; but
with an unhappy circimistance, as he found all his companions dead, whom
he had left there. In this island Spana there is a region which is called
Xainana, from which place the Admiral wishing to return to Spain the
first time, took with them x men of the island, of whom three only had
survived: the others were dead from the change of air. Of the others,
when they first reached San Theremo, which they thus called this coast
Xainana, the Admiral caused one to be left there : the other two stealthily
threw themselves into the sea at night and escaped by swimming. He
did not care about this thing, thinking to find alive the xxxviii whom he
had left. But having gone a little farther he encountered a canoe, or long
boat of many oars, in which was a brother of the King Guaceanarillo : with
whom when the Admiral departed he had made such a firm alliance : and
to whom he had recommended his people. This man accompanied by only
one other came to meet the Admiral and in the name of his brother brought
him as a gift two golden images: and as was afterwards understood, in his
own dialect, he commenced to tell of the death of our people; but for want
of interpreters everything was not understood. The Admiral having ar-
rived at the castle of wood and the houses which our people had con-
structed, found that all were destroyed and reduced to ashes; from which
thing every one was greatly pained, yet in order to see if any of those who
had remained behind were living, he caused many bombards to be dis-
charged, so that if any one were near he might come forth; but all in vain,
because all were dead.
*'The Admiral sent his messengers to the King Guaceanarillo, who re-
ported as much as they were able to understand by signs; that in that
island there are many more powerful kings than he, two of whom having
heard of the fame of these new people came there with a large army : and
our people being conquered were killed, and they ruined the castle, burning
ever)rthing: and that he [the King] wishing to aid them, had been wounded
by an arrow: and he showed an arm which he had bound up, saying that
494 Christopher Columbus
this was the cause of his not coming to meet the Admiral as he desired.
The following day the Admiral sent another, Marchio ' of Seville, to the said
King; who, tearing the bandage from his arm, found that he had no wound
or sign of a wound. Nevertheless he found that he was in bed pretending
to be sick, and his bed was joined to seven other beds of his concubines. So
the Admiral and the others commenced to suspect that our people had been
killed by the advice and desire of this King. Nevertheless Marchio, dis-
simulating, agreed with him that the following day he should come to visit
the Admiral: and he did so: and the Admiral prepared for them a good
supper: and with many caresses. And the King excused himself much
on account of the death of our people. Seeing one of the women taken
from the cannibals, whom our people called Chatarina, he made a great
demonstration and talked to her with much gallantry, which our people did
not understand. After he departed with great show of affection, there were
some who counselled the Admiral that he ought to detain him and make
him confess how our people died: and make him bear the just penalty ; but
the Admiral considered that it was not the time to excite the minds of the
islanders. The following day the brother of the King came to the ship and
talked with the women aforesaid and prevailed with them, as the result
showed; because the following night that Chatarina aforesaid, either in
order to free herself from captivity or because of the persuasion of the King,
threw herself into the water with vii other women, all allured by her: and
they crossed perhaps three miles of sea. Our people, following them with
the boats, recovered only three of them. Catharina with the other three
went to the King, who early in the morning fled with all his family. There-
fore our people understood that the xxxviii who had remained had been
killed by him.^
"chapter XI
**The Admiral sent the aforesaid Marchio directly after the King with
ccc armed men; who seeking him, chanced to arrive at the mouth of a
river, where they found a very noble and good harbour, which they called
Porto Reale. The entrance is so tortuous that when a man is within it he
cannot discern the point at which he entered. Yet the entrance is so large
that three ships together can enter abreast. In the middle of the harbour
there is a moimtain all green and wooded, full of parrots and other birds
that sing sweetly all the time. And into this harbour nm two rivers.
Proceeding farther they saw a very high house, and thinking the King
might be there, they went to it: and on their approaching it a man came
to meet them accompanied by one hundred men of most ferocious appear-
ance, all armed with bows and arrows and spears, crying that they were not
cannibals but Taynos — that is to say, nobles and gentlemen. Our people
made them a sign of peace, and they having put off their fierceness, made
great friends with each other, and so much so that these men descended
' The reader will recognise in this name, Melchior Maldonado.
^ We make the total number of unfortimates left at La Navidad to be forty
three men.
The *' Libretto '* 495
immediately without hesitation to the ships, where they were given many
presents — that is to say, little hawk's bells and similar things. Our people
measured their hotise which was xxxii great paces in circumference. It
was round and there were xxx other small houses around it. The beams
were cane of different colours, woven with marvellous art. Upon our
people asking as best they were able for the escaped King, they informed
them that he had fled to the mountain. And our people resolved to in-
form the Admiral of this new friendship. But the Admiral sent different
men into different parts to search for the said King; among whom he sent
Horeda and Gormaiano, noble and courageous young men. These men
found iiii rivers; one on one side and the other on the other side; iii of
which rivers flowed from a very high mountain : and it was in the sand that
all those people of the island gathered gold. In this manner they thrust
their arms into some ditches and with the left hand dug the sand and with
the right gathered the gold and gave it to our people. And they say they
saw many grains of the size of a sequin which were brought to the King of
Spain: one nugget of ix ounces which was seen moreover by many persons.
** CHAPTER TWELVE
" But our people [having seen this] returned to the Admiral, because he
had commanded under penalty of death that no one should do other than
to make discoveries. Our people understood also that there was a certain
King in the mountains from whence the rivers came, who was called Cazi-
chio Cannoba — that is to say, Lord of the House of Gold; 'boa* meaning
* hotise,' 'canno,' 'gold,' and 'Cazichio,' 'King.'
"They found in these rivers most perfect fish and likewise eels. Mar-
chio of Seville says that with the cannibals the month of December is
equinoctial; but I do not know how that can be by reason of the sphere:
and he says that in that month the birds make their nests and some already
had young. Still being questioned about the height of the pole from the
east, he says that in the country of the cannibals the whole of the Great
Bear under the arctic pole was hidden: and the Guardians had set. No
one came from the voyage who can be firmly relied upon, because of being
illiterate men.
"chapter XIII
" The Admiral took Locinfrone,^ a place near a harbour, in order to build
a town : and commenced to build ; and construct a church : but the time
was drawing near when he had promised the King to inform him of his suc-
cess. So he sent directly back twelve caravels, with news of what we have
seen, and also what had been done. The Admiral remained in the island of
Spagnola which some call Oflira,^ assuming that it is that of which the Old
' This was the earliest native name of the city of Isabella.
^ This is the first application of this name to the island of Espafiola. Peter Mar-
tyr in his Epistola CLXV says Columbus regarded the island as the gold-producing
Ophir of Solomon.
This name of Espafiola in the form Spagnola ^ is found in the Ruysch map of
[Ptolemy] 1508.
496 Christopher Columbus
Testament in the 3rd Book of Kings makes mention. The width of which
is 5 degrees to the southward, which makes cccxxxx miles. The pole
rises xxv.i. degrees; and from the south, as it is said, about xxii degrees.
The length from east to west is 880 miles. The shape of the island is like a
chestnut leaf. The Admiral decided to build a town upon a hill in the mid-
dle of the northern part of the island, because there was a high wooded
moimtain near, with stones to make lime. Which town he called Isabella.
And at the foot of this mountain there was a plain sixty miles long and
twelve miles wide in some places and in some places narrower by vi miles,
through which many rivers flowed: and the largest glides in front of the
gate of the town at the distance of a bow shot. So that this plain is so fer-
tile that in some gardens which they made in the sand of the river, they
sowed different kinds of herbs such as radishes, lettuce, cabbages, borasene.
Entirely within a period of sixteen days watermelons, cucumbers, pumpkins
and other similar things were formed: in xxxvi days they were gathered,
better than ever were eaten. During this time the Admiral, because of
news he had from those islanders he had with him, sent thirty men to a
province of this island, called Cipangi ; which was situated in the centre of
the island, mountainous, with a great quantity of gold. These men having
returned reported the wonderful riches of that place : and that four rivers
descended from the mountain, which divided the island in four parts: one
called Suma goes towards the east: another towards the west, Attibiunco:
the third towards the north, lachem: the fourth towards the south, called
Naiba.
"chapter xiiii
" But to return to the subject. The Admiral having built this town sur-
rounded by a wall, started on March 1 2 with about four hundred on foot and
horseback and took the road which leads to their province in the southern
part: and after having passed mountains, valleys and rivers, came to a
plain which is the beginning of Cimbago, through which plain there run
some rivers with sands of gold. The Admiral therefore having penetrated
Ixxii miles into the island, and being a long way from his town, arrived
at the bank of a large river, and there on a lofty hill he resolved to build a
fortress that he might be able to more securely search for the secrets of the
country: and he called the fortress S. Thoma. During the erection of this
fortress many natives came to the Admiral to get hawk's bells and other
trifles which he had: and he in exchange asked them to bring him gold.
Therefore in a short time they returned and brought quite a large quantity
of gold, among whom one brought a grain weighing an ounce. Our people
marvelled at such a size. Nevertheless the natives showed by signs that
larger ones yet were found; and especially in a country half a day's journey
from there, grains of great weight were found, which because of not being
worked and made up, they did not value much. From this place others
brought larger pieces of x drachms each, and also affirmed that they were
able to find larger. The Admiral sent some of his people to that place, who
The '' Libretto" 497
found there much more than had been told them. The woods are full of
spices; but they do not gather them except in so far as they wish to ex-
change them with the men of the neighbouring island for dishes and earthen
basins, and wooden vases made in other islands which they do not have.
They found in the month of May wild grapes, very ripe. This province,
notwithstanding being rocky, is full of trees and all green. They say that
it rains there a great deal, therefore there are many rivers and streams with
sands of gold: and they believe that that gold descends from those moun-
tains. And they are a very idle people. In winter they shiver from
cold: and they have forests ftdl of cotton, of which they do not know how
to make clothes.
**CHAPTER XV
** Having searched as has been told, the Admiral returned to the fortress
Isabella where he left some of his people for the government. And he
started with three ships in order to go and discover a certain land which he
had seen and thought might be the mainland: and which is Ixx miles
and no farther from the said island Spagnola. Which land the natives call
Cuba. Having passed through there by the south side he started towards
the west, and the farther onward he went the farther the shores stretched
away. And he went on entering a gulf towards the south so that every
day he found himself farther to the south, so much so that he arrived at an
island called by the natives lamaica, but, as he says, it is called by the
cosmographers lanna Major; which is larger than Sicily: and has one
mountain only in the centre, which commences to rise from all parts of the
island, but it ascends so gradually to the centre of the island that it appears
not to ascend. This island both on the coasts and in the centre is most
fertile and full of people who are keener-witted and of greater intelligence
than all the other islanders: skilful at trading: and warlike. And the
Admiral, wishing to land in different places, they ran armed and did not
let them land: and in many places they fought with our people: but they
were beaten and were afterwards friends. Having left this lamaica they
yet sailed westward seven days along the coast of Cuba, so that the Ad-
miral thought he had gone as far as the Golden Chersonese, which is
near our east and believed he had found xxii of the xxiiii hours of the
sun. Although he suffered great distress in this navigation yet he de-
cided to go so far forward, as he wished to see the end of this Cuba, whether
it was the mainland or not: and he sailed 1300 miles toward the west,
always along the coast of Cuba. And in this navigation he named 700
islands; but he passed more than 3000. And he found many things
worthy of commemoration, sailing along the coast of this land Cuba. And
first, shortly after he commenced to sail, he found a very fine harbour
capable of accommodating a great number of ships; where some of his
people having landed found houses of straw without anyone within; yet
they found spits of wood by the fire with about 100 lbs. of fish and two
serpents of eight feet each: and seeing that no one appeared they com-
menced to eat the fish: and they left the serpents which were shaped like
VOL. II.— 39.
498 Christopher Columbus
crocodiles. Afterwards they commenced to search a forest near there and
they saw many of these serpents bound to the trees with cords: and having
gone a little farther they fotmd about Ixx men who had fled to the top of a
very large rock in order to see what our people would do. But our people
made them so many compliments by signs, showing them hawks' bells and
other trifles, that one of them recovered himself so as to descend to another
rock nearer. One of the islanders from Spagnola, who from a child was
brought up with the Admiral, approached this man, and spoke to him, for
their language was almost the same : and reassured him : and he and the
others all came to the ship : and they made great friendship with our people.
And they declared that they were fishermen who had come to fish for their
King who was making a feast for another King: and they were very much
pleased that our people had left their serpents which they were saving for
the person of the King himself as a very delicate repast. The Admiral
[having the information which he desired] let them go. And he pursued
his journey towards the west : and examining this part he foimd it very
fertile and full of very mild people, who without any suspicion ran to the
ships: and brought our people some of their bread which they use and
gourds full of water: and invited them most kindly to land. Passing on-
ward they encountered a mtdtitude of islands of an almost infinite nimiber,
which all appeared to be inhabited and full of trees: and very fertile on the
side of the mainland, according to those of the coast. In the coast which
they examined they found a navigable river of water so warm that they
were not able to hold their hands in it. Afterwards they found farther on-
ward some fishermen in certain of their boats of wood excavated like zopoli,
who were fishing. In this manner they had a fish of a form unknown to us
which has the body of an eel and larger: and upon the head it has a certain
very tender skin which appears like a large purse. And this fish they drag,
tied with a noose to the edge of the boat, because it cannot endure a breath
of air. And when they see any large fish or snake, they loosen the noose
and this fish at once darts like an arrow at the fish or at the snake, throwing
over them this skin which he has upon his head ; which he holds so firmly
that they are not able to escape and he does not leave them if they are not
taken from the water; but as soon as he feels the air he leaves his prey and
the fishermen quickly seize it. And in the presence of our people they
took four large calaudrc which they gave our people for a very delicate food.
Our people having asked them how far this coast extended towards the
west, they replied that it had no end. Having left that place and travelled
still farther onward along the coast, they found a great variety of people,
and near this land an island where they did not see any person, because all
had fled. But they only saw two dogs of very ugly appearance and they
did not bark. They saw geese and ducks. Between the island and the
coast of Cuba they found such a narrow passage and with so many whirl-
pools and so much foam, that many times the ships grounded: these whirl-
pools continued xl miles: and the water was so white and thick that it
appeared as if flour was scattered all through it. Ixxx miles beyond the
The '' Libretto " 499
whirlpools they found a very high mountain where they landed some men
to get water and wood. An archer who had walked into a forest met a
man clothed in white down to the ground who was upon an eminence be-
yond him, without his seeing him. In the beginning he believed it was a
friar whom they had with them in the ship. But suddenly behind this
man there appeared two others clothed in the same manner. And looking
thus, he saw a band of about xxx, seeing whom, he suddenly commenced
to fly. And those people went behind him making signs for him not to fly,
but he the more quickly succeeded in reaching the ship: and made the
Admiral imderstand what he had seen, who sent many men on land by
different ways: but no one was able to find anything. They saw many
clove-gillyflowers hanging from the trees and many other spice trees.
Going forward they found many other people of different languages, whom
the people from the island of Spagnola who were with the Admiral, did
not understand. And coasting along this land of Cuba, they entered the
gulf more and more every day ; now to the south ; now to the south-west :
and passing through the sea ftill of islands and many coasts so that more
times the ships grounded and the water entered: and spoiled sails, shrouds
and biscuit, and they were obliged to return by the way that they came.
And because in going they had made friendship with all the people, in
returning they were well received; and in this manner they reached the
island of Spagnola.
** CHAPTER XVI
** Where they found that a Monsignor Margarita and many other gentle-
men had departed, being angry with the Admiral: and had returned to
Spain. And the Admiral also decided to come, doubting not but they
would speak evil of him to the Most Serene King: and in order to ask for
people and supplies. But first he sought to conciliate some of the King's
people, who were also excited against them [the Spaniards] because of the
insolences and thefts, rapine and murders which the Spaniards committed
before their eyes: and first he reconciled and made friends with a King
Guarionexio: and married the sister of the King to a man of the island
whom he had taken on his first voyage and made his interpreter. After-
wards he went to the mountain where he had built the fortress called S.
Thomaso, which having already been besieged by a King xxx days, he
delivered it, and took that King who besieged his fortress. And he also
resolved to go farther subjugating those Kings; but he heard that the na-
tives were dying of hunger and that already an infinite number were dead:
and this by their fatdt because in order that the Christians might suffer,
they had dug up the roots of which they make bread and sustain them-
selves; thinking that for this reason the Christians must abandon the
island, but the evil did not affect them because our people were assisted
with provisions, by the King Guarionexio, as in his country there was not
such need. And for this reason the Admiral reHnquished the journey
commenced. And in order that his people might have more means of
defence in that island for all occasions, be built between the fortress of San
500 Christopher Columbus
Thomaso and the Kingdom of the King Guarionexio, another fortress upon
a mountain, and called it La Conceptione. The islanders, seeing that the
Christians intended to maintain that island, sent Ambassadors from differ-
ent parts to the Admiral, entreating him by the love of God, to bridle his
people, who under pretext of finding gold, went through the island and
worked a thousand evils; offering to give them tribute of those things
which were foimd in their provinces: aijid thus it was concluded and
agreed. The inhabitants of the mountains supplying the gold, obliged
themselves to give every three months, which they call every three moons, a
certain measure full of gold, and to send it to the town. The others where
the spice and cotton grew obliged themselves to give a certain quantity of
that.
** CHAPTER XVII
'* Yet this agreement was broken because of hunger; because their roots
failing, they underwent great labour going all day through the forests search-
ing for something to eat; yet some kept it: and at the time agreed they
brought part of the obligation, excusing themselves from the remainder : and
they promised that as soon as they were able to recover themselves, they
would pay double. At this time there was found in the mountains which sup-
plied gold a piece of gold of xx ounces, by a certain King who lived a long
way from the bank of the river, which piece of gold was also carried to
Spain to the Most Serene Sovereigns, as many people saw it. Fields of
cabbages were found and many other useful things. And because many
wondered saying how the caravels went to Spain loaded with cabbages, as
they should sooner go loaded with gold, there being such a quantity of it,
— to this the Admiral replied that although a large quantity might be
found compared with other places, nevertheless it was not gathered without
great fatigue, and that the men he had with him were indisposed to undergo
fatigue: and more addicted to idleness and lasciviousness, not disposed to
the pacification of countries and rather scandalous : and by their evil habits
they rebelled against this same Admiral. And more than this, the men of
the island, whom they knew to be of a barbarous nature, were tmsubdued,
and much more irritated by the bad behaviour of the Spaniards.. So that
up to the present time the profit hardly equals the expenditure. Never-
theless in this year 1501, they have in two months gathered 1200 lbs. of
gold of viii oimces per lb.: and other revenues and profits, as we shall say
hereafter, if it pleases God, without being diverted from our purpose. In
that year there came such a fury of wind that the trees were uprooted and
carried into the air, and three ships of Columbtis which were in port were
submerged : and the water increased so much that it rose over all the land
more than a fathom. Wherefore the islanders thought that the Christians
were the cause, because of their sins, as they had come to disturb their
tranquil life. Because there was not any one who had ever seen or heard
of a similar thing. The Admiral having come to the port, immediately
caused two caravels to be built, as he had with him very skilful builders.
The '' Libretto '* 501
*' CHAPTER XVIII
** In the meantime he sent Bartholomew Columbus his brother, whom
he had constituted Captain of the island, with some men well armed and
trained, to the mines of metal in the moimtains where they dig the gold,
which are 60 leagues distant from the fortress Isabella, in order to thor-
oughly investigate the nature of those places. The said Captain, — or Ade-
lantado, as he is called in his language, — having gone, found very deep and
old caves, from whence it is judged King Solomon dug his treasure, as may
be read in the Old Testament. The masters whom the Captain had with
him, surveying the surface of the land over these caves, saw that it ex-
tended about 16 miles, and judged that there was a sufficient quantity of
gold so that each master might easily dig three oimces of gold every day.
Of which, the Captain immediately informed the Admiral, who having
heard it, resolved to return to Spain. First he constituted his brother
Captain and Governor of the island, and he departed at the beginning of
March, 1495. for Spain. In the meantime, the Captain who remained,
called Adelantado, by advice of the Admiral, his brother, built a fortress
near the caves of gold aforesaid: and called it Aurea, because in the earth
of which they made the walls they found gold mixed. He spent three
months in building and in constructing implements for labour and in gather-
ing gold: but himger disturbed him and he was constrained to leave the
work incomplete: and he departed from there and left x men to guard
the fortress with as much as he could spare of the bread of the island, and a
dog to catch rabbits. And he returned to the fortress of La Conceptione in
the month that Guarionexio and Manicantexio, the Kings, were to pay the
tribute. And remaining there all June he received the entire tribute from
these two Kings: and the things necessary for the maintenance of himself
and his people who were with him, who were about 400 men.
** CHAPTER XIX
"And about the first of July three caravels arrived with com, oil, wine,
pork and beef salted, all of which things were divided and each one given
his portion. By these said caravels the Most Serene Sovereigns of Spain
sent a command to their men who were on the island that they must go and
dwell in the central part, nearest to the caves of gold: and that they must
send to Spain all the Kings of the island who had killed Christians, with
their subjects. And the orders being ftilfilled, 300 islanders were taken
with their Kings and sent to the Most Serene Sovereigns. And also to-
wards the southern part of the island, according to the command, they built
on a hill near a very good and beautiful harbour a fortress which they called
San Domenico; because on Stmday they arrived there. Into the harbour
flows a river of very healthful waters, with a great abundance of different
kinds of fish; upon which river the ships sailed 12 miles towards the
fortress Aurea. In the fortress Isabella they left only the sick and some
builders who were building two caravels. All the rest came to this fortress
502 Christopher Columbus
of San Domenico. After having built this fortress, the Captain left xx
men to guard the said fortress and departed with the remainder to go and
explore the interior of the island towards the west.
*' CHAPTER xx
"And having started on the way he found the river Naiba, 120 miles
distant, which, as has been said above, descends from the southern side of
the mountains which supply gold. And having passed that, he sent two
Captains with some people into the province of some Kings in the Southern
part; who had many forests of brazil-wood, of which they cut a great
quantity and put them in the houses of those islanders to keep until they
returned to take them with ships. And thtis exploring, the said Captain
on the right hand, not far distant from the river Naiba, found a powerful
King who had established a camp in order to subjugate the people of these
places. But the kingdom of this King is on the summit of the island, to
the west, which is called Saragna, 30 leagues distant from the river Naiba.
The country is mountainous and rough, and all the Kings of that region
render him obedience. The Captain, going forward, came to parley with
this King, so that he induced him to pay a tribute of cottons, hemp and
other things which they had, becatise gold is not found in that region.
And after having made the agreement, they went in company to the house
of that King, where they were highly honoured; and all that people came to
meet them with great feasting, and among others were these two spectacles.
The first that there came to meet them were 30 beautiful young women
of the King, all naked, except the private parts which they had covered
with a certain cotton cloth, according to their usage and custom for girls:
but those who are corrupted go with all the body uncovered. Each one
had an olive branch in her hand, all with their hair over their shoulders, but
the forehead bound with a band'. Their colour was olive but very beauti-
ful. Leaping and dancing, they each gave the olive branch which they
carried in their hands to the Captain. Having entered the house, a very
magnificent supper was served them according to their custom, and after-
wards they were all lodged according to the quality of each one. And the
following day they were conducted to a house which they use in place of a
theatre, where many games were performed and quiet dances. After this
there came two troops of men, pne from one side and the other from the
other side, fighting together so fiercely and roughly that they appeared to
be actual enemies ; with darts and arrows ; so that four were killed by it :
and a great number were wounded, and this to give entertainment to the
King, and to the Captain. And more would have been killed, but the
King having given his signal, they ceased immediately.
** CHAPTER XXI
''And the third day he left there and returned to Isabella where he had
left the sick. And he foimd about cc dead from various diseases, because
of which he was ill-pleased: and much more so that he did not see a ship
The ** Libretto '' 503
appear from Spain with provisions, of which he was in great need. At
length they resolved to divide the sick among the castles by the sea-shore.
From Isabella to San Domenico by the direct road from west to north,
they built these castles: First xxxvi miles from Isabella the fortress
Speranza: and xxiiii miles from Speranza, Sancta Catharina: xx miles
from S. Catharina, San lacomo: from San lacomo another xx, La Con-
ceptione : another between La Conceptione and San Domenico they called
Bono Anno, from the name of a King near there. Having left the sick in
these castles they went away to San Domenico collecting their tributes
from those Kings : and remaining thus some days, because of the thefts and
evil behaviour of the Spaniards, many of those Kings rebelled: and made
the King Guarionexio their Captain and had agreed upon certain days to
assault the Spaniards with xv thousand men, armed in their manner:
and the Captain having a presentiment of this, forestalled them: and one
by one, conquered them all; not however without great labour and trouble.
And here we will leave him and rettim to the Admiral Columbus.
** CHAPTER xxii
"The Admiral Columbus the xxviiith day of May, 1498, having
started from the castle of Barameda near Cadiz with eight loaded ships,
went the usual way, by the Forttmate Islands: and this also for fear of
some French corsairs: and he went to the island of the Madeira, and from
there he sent five ships by the said way to the island of Spagnola: and he
kept one ship with him, and two caravels with which he started to sail
towards the south with the intention of finding the Equinoctial line, and
then from there to turn toward the west : and in order to investigate the
nature of some other regions : and he found himself in those regions in the
middle of his joimiey at the Islands of Cape Verde. Departing from there
he sailed to the south-west 480 miles with such fervid heat (as it was the
month of June) that the ships were almost burned : and likewise the casks
burst, so that water and wine and oil flowed out: and the men were raging
on accoimt of the heat, viii days they remained in this distress: and the
first day was serene, the others cloudy and rainy; so that they repented
many times having gone that way. The viii days having passed the
wind commenced to blow from the stem and they went away continuously
to the west, finding the air of a better temperature; so that the third day
they fotmd the air very agreeable. And the last day of July from the
cage of the large ship three very high mountains were discovered. Be-
cause of which thing they rejoiced not a little, as they were ill pleased be-
cause of the water which commenced to fail them by reason of the casks
having burst from the unbounded heat. With the aid of God they ap-
proached land, but the sea being all full of sand-banks they were not able
to reach land. They well understood that the land had many inhabitants ;
because from the ships very fine gardens were seen and meadows full of
flowers which sent very delightful odours as far as the ships. Twenty
miles from there they found a very good harbour but without a river,
504 Christopher Columbus
becatise of which they went farther: and finally found a harbour very well
adapted for shelter and to take water, which they called Ponta de Erena.
They did not find any dwelling near the harbour but many traces of ani-
mals shown by footprints. And the next day they saw come from afar
off a canoe, which is a boat of their kind, or rather a zoppolo of ours, with
xxiiii yoimg men armed with arrows and shields: and they were naked,
only the private parts being covered with a cotton cloth, the hair long.
The Admiral in order to attract them to him catised them to be shown
hawk's bells and bright copper vases, and other similar things; but they,
the more they were called, so much the more stispected being ^deceived,
and continually withdrew themselves the more, all the time regarding our
people with great admiration. The Admiral seeing that they could not
be attracted with these things ordered that in the cage of the ship tam-
bourines, bag-pipes and other instruments should be sounded; and that
there shotdd be singing, to prove if by such allurements they could be
tamed. But they, thinking they might be sounds which invited them to
battle, all immediately took darts and arrows in their hands, thinking that
our people wished to assault them : and having gone away from the larger
ship, trusting to the quickness of their oars, they approached a smalle^r
ship: and they approached so near that the masters of the ship threw a
jacket and a hat to one of them : and by signs they agreed to go ashore to
speak together. But the Master of the ship having gone to ask permission
of the Admiral, they, fearing some deception, put their oars in the water
and went away, so that our people had no other knowledge of this land.
And not very far from there they found a stream of water from east to
west, so swift and impetuous that the Admiral says that never since he has
sailed (which is since his childhood) has he been more afraid. Having gone
somewhat farther in this stream they found a certain passage which appeared
to be the entrance to a harbour where this stream went: and from the
entrance to this passage another terrible stream issued of fresh water,
which joined the salt water. Having entered this gulf they foimd at
length very fresh water and good: and they say that for xxvi leagues
continuously they have found fresh water: and the farther west they
went, the fresher it was. They afterwards found a very high mountain
where they landed and saw many cultivated fields, but they saw neither
men nor houses : and from the west side of the mountain they saw there
were some plains: and by many signs they comprehended that this land
was called Paria, and was great and very populous toward the west. They
took from there in the ship, four men : and they went following that coast to
the westward. One day, drawn by the agreeableness of the place, they
landed a little before day; where they found a greater number of men than
in any other place: and they found Kings, whom they call Cacihi, who
sent Ambassadors to the Admiral with great offers by signs and signals,
inviting them to land. The Admiral having refused to do this, they sent
to the ships a great number of boats with a great multitude of men adorned
with chains of gold in the Oriental manner on the arms and arovind the
The ** Libretto '' 505
neck: and being asked where they gathered those pearls and gold, they
replied by signs that the pearls are found on the shores of the sea near
there. They signified also that they are very easily found in abundance;
also that among them they are not greatly valued: and they offered some
of them to our people. As he wished to remain there some time and as the
com in the ships was spoiling, the Admiral resolved to defer this trade
until another time : and then sent two boat-loads of men on land to inves-
tigate and learn the nature of that place. Having then landed, they were
received very kindly. Every one ran to see them as a miracle. Two of
the natives of more importance than the others came to meet them. One
was old, the other, a young man, was his son. Having saluted them ac-
cording to their custom, they conducted them to a hotise, round in shape,
before which there was a great square. Having entered this house they
caused certain chairs of very black wood and carved with great skill to be
brought, to sit down. And our people having been seated together with
these chiefs, many attendants came all loaded with different kinds of
fruits (unknown to us) and with white and red wines, not from grapes,
because they have no vines, but from different fruits very sweet and
pleasant. Having then taken breakfast in the house of the old man, the
young man conducted them to his house, where many women stayed, all
separate from the men; who all go naked except the private parts which
they cover with certain veils woven in various colours. And being asked
whence they procured what they brought, they replied by signs that it
came to them from certain mountains which they showed: to which our
people ought by no means to go, because men are killed there; but our
people were not able to understand whether they said by wild beasts or by
cannibals. They showed annoyance at not tmderstanding what we said,
and also that they were not understood.
"chapter XXIII
**Our people having then remained on land until mid-day, returned to
the ships with some necklaces of pearls: and the Admiral immediately
started with all the ships, because of the com, which as we have said was
spoiling: and he did this with the intention of retximing another time.
And proceeding forward he continually fotmd less depth of water and for
many days it caused great trouble to the larger ship. And for this reason
they sent forward a smaller caravel with the pltunmet which sounded the
way for the others. Having gone many days in this manner believing this
to be an island and hoping to be able to find a way and return to the north-
ward towards the island of Spagnola, they arrived at a river of xxx
cubits depth and of unheard-of size: from whence, being xviii or xx
leagues wide, a little farther on, yet towards the west but a little more to
the south, as that shore thus engulfed itself, they saw the sea full of grasses,
although it appeared to flow like a river. And over the sea some seeds were
blowing, which seemed to be those of lentils: and the grass was so thick
5o6 Christopher Columbus
that it hindered the sailing of the ship. The Admiral says that here in this
place during all the year there is a very mild air: and that the days all the
year are almost equal and do not vary much. And seeing this gulf almost
impassable and not finding an exit to the north to go to the island of Spag-
nola, he turned his prow where the stem had been, and returned by the
way he had entered. And instead of passing by way of the grasses he took
his straight course to the north. Some say that this may be the mainland
of India. Nevertheless the Admiral did not find another cape: but having
returned somewhat backward to the north, choosing his way with the aid
of God, he arrived at the island of Spagnola, according to his fixed purpose,
the xxviiith of August, 1498.
"chapter xxiiii
"The Admiral Columbus having arrived at the island of Spagnola found
everything in confusion: and a Roldano who had been his favourite, with
many other Spaniards, had rebelled. And the Admiral wishing to con-
ciliate him, not only was he not pacified but he wrote to the Most Serene
Kings so much evil of the Admiral as it is never possible to tell : and also of
his brother who remained Captain in governing the island of Spagnola.
Accusing him of being wicked, dishonest in every way, very cruel and un-
just; because for every little thing he caused men to be hanged and killed:
and that they were haughty, envious and full of intolerable ambition: and
because of this cause they had rebelled against them, as against wild beasts
which enjoy shedding human blood : and they were enemies of his govern-
ment as they do not seek anything else than to usurp the rule of the island.
These argued on the supposition that they did not permit any one save
their favourites to go to the caves of gold. The Admiral likewise informed
the Most Serene Sovereigns concerning the nature of these gluttons and
thieves : declaring also that they occupied themselves only in ravishings
and assassinations: being thoroughly unbridled, for which reason they
feared to be punished if they did not rebel: and they went through the
island violating, robbing and killing: given all day to sleep, idleness and
lechery, and that for delight they went hanging the poor men of that
island. And while these accusations were made the Admiral sent to con-
quer one who had rebelled who was called the King of Cigiani, who had
about six thousand men all armed with bows and arrows, but naked: and
they have their bodies painted in various colours from head to foot, grouped
in various ways: These after much trouble were conquered and made to
render obedience.
"chapter xxv
"In the meantime the Very Serene Sovereigns received the letters of
the Admiral and his enemies and seeing that because of this dissension,
little utility was derived from such a quantity of gold, they sent their own
Governor, who was to inquire who was in error; to punish them or to send
them to Spain that they might be punished: And this Governor having
arrived at the island of Spagnola, by subomment and fraud of those wicked
The ** Libretto " 507
Spaniards and also by reason of the great envy he felt toward the Admiral
and his brother, resolved to take the Admiral and his brother, who were
sent to Spain in irons. And they having arrived at Cadiz, the Most Serene
Kings hearing this, ordered them set at liberty: and willingly caused them
to go to Court, where they are yet found at the present time.
** CHAPTER XXVI
** After the Admiral Columbus came into such reproach, many of his
pilots and sailors who had been with him continually on the aforesaid
navigations, resolved among themselves to traverse the ocean to discover
new islands: (and having obtained permission from their dear master)
they fitted out ships at their own expense : and they departed by different
ways with orders not to approach within 1 leagues of where the Admiral
had been: and one Pietro Aldnso, called the Negro,^ with a caravel armed
at his expense, started towards the south and arrived at that land called
Paria, of which we have already made mention above, where the Admiral
f otmd an abundance of pearls : and going 1 leagues farther forward along
the coast, in order to obey the Sovereigns, he arrived at a province called
Curtana by the inhabitants, where he found a harbour similar to that of
Cadiz. Having entered this harbour he saw a town of Ixxx houses and
having landed he found 50 naked men, who did not belong at that place
but at another very populous place iii miles from there ; with whom they
exchanged hawks* bells and other trifles: and in exchange he received
from them (although in the beginning they resisted) xv ounces of pearls
which they wore at the neck, after many prayers: and the following day
he took the ship and went to their town. Having arrived there, all the
people, who were infinite in number, ran to the shore with gestures and
signs, praying them to land: but the Negro Alonso (seeing such a multi-
tude) was afraid to disembark: also because they were not more than
xxxiii men; but by signs he made them understand that if they wished
to buy something they mast go to the ship, Therefore a great number of
them with their zoppoli,' carrying with them a quantity of pearls, went to
the ship; so that for some little trifles which were worth little money, they
received from them 50 lbs. of pearls. But after Alonso, the Negro, saw
them so mild, and after remaining there 20 days, he resolved to land, where
he was received very kindly. Their dwellings are made of wood, covered
with palm leaves, and their common food is shell-fish, from many of which
they extract pearls. They have stags, pigs, boars, rabbits, hares, pigeons,
turtle doves in great abundance. The women raise geese and ducks like
ours. In their forests there is an abundance of peacocks, not as well
feathered as ours, as the male is hardly different from the female. They
have pheasants in abundance. These people are very fine marksmen.
They send the arrow precisely where they wish. In that place Alonso, the
Negro, with his company during the time he remained, conquered them.
' Pero Alonzo Nifio, whose first voyage was from the summer of 1499 to April
1500. He was pilot of the Santa Maria on the voyage of discovery.
^ Canoes made from single logs of wood.
5o8 Christopher Columbus
They got loaves of bread for four nails each: for one, a pheasant: also
turtle doves, geese, pigeons. They spent also as money, glass rosaries and
needles. And asking by signs and gestures for what purpose needles were
used, replies were made in the same manner by gestures, to take care of the
teeth and to take thorns from the feet, because they go barefoot. And for
this reason the natives valued needles greatly. But above all the hawks*
bells pleased them. And having gone somewhat farther into the island,
they saw forests of very high and thick trees where they heard the roaring
of animals, which filled that country with strange noises. Nevertheless
they judged them not to be dangerous animals. And this because those
people went in safety, almost naked through those forests without any
fear, with their bows and arrows. They had, when it pleased them, stags
and boars as many as they wished. They have neither oxen nor goats nor
sheep: they use bread of roots and millet, almost like the people of the
island of Spagnola. They have black and coarse hair and half curled, but
long. And in order to have white teeth they keep in the mouth continually
a certain herb. And when they throw it away they wash the mouth. The
women attend more to agriculture and to household matters than the men :
but the men occupy themselves with htmting, games and feasts and other
amusements. They have pipkins, pans, vases and other similar vessels of
earth, bought in other provinces. They have among themselves fairs and
markets, where all the other neighbours gather and bring different mer-
chandise according to the variety of the province: and they barter and
exchange one thing for another as they please. They have birds and other
animals which they keep and domesticate for their amusement; which
wear collars of gold and pearls. But they do not find that gold in that
province, but they get it by barter from another province; which gold is
of the same purity as that of the Royal gold florin. The men wear a skin
in place of breeches and the women wear similar, but the greater part of
the time they stay in the house. Those people being asked by signs and
gestures if at the end of that coast the sea is» found, showed that they did
not know; but by the kinds of animals which are found in those regions,
the Spaniards firmly believe it to be the mainland : and also much more so
because they have sailed along this coast to the west more than 4000 miles,
and never have found the end, neither any sign of the end. And then the
natives being asked from what place they get that gold and from what part
it came, they made them understand that it came from a province called
Canchiete distant from there vi days* journey towards the west.
** CHAPTER XXVII
"Whither, Alonso the Negro resolved to go. And about the first of
November, 1500, he arrived there at this Canchiete; where he arrived with
the ship: (it having suddenly been seen) the people of the country came
to the ship without any fear: and brought what gold they then had, al-
though it was little and of the quality aforesaid. They fotmd many
beautiful parrots of many colours. The air was very mild there without
The ** Libretto '' 509
any cold: and it was in the month of November. That people are ver}^
good-natured. They are without any suspicion. All the night with their
boats they came to the ship in security as if in their house : but they are
jealous of their women, whom they compel to remain behind: and many
remained. They have also a great quantity of cotton which from its
planting grows without any culttire; from this cotton they make their
breeches. After having left there and travelled along this coast more
than X days, he saw a most beautiful place with houses, also many castles
with rivers and gardens; so that he never saw a more beautiful place.
Wishing to disembark in this place, there came to meet him more than
2000 men armed according to their custom ; who in no way in the world
desired peace or friendship or any agreement. They showed a very great
rudeness and more, they appeared almost savages; notwithstanding that,
they were fine men and very well proportioned, their bodies brown in colour
and unusually lean. For this reason, Alonso the Negro satisfied with what
he had foimd, resolved to return by the way he had come.
** CHAPTER XXVIII
"And sailing thus, with the aid of God, he arrived at the province of the
pearls, called Ciuiana, where they then remained xx days for pleasure.
And in a place not far distant from the province, before arriving there,
they met xviii Zoppoli,' or canoes, or boats of the cannibals, who are the
people who live on human flesh. These cannibals having seen the ship
boldly attacked it, and surrotmding it, with their bows and arrows com-
menced to fight: but the Spaniards with their cross-bows and bombards
frightened them greatly, so that they all commenced to fly. And they
with the boat armed followed them, so that they took one of their boats;
from which many of those cannibals threw themselves into the water and
escaped by swimming; but they took only one, who was not able to es-
cape; who had three men tied by the hands and feet, as he wished to eat
them as he wanted. When our people understood this they untied the
bonds and bound the cannibal, and gave him into the hands of the prisoners
for them to take what vengeance pleased them : and the latter immediately
with fists, kicks and sticks gave him so many blows that they left him
almost dead, remembering that he had eaten their companions: and the
following day likewise he wished to eat these others: and furthermore
being asked about their customs they said that these cannibals were mak-
ing incursions through all those islands and all those provinces, and that
as soon as they land they make a palisade with poles and go stealing. In
this province of the pearls there are very large salt pits : and they say that
when a man of note dies, they put him upon a certain support under which
they make a certain slow fire : so that little by little all the flesh falls away
and nothing remains except the skin and bone ; thus they preserve him to
his honour. And the xiiith day they left this province to come to Spain
with 96 lbs. of pearls of viii ounces per lb., bought at an expense of very
* Here in the original it is spelled Zoppuli
5IO Christopher Columbus
few pennies. In xvi days they arrived in Galitia. The pearls which
they brought are Oriental, although not well pierced: and by what many
merchants who already know them say, they are of little value.
*' CHAPTER XXIX
"Vincentianes called Pinzone and Aries his brother, who were with
Columbus on his first voyage, in 1499 fitted out iiii caravels at their own
expense: and the xviiith of November they started from Palos to go
and discover new islands and lands. In a short time they were at the
Canary Islands: and afterwards successively at the Cape Verde Islands;
from whence they started and having taken the way to the south-west,
they sailed with that wind 300 leagues. In which journey they lost the
north star, when (as soon as lost) they were attacked by a very terrible
tempest of the sea with rain and very fierce wind. Nevertheless following
their way continuoxisly to the south-west, not without apparent danger,
they went forward 240 leagues and the xxth of January at a distance they
saw land. Approaching this land, all the time they found less depth of
water. They threw the sounding line and found xvi fathoms of water:
and finally having reached land they disembarked: and remaining there
two days, where no one ever appeared, they departed by day and having
gone farther forward, they saw at night many lights which appeared to
be a camp of armed people. Towards this light they sent xxv men
well armed and ordered them not to make any noise. These men having
gone and having understood that there was a great multitude of people,
they did not wish to disturb them in any way : but they resolved to await
the morning and then learn who they might be. The morning having
dawned, at sunrise they sent on land xxxx armed men. As soon as they
were seen by that people, the latter sent to meet our people 32 men armed
according to their manner with bows and arrows : tall men and with stem
faces and of cruel appearance: and they did not cease to threaten the
Spaniards, of whom, the more they flattered them, the more disdainful
they showed themselves, and never desired either peace or concord or
friendship with them. Therefore, for the time, they returned to the ship
with the intention of fighting with them the following morning; but they,
as soon as the night fell, arose naked and went away. The people of the
ship surmised that they might be people who go roving about, like gypsies,
or Tartars, who have no houses of their own, but go here to-day, to-morrow
there, with their wives and children. But the incensed Spaniards went
following their traces for some time, and found in the sand their foot-
prints to be much larger than ours, indeed twice as large. Sailing farther
forward they found a river but not of sufficient depth so that the caravels
could float there. For this reason they sent on land four armed boats from
the ships; which having reached land, armed, encountered there an in-
numerable ntunber of naked people, who by signs and gestures showed
themselves very desirous of trading with our people. But the Spaniards
seeing such a crowd did not feel themselves secure in approaching. But
The ** Libretto'* 5"
as best they cotild they threw them a hawk's bell and in exchange the
others threw otir people a piece of gold. One of the Spaniards having
landed to take the gold, suddenly a number from that crowd threw them-
selves upon him, wishing to take him: but he defended himself with his
sword, not being able to oppose the great ntunber, since those people did
not think it anything to die. Accordingly all the men from the fotir boats
jtmiped on land and eight Spaniards were killed: and the others made a
great flight to escape and withdraw to the boats, neither did it profit them
to be armed with lances and swords as these people, however many of
them might be killed, did not care; but always bolder they followed them
into the water, so that finally they took one of the four boats and killed
the Captain. The rest had the good fortune to escape with the other three
boats, and to reach the ship and make sail and get away from there. And
thus for the time they were ill pleased. And they took their way to the
north, as thus extends that coast.
''chapter XXX
** Having gone 40 leagues they fotmd the sea to consist of fresh water:
and investigating to find from whence this water came they fotmd a passage
[mouth] which for fifteen miles rushes out into the sea with very great
force. Beyond which passage there were many islands inhabited by mild
and pleasing people and there they did not find anything for which to
traffic. They took 36 slaves, since they foimd nothing else to bargain for,
with profit. The name of this province is called Marinatambal. Those
people of the islands said that inland on the mainland a great quantity of
gold was fotmd. After having left this river, in a few days they discovered
the north star which was almost on the horizon, having accomplished fifty
leagues, according to their calctilation. They say they always coasted
the land of Payra, because afterwards they came to the mouth called the
Dragon, which is an outlet and which is in the land of Payra: the Admiral
passed through some islands there, which are situated off the coast of this
country in great number, where they fotmd a great quantity of brazil-
wood with which they loaded their ship. Of these islands many were
tminhabited for fear of the cannibals. And they saw an infinite number of
ruined houses and many men who fled to the mountains. They found also
many Cassia FisttUa trees, some samples from which they carried to Spain,
and the physicians who saw them said that they would have been of the
best quality if they had been gathered at the proper time. And there
also are very tall and large trees, such as six men would not be able to en-
circle. They also saw there a new animal almost monstrous, with the
body and muzzle of a fox, and the rump and hind feet of an ape, and the
fore feet almost like those of a man, the ears like a bat, and under the belly
it has another belly outside, like a pocket, where it hides its young after
birth ; and never lets them come out until such time as they may be able
to feed themselves and excepting when they wish to suckle. One of these
animals together with its young was carried from Seville to Granada to
512 Christopher Columbus
the Very Serene Sovereigns. Nevertheless the yoting died in the ships
and the old one in Spain; which being thus dead were seen by many differ-
ent persons. These two Vincentianes affirm that they sailed along the coast
of Payra more than 600 leagues and do not doubt that it is the mainland,
but are almost certain of it.' Having left Payra they came to the island
of Spagnola the twenty-third of June, 1500. And from there they say they
went continuously towards the west more than fotu* hundred leagues in a cer-
tain province; where the four caravels they had were attacked by a tempest
in the month of July, so that two were submerged, one broken, and which
discotu-aged and disheartened the men more than anything else. The
fourth remained firm and strong, but not without requiring a little labour,
as they had already lost all hope of safety. And in this condition he saw
one of their ships floating with the stream: as she had few men, who,
thinking they would be submerged, threw themselves on land, and re-
mained there in very great doubt and fear of being badly treated by those
people. They deliberated at first among themselves about killing each
other: and thus remained in vacillating and imhappy thoughts about eight
days. After the weather had become fair they saw their ship which sur-
vived with only eighteen men : and they went on board and together with
the other ship that was safe, they made sail for Spain, where they arrived
the last day of September. After these [Vincentianes] many others have
sailed on expeditions toward the south and have gone continuously along the
coast of the country Payra more than five thousand miles : and never have
found any end to it as would be the case were it an island : and because of
this each one thinks that it is manifestly the mainland. From which there
has recently been brought cassia of great perfection, gold, pearls, brazil-
wood of the aforesaid kinds, pepper and cinnamon, wild herbs, plants, trees,
animals of strange and different kinds, which we have not.
''Finis''
"table
** Chapter I. About Columbus and how the Most Serene Sovereigns of
Spain fitted out iii ships for him.
** Chapter II. How Columbus started and sailed many days and found
unheard-of islands.
** Chapter III. How Columbus arrived at the two large islands, — that
is Zouanna Mela and Spagnola.
** Chapter IIII. How Columbus tamed the people of the island of Spag-
nola : and of the condition of the said island.
*' Chapter V. About the customs of the cannibals.
*' Chapter VI. About the customs of the islanders of the island of
Spagnola.
*' Chapter VII. How Columbus resolved to return to Spain: and to
leave men on the island to make explorations.
' The table of contents shows that it was intended to have a chapter xxxi., and
it doubtless should begin at this point.
The ** Libretto'' 513
'* Chapter VIII. How Coltunbus rettimed to Spain: and was received
with great honotir by the Very Serene Sovereigns: and how he prepared a
new fleet to return to his voyage : and they called him Admiral.
'* Chapter IX. How the Admiral started with xvii ships and return-
ing to the islands found the islands of the cannibals and the other different
islands.
'* Chapter X. How the Admiral returned to the island of Spagnola
where he found his men, whom he had left there, dead.
** Chapter XI. How the Admiral sent his brother to search for the
King who had killed his men, and various things which befell him.
*' Chapter XII. How those men who searched for the King for ven-
geance, having found the rivers of gold and other things, returned to the
Admiral to inform him of it.
** Chapter XIII. How the Admiral commenced to build a town or
rather a castle and sent to explore the island.
** Chapter XIIII. How the Admiral started on the way to find the
mines of gold : and built the fortress of San Thoma.
** Chapter XV. How the Admiral started with three ships to discover
other new islands: where he found marvellous things.
** Chapter XVI. How the Admiral returned to the island of Spagnola:
and made all those Kings tributary.
** Chapter XVII. How many Kings rebelled because of the bad be-
haviour of the Spaniards : and about a great tempest that came.
** Chapter XVIII. How the Admiral sent his brother to the mines of
gold: where he built a fortress called Aurea: where after being constrained
by himger only iiii men remained, the others having returned to Isabella.
"Chapter XIX. How three ships arrived from Spain with supplies:
and with some commands that they should dwell at the caves of gold and
send to Spain the Kings who had killed the Christians.
** Chapter XX. How the Captain left in the fortress Aurea xx men:
and with the remainder went through the island: and made tributary to
him that great King, who also made many festivities.
** Chapter XXI. How the Captain returned to his fortress to see his
men again: and how many Kings rebelled because of the bad behaviour
of the Spaniards, and how all the Kings were conquered.
** Chapter XXII. How the Admiral left Spain to take his way again,
went and found new islands and a variety of people and cotmtries, where
they were very well received and caressed.
** Chapter XXIII. How the Admiral after having received many
caresses and gifts from those people went to the island of Spagnola.
"Chapter XXIIII. How the Admiral found the island of Spagnola
badly disposed: as many Spaniards had rebelled: and had written great
evil about the Admiral to the King.
"Chapter XXV. How the King of Spain having heard of the disturb-
ance on the island sent a governor, who afterwards sent the Admiral and his
brother in irons to Spain : and having arrived at Cadiz they were Uberated.
VOL. II.— 33.
SH Christopher Columbus
*' Chapter XXVI. How Alonso the Negro, a companion of the Admiral,
sailing, found new islands and unheard-of countries with different customs.
"Chapter XXVII. How Alonso the Negro went to Canchiete: and
other very beautiful places : and about the customs of different nations.
'* Chapter XXVIII. How Alonso the Negro left there, having found
places with many pearls, to go to Spain: and how he fought with cannibals
and conquered.
"Chapter XXVIIII. How Pinzone, a companion of the Admiral,
sailing in order to find similar new islands: and found various peoples:
and how he fought with some.
"Chapter XXX. How Pinzone arrived at the sea of fresh water: and
found a variety of islands, animals, trees and different things.
"Chapter XXXI. How Pinzone went to the island of Spagnola and
from there sailed to the west: and after a great tempest returned to Spain.
" Here ends the Little Book in regard to all the navigations of the King
of Spain to the islands and newly discovered lands. Printed in Venice by
Albertino Vercellese of Lissone, April lo, 1504.
" With Grace and Privilege.**
CHAPTER LXXXXVII
SABELLICUS
There was published at Venice, in the month of October
in the year 1504, six months after the publication of the Lib-
retto, a continuation of his history of the world composed by
Marcus Antonius Coccio Sabellicus. It was entitled:
'*Secvnda Pars Enneadvm Marci An-
tonii Sabellici ab Inclinatiane
Romani Imperii vjqve ad An
nvm M. D, IIII cum Epito^
me Omnivm Liborum
et Indice Litte^*
rarum Ordif
ne Digger
stor
The above title occurs on the recto of aai; on the verso of
folio CXCI (unmarked by signature) is the colophon (all on one
line):
*' Imprejfum Venetiis per Magistrum Bernardinum Vercellenfem Anno M,D.
IIII Die XX Octobrisr
The book is a large folio 59 lines to a ftdl page, six leaves of
synopsis and index, and 191 numbered leaves; on the verso of
the last are the colophon and registrum.
Marcus Antonius Coccio Sabellicus was a native of Vicovaro,
where he was bom about the year 1436. Vicovaro was in the
ancient territory of the Sabines, and it thus came about that
otir author distinguished himself, or permitted himself to be
distinguished, by the old form of the name of the Sabines.'
» Sabellicus is said by Paulus Jovius, in his Elogia Doctorum Virorum, to have
been the son of a farrier or blacksmith, and to have taught a school at Tivoli before
515
5i6 Christopher Columbus
He was the librarian of St. Marco, and Ferdinand Coltimbus,
followed by Htimboldt, justly names him the Titus Livy of his
time. His great work, entitled Enneades ab Orbe Condito ad
Inclinationem Romani Imperii, is a r^sumi of the history of the
world from its creation until the year of our Lord 1504. It is
composed in the form of Enneades, each, as the word suggests,
consisting of nine books. There are eleven in all, but the last
has only two books. The first seven take the work to the cap-
ture of Rome by the Goths and the succession of Theodosius
n. as Emperor of the East on the death of his father, Arcad-
ius, in the year 408. This book was printed at Venice by
Bemardinus Venetus and Matthaeus Venetus associated to-
gether under the name Li Albanesoli, in the year 1498.' In
he had grown a beard. He attended the lectures of Pomponius Laetus at Rome, who,
on admitting him into his academy, gave him the name of Sabellicus. Sabelli, the
most ancient name of the Sabine people, was contracted from Sabinuli from Sahini.
It is so used by Virgil, Georgica, 2, 167, and by Horace, SatircB, 11, i, 36; Epistol(B, i,
16, 49. He again taught school at Udine near Aquileia. From there he went to lec-
ture on philology in the city of Vicenza, and from there it was a natural and easy
advancement to Venice, whither he was called by the Senate to write the history of
the ancient city. Julius Caesar Scaliger, the father, has severely criticised his En-
neades, or imiversal history, charging him with publishing or suppressing things for
money, and these charges are embodied in five Latin lines:
** Venalis item penna Sabellii latronis.
Qui dat, adimitque, ut libitum, cuique quod vult.
Falf a qui rogatus, undenam tot eflet aulus ?
Monftrans Venetum perditus aureum nomifma,
Te, inquit, quoque lux haec faceret loqui fi haberes."
** The hired Sabellicus a venal pen must use,
Who gives and takes from whomsoe'er he choose.
When asked how dare he be so passing bold
And publish lies in each Enneas told.
The villain answers, 'T is a golden ducat —
And the same would buy you, were *t in your pocket."
Paulus Jovius also criticises Sabellicus, not for inserting falsehoods and with-
holding facts, but for so crowding a multitude of memorable events into a single
volume that these heaped-up things have not their true proportions, sed exiguis tan-
tum punctis & lineis annotate designentur. He is said to have been gifted with a
peculiar power of vision, similar to that attributed to the Emperor Tiberius, enabling
him to distinguish objects in the dark; and Paul Freherus, in his Theatrum Virorum,
asserts that at night without a candle he could see his books as he walked about his
library.
Paulus Jovius declares that Sabellicus miserably died of the Gallic disease at the
age of seventy, which would make him survive the publication of the last portion of
the Enneades but two years.
' This is the only issue from the press of these printers, and thus has a biblio-
graphical value aside from its historical claims. Examples of both parts, 1498 and
1504, are in the Lenox Library and also in the Author's collection. There are two
Sabellicus
517
October, 1504, Bemardinus Venetus de Vitalibus printed the
second part of this work, beginning with the first book of the
9«
E L O G I A
M. Ant. Coccius Sabellicus.
eighth Enneas, after the fall of the Roman Empire, and con-
tinuing through to the period in which the book was published.
copies in the British Museum, one of which is imperfect. The book is sufficiently
rare to have escaped the personal observation of writers on Columbian history, and
many have thought that the first part, printed in 1498, contained a biographical
accoimt of Columbus. As this treats of events previous to the fifth century, such an
account would have been out of place.
5i8 Christopher Columbus
It is a wise historian who can place a contemporaneous
event in its true perspective. Accustomed, in his long recital
of the world's affairs, to see a circumstance in the true relation
to its causes, watching the slow imwinding of its movements,
beholding its accomplishment and the multitude of its effects
reaching out into coimtless threads to perform their appointed
work of change and consequence, how should Sabellicus see in
the happy finding of an island in the Western Ocean the most
stupendous incident, with a single exception, falling within his
sweeping view? At the beginning of this secunda pars the
author has placed a synopsis of the principal events recorded
under each book, together with a full index of names and sub-
jects, yet in neither is attention called to Columbus or his dis-
covery by the use of his great name. In the synopsis of Book
Eight in the tenth Enneas is noticed Lusitanorum Longinqua et
Nova Navigatio, which the text discloses as intended to indicate
the first Spanish voyages rather than any made imder the Portu-
guese flag. On the recto of leaf CLXXI begins an account cov-
ering the last six lines of that page and forty-seven lines on the
verso of that leaf.
**Chriftoforus cognomento columbus: uir rei maritimae affuetus:
primus omnium rem temptare eft aufus: is octauo abhinc anno: qui
nonagefimus fecundus fuit fupra millefimum ac quadringentefimtun
humanae falutis: regiun impenfa: cum tribus nauibus profectus Gadibus
ad fortunatus infulas eft primo delatus: Hifpani Canarias uocat: diftant
a Gaditano freto duodecies centum milla paffuum. Infrequens hominum
cultus: caeterum temperies tanta: ut nudi agitent infulanun indigenae.
Hinc claffis digreffa : trium & trigita dieru noctiumcp irrequieta nauigatioe :
in Fauonium tendens: quafdam eft demum infulas adepta: ex his duas
praecipua magnitudine nominibus notarunt Hifpanam hanc dixere: alteri
(omen credo fecuti) Joannae nomen indiderut: huius oram multum diucp
praeteruecti Hifpani: quia finem affequi non contigit: longiorem nauiga-
tionem pertefi: Hifpanam decreto petut: Appulfa hue claffe infulani: qui
ad primum ignotae claffis appulfum refugerant in filuas: & deuia loca:
fpe pacis : nouicp commercii ad littus fenfim pellecti : mirari nouum genus
hominum: mirari naues: & omnia quae in his erant : fecuta inde ridicula per-
mutatio: ingerere illi certatim auru nautis: quum ipfi interim uafa tiitrea
pro auro cupide acciperent: fcorteas ligulas: fpecula aliacp puerilia
oblectameta: mirari omnia gens rudis: ubi aliquid ineffet: artificii & in-
genii: ex auri profufione creditum eft infulam auro abundare: nudi uulgo
agitant: habent regem: coelum adorant: folam & lunam: ut nutu &
fignis uifi funt prae fe ferre: repetita eft non multo poft haec infula fpe
Sabellicus 519
auri: & mvlto maiore claffis apparatu: funtcp in ea aliquot loca com-
munita ab Hifpanis: reperta interim grandia flumina: & in his ramenta
auri: funtcj annuo fpatio ad regem hinc delata mille pondo eiufmodi
metalli. Alit infula ferpentes mirae magnitudinis : fed innoxios: anferes
filueftres : turttires & anates : Hifpanis anferibus ampliores niuali candore :
capite puniceo: habet & pfitacos uirides: croceique colons quofdam:
habet & Indicis fimiles: fert fua fpote Mafticem: Aloen: Gingiberim:
& Cinnama: fed iEthiopicis non conferenda: duo inibi genera arborum
uulgo tiifuntur: pinus & Palmae: diuitie & pceritate tiifenda. Mira funt
nee fine rubore referenda quae de feracitare infulae ab Hifpanis traduntur.
Raphanos lactucas brafficas : qtiindecim dierum fpatio a fatu maturef cere :
pepones & cucurbitas fex & triginta diertun : uitem intra anntun frugiferam
elTe facta: tritictun (ne non oia experirentur) principio Februarii humi
condittun ad idus martias matuniifle. Proceffit Hifpana claffis: Columbi
ductu: ad Canibalum infulas: quae ad bis & terdecies centum millia
paffuum diftant a Gadib?: genus id hominum durum & deteftabile: uef-
citur humanis carnibus: funtcp ob id terrori finitimis: Latrocinium longe
latecp exercent : captiuos mares cum pueris interficiunt : caeforum carnibus
re-centibus &fale refpfis uefcuntur: foeminae ad foeturam feruantur: ex his
genitos ut agnos hedofcp adhuc lactetes diris epulis apponunt : ex horum
fuga: quiun Hifpani uacua domicilia irrupiffent: i manifefta argumenta
corum: quae phama ferebantur: inciderunt. Stabant menfae inftructae:
& in his patinae noftris fimiles pfitacis: phafianarum auitun magnitudine:
hiunanifcp carnibus plenae: pendebat & in proximo htunanum caput: re-
centi adhuc cruore mades. Hac Hifpani infulam Guadalupeam dixere:
a montitmi fimihtudine: qui in Hifpania ftmt ad Guadalupeae uirginus
phanum: multae in hoc tractu infulae: & in his una magnitudine infigni:
ad feptentrionem recedens: quam a mulieribus teneri cognitum eft: hie
more amazonum ad f obolis pcreationem coeunt : iiirilem prolem in uicinas
ablegant infulas: fui fexus ftudio alunt & inftituut: iiim omnem arcent a
fuis littoribus f agittarum multitudine : fie captiuae quaeda mulieres ex Cani-
balis receptae memorabant. Quod fi fie eft non abfurdum fit credere : quod a
ficulo diodoro de ueteri foeminanun regno in his locis agentium proditur in
hiftoriis. Memorabant qui in ea expeditione fuerunt: in Canibalum in-
fulis Decembri menfe obferuatas a fe nidificantes aues: quaedam etiam
tiifae pullos alere: tanta eft locorum temperies: negat inde cerni maiorem
urfam minori ad iacet in qua polus eft mudi : funt inde Hifpana figna ad
occidentem folem: eodem ductu: longe latecj euagata: atque obiter ob-
feruata ad tria millia infularum: nomina feptingentis indita: & in his
unam repertam: quam indigenae lamaicam uocant: Sicilia maiorem.
Enauigata eft interem feptuaginta diebus cubae ora: fie enim terram
uocant: non multum ab Hifpana infula ad occafum repoftam. Caeterum
qtiia extremi fines non funt reperti: continens terra credita eft: plaericj
inde Hifpani generis: regum permiffu: natiib? priuata impenfa inftructis:
phamae cupidi: ac fpe quaeftus alii alia ad meridiem loca fcrutati. Pro-
ceffit Petrus cognomento Alonfus in Curtanam terram: quam iccirco con-
520 Christopher Columbus
tinentem arbitrati funt : quia ad quadragies cetum milla paffuum per oram
eremigata: tota luftrari non pottiit. Indigenae terrae huius nudi agitant:
ex radicibus panem conficiunt: ut in Hifpana infula: nigro capillo &
f ubcrifpo : celebrant choreas : ludunt : ntindinanttir : f agittandi peritiflimi :
tanta uel hominum fimplicitas uel renun copia: ut Hifpani Pauonem
quatemis acubus emerent: duab? phafiana auem: anferem tina: alii in
Aphricu pgrefli in genus hominum inciderunt ntunidajk more uagiun : arcu
& fagittis inftructum: Dayrae eft terrae nomen: quae & ipfa per oram ad
fexagies centiun millia paffuum enauigata : merito cotinens credita eft : ex
his locis arctici poli cofpectus eft Hifpanis omnino ademptus qua coniectura
adducor hos effe quos ueterum plaericp Antipodes dixere: aut certe no
multum ab his diftare/*
** Christopher Columbus, a man of experience in navigation, was the
first who ventured upon the undertaking.
**In the eighth year after this, which was the i492d year of Our Lord,
the funds for the expedition having been furnished by the Sovereigns,
he sailed with three ships from Cadiz; and came first to the Fortunate
Islands, which the Spaniards call the Canaries. They are distant about
1 200 miles from the Strait of Gibraltar. The inhabitants seldom wear
clothing, for the climate is so mild that the natives of the islands generally
go naked.
*' When the ships departed from the Canaries standing to the westward,
after thirty-three days and nights of anxious navigation, they came at
length to certain islands. Two of these, which were larger than the rest,
they designated by Spanish names. One they called Espaiiola, to the
other (having followed some omen, I suppose) they gave the name of
Joanna. The Spaniards sailed along the shores of this a long time, and for
a great distance, but because they did not succeed in finding the end, and
becoming weary of the long voyage, they decided to return to Espafiola.
" On the return of the ships, the natives, who at the first approach of the
strange vessels, had fled to the woods and the wilderness, attracted by the
hope of peace and a new kind of trading, began by degrees to come to the
shore. The strange race of men, the ships and everything on board filled
them with wonder. Soon an amusing change took place in their conduct.
They eagerly poured forth gold on the sailors and enthusiastically ex-
changed their gold for glass vessels, leather straps, mirrors and other child-
ish toys. For a primitive race wonders at every object of art or mechanical
skill. From the great quantity of it which they possessed it was believed
that an abundance of gold was to be found in the island. The natives
commonly go without clothing. They have a king. They worship the
sky, the sun and the moon, as they seem to signify by signs and gestures.
This island was visited again not long afterwards in the hope of finding
gold, — and with a larger fleet better equipped [for exploring] ; and certain
places in it were fortified by the Spaniards. In the mean time large rivers
were discovered; and in the sands of these rivers grains of gold were found.
In the space of one year one thousand pounds of this metal were sent to the
Sabellicus 521
king from this source. The island produces serpents of wonderful size,
but harmless; wild geese, doves and ducks. The geese are larger than
those of Spain, white as snow, with red heads. The island produces also
green parrots, and some of yellow color; some also resembling those of the
Indies.'
" Mastic, aloes, ginger and cinnamon grow wild, but they are not to be
compared with those which are fotmd in Ethiopia. Two kinds of trees are
to be seen everywhere, — pines and palms of great height and of very hard
wood. Many wonderful things, difficult to believe, are related by the
Spaniards about the fertility of this island. Radishes, lettuce, and cab-
bages are full grown fifteen days from the time of planting the seed ; melons
and squashes in thirty-six days; and the vine bears fruit within a year.
Wheat (they have not yet tried to raise everything) sown at the beginning
of February is ripe about the middle of March.
"The Spanish ships, under the command of Columbus, proceeded to the
cannibal islands; which are about 2600 miles from Cadiz. The inhabitants
are a savage and detestable race of men. They feed upon human flesh.
On this account they are regarded with great dread by their neighbours.
They also rob and plunder far and wide. When they take prisoners they
kill the men and boys and feed upon the flesh of the slain, both raw and
sprinkled with salt. They keep the women for breeding; and make the*
children bom of them, while still nursing at the breasts of their mothers,
as if they were lambs or kids, a part of their dreadful feasts. When the
Spaniards had entered their vacant houses, from which the occupants had
fled at their approach, they came upon certain unmistakable proofs of this
practice, which is reported by the general assent of those who were present.
Tables stood there set for a meal; and upon them were dishes like ours,
some full of parrots and of other birds the size of pheasants; and others
filled with htunan flesh. A human head hung near by with blood still
dripping from it. Tliis island the Spaniards called Guadelupe, on account
of the resemblance of its mountains to those which are near the shrine of
St. Mary of Guadelupe, in Spain. There is a great number of islands in
this group, and among them one much larger than the others, extending
towards the north, which is known to be inhabited by women [only].
Here, like the Amazons, they assemble for the procreation of children.
They send away the male children to neighbouring islands; those of their
own sex they support and bring up with great care. They defend their
shores from the invasion of their enemies by the shooting of a multitude
of arrows. [The Spaniards] say that they were told this by certain women
rescued from the cannibals. And if it is true [that they heard it from these
women] it is not unreasonable to believe it ; since the same thing is told by
Diodorus Siculus in his history about the ancient kingdom of women living
in those parts. Those who were in that expedition say that in the Canni-
bal islands birds were seen btdlding nests in the month of December; some
' This allusion to the Indies, the East Indies, shows that the Venetian historian
distinguished between the two countries.
522 Christopher Columbus
also were seen feeding their young broods, — so great is the mildness of the
climate in that region. They say also that the pole of the sky in which the
Great Bear lies close by the Little Bear cannot be seen. From thence
westward the constellations are those seen in Spain. In this same ex-
pedition they explored a large part of this region, and az they passed along,
about 3000 islands were observed. They gave names to 70, and among
these one was found which the natives called Jamaica; it is larger than
Sicily. During this voyage they sailed along the coast of Cuba 70 days
— for thus they call the continent; it lies towards the west not far from
Espaiiola. But because the end of the coast line was not fo.und, the land
is believed to be part of a continent.
'*From this time forward a great many Spaniards, desirous of glory, by
permission of the King fitted out ships at private expense, and in the hope
of gain explored many places towards the south. Pero Alonzo [Nino]
reached the shore of the land of Curtana ; which was believed to be part of
a continent, because, although he sailed along the shore about 400 miles,
he was not able to explore the whole of it. The natives of this land go
naked. They make bread of roots, as they do in Espanola. Their hair is
black and slightly curled; they celebrate festivals by dancing; are fond of
sports and eager for trading; and are very skilful in the use of bows and
arrows. So great is their simplicity or else the abundance of food, that the
Spaniards bought peacocks [guinea hens] at four pins each, pheasants for
two pins, and geese for one.
"Another party advancing towards the south found a race of men
nomadic like the Nimiidians, skilful with the bow and arrow. The name
of the country is Dayra»; and this also they explored along about 600
miles of the shore. And it was believed with good reason to be part of a
continent. Here the Spaniards wholly lost sight of the northern pole; by
which I am inclined to believe that the inhabitants of those parts are they
whom many of the ancients called Antipodes, — at least that they are not far
off from them."
The reader will see how little foundation there is for calHng
this a biographical sketch of the great Genoese. He is simply
alluded to as ** Christopher Columbus by name, a man accus-
tomed to maritime affairs/' He is not even referred to as a
foreigner. We confess to a curiosity as to where Sabellicus
obtained his knowledge of the New World. The Libretto was
published in April, 1504, while Sabellicus published his book
in October of the same year. If he had read the account taken
by Trivigiano from the letters of Peter Martyr, it would seem
that he must have noticed that Columbus was a Ligurian, and
he naturally would have mentioned the fact in his own work.
The account he gives of the voyage of Pero Alonzo (Nifio) is
* Sic for Payra, Paria.
Sabellicus 523
evidently taken from the eighth book of Peter Martyr's First
Decade, describing the voyage to Curiana, which he calls Terra
Curtana. He says, "the Spaniards bought a peacock for four
pins/' which is exactly the language of Peter Martyr in speaking
of the people of Curiana.
By far the most important item of information is the con-
temporaneous declaration of Sabellicus that,
** A great many Spaniards desirotis of glory, by permission of the King,
fitted out ships at private expense and in the hope of gain explored many
places toward the south.*'
It confirms in different language the same fact stated in the
Libretto.
Gomara, in his Historia, printed in 1553, is the next author-
ity in point of time for the sailing of these private expeditions,
but he adds the information that they were private explora-
tions of King Ferdinand. Americus Vespucius distinctly says
that his first voyage was tmdertaken at the command of King
Ferdinand, — ^not tmder authority or for the profit of the Crown
of Castile, — and thus, perhaps, may be explained the strange
fact that the Spanish Archives contain, so far as we know, no
documentary proof of the Florentine explorer's first voyage.
CHAPTER LXXXXVIII
FULGOSUS AND THE " PAESI"
The Doge Baptista Fiilgosus was the author of the following
work, not much known, but which is an essential item in an
American library :
BaptijtcB Fulgosi de dictis facti]
cp memorabilibtis col
lectanea: a Camil
lo Gilino lati
na fa
eta.
[Title recto folio i.]
This is a folio with 366 unnumbered leaves. The colophon,
consisting of thirteen lines, is found on the recto of the last
folio {vLMvi), from which we learn that Jacobus Ferrarius Medi-
olani X kV lulas a Redemptione Christiana Anno M.D, Villi
Impressit: *' Jacobus of Ferrara printed this book at Milan on
the twenty-second of Jime in the year 1509 of the Christian
redemption/* This work of Fulgosus is a most rich omnium
gatherum of historical facts and legends. On the verso of sig-
nature Wii occur two most interesting passages, which close
chapter xi., of Book VIII. The first is a paragraph of twelve
lines, entitled De Cutembergo Argentinensi, devoted to a praise
of Johannes Gutenberg, a citizen of Strasburg, to whom the
world owes the invention of printing, by means of which art, as
Fulgosus says, more can be printed in one day than a pen can
write in a year.' Directly beneath this passage glorifying the
invention of printing happily occurs the passage on the Colum-
bian discovery, and which he crowds into ten short lines. Thus
the greatest two events of the fifteenth century, — the greatest
' Fulgosus tells us that the art was first practised by Johannes Gutenberg (not
at Strasburg, as might be inferred, but at Mayence). Nor was printing begun in
1440, as he says, but probably some ten years later, when the Bihlia Sacra was given
to the world in type, the first book to be printed. The first book printed with a date
was the Psalter of 1457, and was the product of the second Mayence press, that of
524
Fulgosus and the '' Paesi " 525
two events since the beginning of the Christian era, separated
as they were by only two and forty years, — are described to-
gether as if they belonged by themselves to a class of events
whose glory should be shared by no other occurrences.
"De Chriftophoro Columbo.
** Minis etiam nauticae artis ac Cofmographiae effectus ftiitrquem Chrifto-
phonis Columbus natioe genuenfis anno falutisquadringentefimononagefimo
tertio fupra mille oftendit: uno ac triginta diebus in indiS a gadibus p
occeanu profectus: quemadmodum fe factum effe predixerat: & faepius
coram Ferdinando Caftulonenf i rege dif putarat : ei enim tandem rationibus
perfuafit non fieri modo poffe : uerum etiam effe perf acile a gadibus recto
curfu in indiam nauigare: quod tamen ante eum nullus ea breuiore uia
fecerat alius: quan^ perrari quocp illi fuerint q per ethiopiae littora ac
meridionalem occeanum magno tempore ingentibufque periculis uix ad
primes indiae fines peuenerint."
** There also occurred a wonder of the art of navigation and of cosmo-
graphy, which Christopher Columbus, a native of Genoa, displayed in the
year of our salvation 1493 • ^^ going by the ocean from Cadiz into India in
thirty-one days : which thing he had predicted he would do : he had often
debated it in the presence of Ferdinand, the King of the Castilians : for he
had persuaded him with arguments that not only would it be possible but
actually an easy thing to sail into India from Cadiz by a direct route:
which, notwithstanding, no other person before him had attempted a
shorter way : and indeed there were not often found those who had pene-
trated to the extremity of India with a long journey and great dangers
by way of the coasts of ^Ethiopia and the Southern Sea.**
PAESI
1507 Paesi Nouamente Retrotmtt.
Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico
Vesputio Florenthw Intitulato.
[Recto of leaf i .]
Stampato in Vicentia cU la Impensa de AlgrV
Henrico Vicentino: & Diligente Cur a & Indu
stria de Zamaria » Suo Fiol Nel M.CCCCCVII, A
di III de Nouembre,
Cum Gratia &
Privilegio.
[Colophon.]
Johannes Fust and Petrus Schoiffer. The earliest printed book with a date owned
in America is the second edition of this Psalter, printed by Fust and Schoiffer in 1459,
and especially prepared for the church of Saint James in Mayence. It was bought by
Bernard Quaritch, who sold it for about $25,000, to go into a private library in New
York.
' The name of the son was Johannes Maria, as we find from an imprint made by
both father and son in the year 1509. (See Panzer, vol. viii., p. 563.)
526 Christopher Columbus
"with privilege.
** Countries newly found and the new world of Albericus Vesputius called
the Florentine. Printed in Vicenza at the expense of Master Henrictis
Vicentinus and by the diligence, care and industry of his son Johannes
Maria, November 3, 1507. Permission and privilege being granted." '
This book is a small quarto printed in Roman type, with
twenty-eight lines to a full page, six preliminary leaves, followed
by one himdred and twenty leaves not numbered.
This book presents one of the earliest collections of voyages.
It is divided into six books, reproducing accotmts of voyages
which had before been printed:
Libro Prima — Chapters i. to xlviii. — contains the voyage of
Aloysius de Cadamosto to Cape Verde and Senegal, on the coast
of Africa.
Libro Secundo — Chapters xlviii. to Ixi. — includes the voy-
age of Vasco da Gama, extending from July 8, 1497, to July
10, 1500, and that of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, which began on
March 9, 1500, and ended in July, 1501.
Libro Tertio — Chapters Ixi. to Ixxxiiii. — continues the ac-
count of the Cabral voyage.
Libro Quarto — Chapters Ixxxiiii. to cxiiii. — reproduces the
Libretto of Albertino Vercellese, and here the interest it has for
us lies in the printed accotmt of the first three Columbian voy-
ages. While it is simply a second edition of the Libretto, we
may see what delight these descriptions of early voyages gave
their readers, calling for new editions and their insertion in any
collection of the most important voyages.
Libro Quinto — Chapters cxiiii. to cxxv. — contains an accoimt
of the third voyage of Americus Vespucius, ** translated from
the Spanish tongue into the Italian.*'
Libro Sexto — Chapters cxxv. to cxiiii. inclusive — ^presents in
chapter cxxv. a letter from the Portuguese Critico written to
the Venetian Republic concerning the voyage of Cabral; chap-
ter cxxviii. — wrongly numbered — follows with a letter concern-
ing the treaty of peace between the Kings of Portugal and of
Calicut; chapter cxxvi. contains a letter from Peter Pasquaglio,
' A copy is in the Lenox Library. Harrisse finds a difference between the copies
examined by him in this country and those in European libraries, in that the colo-
phon has five lines more in the latter copies. In the former the colophon ends with
the word privilegio. The Carter- Brown example contains the additional five lines.
.-^^
Fulgosus and the '' Paesi " 527
the Venetian Ambassador, giving an account of what was prob-
ably Gaspar Corterears second voyage/ begun in the early
siunmer of 1500, in which he explored the east coast of New-
foundland; chapter cxxvii. gives a letter from Francis de la
Sarta to Pasquaglio * concerning the voyage of John de Nova
to the East Indies, made between March 5, 1501, and Septem-
ber II, 1502; chapters cxxix. and cxxx. give a relation of a
converted native, Joseph Camanor by name, who was brought
by Cabral to Portugal and afterwards exhibited in Rome and
Venice; chapters cxxxi. to cxlii. inclusive contain a description
of Calicut and Carangonor; chapter cxliii. concludes the book
with the letter written by the King of Portugal to Pope Julius
II. concerning the Portuguese discoveries and explorations in
Asia.
Humboldt in his Examen Critique thinks that the author
of this collection of voyages is Alessandro Zorzi, a skilful maker
of maps in Venice. There was found a manuscript note in a
copy of the Paesi preserved in the Magliabecchiana Library ^ to
the effect that Bartholomy Columbus, who had been in Rome
' The letters patent to Cortereal are dated May 12, 1500, and in them is an allu-
sion to a previous voyage which was unsuccessful, by which we may tmderstand that
the expedition did not reach the land or lands for the discovery or exploration of
which it was organised.
* This Pasqviaglio appears to have been of the same family as Lorenzo Pasquag-
lio, whose letter to his brothers Alvise and Francesco, at Venice, written from London,
August 23, 1497, is the earliest recorded accotmt of the first voyage of John Cabot.
History owes much to the activity of the Venetian Ambassadors and the Venetian
merchants employed abroad at the time of the discoveries made in the New World.
3 The present National Library in Florence is the union of the two great Italian
collections known as the Palatina and Magliabecchiana. When the famous Strozzi
library was broken up in 1784, the copy of the Paesi here mentioned went into the
Magliabecchiana.
This example of the Paesi is in two volumes, one marked Conti, the other Alber-
ico. The Conti was at some date removed to the Lauren tian Library, but as its
notes relate only to voyages made to the East, its present location is of no consequence
to us in the present study. The Alberico is composed of two parts, the one contain-
ing printed matter exclusively, the other containing only manuscript additions. Some
of the notes are in the hand of the Abb6 Follini, who was librarian of the Maglia-
becchiana in 1820. There are thirty-five small i2mo pages filled with manuscript
notes, covering four different subjects: First, copies of a letter written by Simon del
Verde the Florentine, from Cadiz in January, 1498, to Mateo Cini, a Venetian mer-
chant, and which we have already reproduced. It relates the return of some ships
which eight months before set out with Columbus on his third voyage. Therefore the
date of this letter should be January, 1499; second: Relation of Bartholomy Colum-
btis on the navigation west and south-west of Veragua in the New World; third: On
the superstitions and customs of the island of Espafiola, written by Messer Zoane de
Strozzi: fourth: Description of discoveries made by Castigliani, in a treatise from
1500 to 1510, by different expeditions in these ten years.
528 Christopher Columbus
in 1505, had given an account of the first voyage of his brother
accompanied by a map of the -first discoveries, to a canon of St.
John of the Lateran/ and which in turn the priest presented in
Venice to Alessandro Zorzi, his friend and compiler of this rela-
tion. Upon the slender foundation of this manuscript note
Humboldt ascribes the compilation of the work to Zorzi. It
would seem that the person making the note simply intended
to say that Alessandro Zorzi gathered the material incorporated
in the inserted manuscript leaves, and perhaps prepared the
charts and maps to serve as illustrations. There is no doubt
as to the identity of the compiler, whose name was Francanzo
da Montalboddo, a learned man and professor of literature in
Vicenze. He was a native, as his name indicates, of Monte
Alboddo. His book is dedicated to Giammaria Angiolello of
Vicenze.^
As we have said, it is in the fourth book and in chapter
Ixxxiii. that the student of American discovery finds his
chief interest. Here the Libretto is copied in describing the
person of Christopher Columbus, and we are told he was of a
lofty stature,^ with a long visage, ruddy in complexion:
*'CoME iL Re de Spagna Armo ii. Nauilii a Col5bo. Cap lxxxiii.
" Chriftophoro Colombo zenouefe homo de alta
& procera ftatura roffo : de grande ingegno & fa
za longa. Seqvdto molto tempo li Sereniffimi Re
de Spagna in qualuncp parte andauauo : procu
rando lo aiutaffero ad armare qualche nauilio :
che fe offeriua attrouare per ponente in fule fini
time de la India : doue e copia de pietre preciofe :
& f pecie : & oro : che f acilmente fe porriano confe
quire. Per molto tempo el Re & la Regina: & tut
ti li primati de Spagna: de cio ne pigliaufilo giocho: & finaliter da
po fette anni: & dapo molti trauagli. Compiaceteno a fua uolunta
* The foremost church in Italy, since it takes precedence of St. Peter's, the first
duty of a new Pope being officially to assume possession of the Lateran Basilica.
* His fame as a scholar, accurate and painstaking, must rest on some other per-
formance than this, for he simply copied verbatim the relations of others and even
perpetuated their errors, as, for instance, where he follows the ludicrous mistake of
the Libretto of 1504 in regard to the island of Zoana-Mela.
3 The adjective "procerus" may well have been applied to a tall soldier or one of
an adventurous life. There were Roman soldiers who received their class-name from
their great size, and we find in a mural inscription one described as Veteranus ex Pro-
cerioribus, a grenadier of a stature to have suited the great King of Prussia.
Fulgosus and the '' Paesi '' 529
& li armano una Naue & doe Carauelle con le quale circha ali pri
mi giomi de Septembre. M.ccccxcii. fe parti da li liti Hifpani & in
cominzo el fuo uiazo."
"Chapter 84.
'How THE King of Spain Fitted out two Vessels for Columbus.
"Chriftopher Columbus, a Genoefe, a man of tall and lof-
ty ftature, and ruddy, of great genius, and with an elongated
face, followed the Moft Serene King & Queen of Spain for a long time,
wherever they went, endeavouring that they fhould aid him in fit-
ting out fome veffels. He offered to find iflands for them to
the weftward, near India, where there is an abundance of pre-
cious f tones, and f pices, and gold which may eafily be obtained
for them. For a long time the King and Queen and all the nobil-
ity of Spain amufed themfelves with this idea : and finally
after feven years and after great efforts, they complied with
his will and fitted out for him a fhip and two caravels with
which, about the firft days of September 1492, he left behind
him the fhores of Spain, beginning his voyage."
VOL. II.— 34.
CHAPTER LXXXXIX
THE **BOOK OF PRIVILEGES"
The Book of Privileges, as compiled in manxiscript at the
instance of the Admiral himself, is one of the most precious of
Columbian relics. While arranging for his fourth voyage, the
Admiral caused the several documents containing his titles,
rights, privileges, concessions, and powers to be copied and
placed together in the form of a book. At the hour of vespers
on the fifth day of January in the year 1502, in the dwelling-
house of Coltimbus in the city of Seville, in the parish of St.
Mary, were gathered the Admiral, Stephen de la Roca and
Peter Ruys Montero, Alcaldes of Seville ; Martin Rodrigues, pub-
lic scrivener; Gomez Nieto, and other witnesses. Before these
officials and citizens Coltmibus brought his above-mentioned
documents and asked permission that Gomez Nieto, a public
notary there present, might make copies of these and have them
duly authenticated. This permission was granted and four
copies were made and executed, three on velltmi or parchment
and one on paper. As we have seen elsewhere, the originals of
these several docimients were preserved in the monastery of
Nuestra Seiiora de las Cuevas in Seville imtil the litigation over
the honours and estate of the Admiral in the seventeenth cent-
ury brought them into court. It is our purpose here to follow
the fate of these four copies of the Book of Privileges,
On September 27, 1501, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal was
appointed agent for the Admiral. It was his duty to watch
over the administration of the property and rights of Coltmibus
and to receive whatever was due him. With the Inspector of
the Sovereigns he was to see to the melting and marking of the
gold and silver foimd in the islands and continental lands, and,
530
^^^'^
I
t:
The '' Book of Privileges" 531
in conjunction with the Royal Factor, to attend to the manage-
ment of the merchandise. For the exercise of this ftmction the
agent must hold proper credentials, and hence the paper copy
of the Book of Privileges was remitted to Alonzo Sanchez de
Carvajal, and doubtless travelled with him to the shores of the
New World. It has never been fotmd.
Under date of March 21, 1502, the Admiral wrote from
Seville to his friend, Nicol5 Oderigo, in Genoa, who, in the year
1 501, had been in Spain as Ambassador from the Republic of
Genoa, and whose acquaintance the Admiral had made and
cultivated to such an extent that he speaks of his knowing more
of his affairs than he himself.' In this letter the Admiral says:
"I gave the book containing my writings to M. Francisco di Rivarol *
that he may send it to you with another copy of letters containing instruc-
tions. . . . Duplicates of everything will be completed and sent to
you in the same manner by the same M. Francisco. Among them you will
find a new writing [or deed]."
Under date of April 2, 1502, he wrote to the Bank of St.
George in Genoa: '*I have sent him [Nicol6 de Oderigo] the
copy of my privileges and letters.'' Again, tmder date of
December 27, 1504, Colimibus wrote to Nicol6 Oderigo:
** Also at that time [his departure] I left with Francisco di Rivarol a
book containing copies of letters and another Book of my Privileges in a
case of red Cordovan leather with a silver lock: and I left two letters for the
office of St. George to which I assigned the tenth of my revenue. . . .
Another Book of my Privileges like the aforesaid I left in Cadiz with
Franco Catanio, the bearer of this letter. . . .*"
It is evident from this letter that the Admiral altered his
arrangements for forwarding the second copy to Oderigo, sending
' See our reproduction of the letter of Columbus to the Bank of St. George,
No. XVIIII.
' Francisco di Rivarola, or Rivarol, was a native of Genoa, and was more or less
in Seville in the interests of his banking house. On February 4, 1500, the Sovereigns
issued a cedula directing Conde de Cifuentes (see Document XIV.) , the Royal Orderly,
in Seville, to arrest Francisco Rivarol for having with his partner, Juan Sanchez,
equipped two caravels without the authority of the Sovereigns (see Navarrete, vol.
iii., p. 513). This doctiment declares that Rivarol was a citizen of Seville, but later,
March 19, 1501, this banker endeavoured to have his taxes remitted on the ground
that he was a citizen of Genoa. As the reader will see in the chapter on " The Hand-
writing of Columbus," Diego, in December, 1504, had a draft from the Admiral en-
dorsed by this same Genoese-Seville banker.
3 This entire letter will be found in Chapter CXXI, " The Handwriting of Colimi-
bus" (see No. XXXIII.).
532 Christopher Columbus
it by the hand of Franco Catanio from Cadiz. Thus two of
these vellum copies were sent to Nicol5 Oderigo in Genoa. We
know that another copy on vellum was deposited in the monas-
tery of Las Cuevas and formed part of the precious contents of
the iron coffer or chest there preserved for so many years. We
will thus distinguish these four cartularies:
No. I. Vellum copy in the hands of Oderigo.
No. 2. Vellum copy in the hands of Oderigo.
No. 3. Velltmi copy in monastery of Las Cuevas.
No. 4. Paper copy taken to America by Alonzo Sanchez de
Carvajal.
Nicol6 Oderigo, on his return to Genoa, gave the Bank of
St. George the letter, dated April 2, 1502, and intended for its
officials. He retained possession of the two cartularies, or vel-
lum transcripts, of the Book of Privileges, where they rested in
the family archives tmtil, in 1670, his descendant, Lorenzo
Oderigo, presented them to the city of Genoa. While the
presentation was a gift, it is evident from the correspondence
between Lorenzo Oderigo and his son, Giovanni Paolo, and the
Most Serene College of the Republic of Genoa, that favours were
to be exacted in return, and that the price of the so-called gift
was to be public and political promotion. In 1805 a celebrated
scholar, Sylvester de Sacy, on an errand to the Genoese capital
from the French Institute, saw one of these cartularies in the
archives of the city. He did not see the other velltmi tran-
script, for if he had it is natural he would have mentioned a
fact of such importance. The copy seen by Sylvester de Sacy
we will distinguish as No. i. In the month of June, 181 6, the
heirs of Coimt Michael-Angelo Cambiaso offered for sale in
Genoa his valuable library. Item No. 1922 of the sale cata-
logue bore the title Codice de' Privilegi del Colombo. Such a
title was sufficient to excite the interest of the Genoese archi-
vists, and they recognised it as one of the copies given the city
by the heirs of Nicol6 Oderigo. It was bought by the King of
Sardinia, who caused a copy to be made, which he placed in the
Royal Archives at Turin. Then, in the true spirit of intelligent
giving, the King sent the original to the city of Genoa as a gift.
It is now lodged in the municipal building of that city, together
with three holograph letters of Columbus, as well as the bag of
Cordova leather which once held the copy. This bag has no
The '^ Book of Privileges '' 533
longer its silver clasp,' but in itself it constitutes one of the few
relics we have of the great Discoverer. In this Genoese car-
tulary we have accounted for the vellum copy No. 2.
What became of the vellum copy No. i, once seen by Syl-
vester de Sacy in 1805? Governments as a rule are not very
careful in guarding their archives, and if pubUc attention be
drawn to their value and interest they generally swing to the
other extreme and make difficult any access to their treasures.
Then, too, there are certain archivists and writers who, having
obtained entrance to the treasure house, selfishly hinder others
from enjoying a similar privilege. In France, about the year
1874, there arose a popular clamour that the French public
archives might be made accessible to the scholar. It required
several ministries before, tmder M. de Freycinet, the doors were
really opened, and in May, 1880, Henry Harrisse gained en-
trance to the archives of the Palace on the Quai d'Orsay in the
city of Paris. There, amidst a mountain of papers and docu-
ments, he unearthed the other of the two velltmi cartularies
sent to Nicol6 Oderigo by Christopher Columbus. It was a
memorable discovery, a fitting recompense for years of patient
research among the archives of half the capitals of Europe.
This, then, is No. i. of the transcripts of the Book of Privileges,
and the copy seen in Genoa in 1805 by Sylvester de Sacy.
How came it in Paris? Ask the shade of the first Napoleon.
No emperor, no marshal, no corsair, no Bedouin ever spoiled
more thoroughly or pillaged more effectively. Treasury vaults
any conqueror would open, but Napoleon directed his hordes
of archivists and secretaries to sweep ruthlessly through gal-
leries and libraries, and the loss of Italy, Austria, Spain, and the
Low Countries became the inexpressible gain of the Empire
of France.' These treasures were carried to Paris, and chief
» Gio. Batista Spotomo published in 1823, under the title of Memorials of Colum-
bus, the contents of the Book of Privileges, No. 2, and in this work he mentions that
at that time the leather bag had two silver ornaments on the sides, but that the
silver lock was missing.
' The first Napoleon understood the value of documents and papers belonging
to the past. His comprehension of that fact is an evidence of the greatness, if not
of the virtue, of his mind. He dreamed of making Paris the great repository of the
archives, not only of France, but of all the world that had come tmder his sway.
The highways of Europe led to Paris. This great man acted out his dreams, and, as
the first decade of the nineteenth century was closing, the roads from Italy, Spain,
Austria, and Holland were black with waggons bearing to the heart of France the
534 Christopher Columbus
among the documents was the Book of Privileges of Christopher
Columbus. As we have said, this collection of original docu-
ments has been given to the' worid, and the student will find
in English every claim and title, every right and privilege which
the Admiral thought had been bestowed upon him.'
The very elaborate title-page is here reproduced in fac-
simile. It derives interest from the interpretation some writers
manuscript treasures of the world. Two thousand two hundred and six great cases
of documents were sent from Vienna, 933 from Austria, 12,147 from Rome, with
countless lots from Simancas, Genoa, Placentia, and every town of importance into
which the hand of the spoiler could reach. General Kellerman annotmced in Octo-
ber, 18 10, that there had been despatched from the archives of Simancas thirty great
waggon-loads with a number of smaller vehicles, and that it would take at least five
hundred vans to transport the documents they proposed to appropriate. These
boxes were in some instances unpacked and stored in the Soubise Palace at Paris.
In many instances they never left the wooden libraries in which they had come to
the French Capitol. Napoleon had in Pierre Claude Fran9ois Daimon, the Archivist,
an official so enamoured of his work that he was obliged to admonish him for his
rapacious zeal and request a little more moderation.
Toward the close of the year 181 2 Daunon reported to the Emperor that there
had been deposited on the shelves of the H6tel de Soubise 292,739 packages of regis-
tries and other important foreign documents, and he was awaiting some 58,813 more
for which space had been reserved. When to these are added the far larger quantity
which never left their boxes, the extent of the spoliation may somewhat be imagined.
Napoleon was cutting a magnificent coat to the rich cloth he had pilfered. By a
decree dated March 21, 181 2, we know that the Emperor contemplated the erection
of an immense palace in which these archives were to be deposited. We know also
that his architects had given him their plans as early as 18 10, when he showed them
to the Austrian Mettemich. This building had reached nearly ten feet above the
ground when, on the falling of the Emperor's star, the work had to cease.
Back of all this pillage lay a grand scheme for realising a profit on the work.
It was calculated that every nation in Europe would have agents continually em-
ployed at Paris searching and cop3ring extracts from documents on which depended
family interests and titles to estates, and that the taxes and revenues from these would
be enormous. First the title-deeds to a man's estate are forcibly taken from him,
and then he is heavily assessed for inqmring as to their contents.
Once, when this remarkable man (Daunon) , was taking down from the walls of
the Vatican the marvellous papyri which ornamented the Hall of the Archives, a
storm of protest arose against this act of vandalism, and Daunon was informed that
their removal would cause a tmiversal grief in Rome. Daunon replied: "Toute la
question est de savoir si Sa Majesty n'aimera pas mieux que ces chartes soient d^-
pos^es dans ses archives, leur asile natural, plut6t que d'etre d^laiss^es dans un palais
romain."
How deliciously bibliomaniacal is this asile natural! When we consider the
character and the opportunities of Daunon, we can only say, as Lord Clive said of
himself, we are astonished at his moderation.
' Christopher Columbus^ His Own Book of Privileges. Photographic Fac-simile of
the Manuscript in the Archives of the Foreign Office in Paris, now for the first time
published, with expanded text, translation into English and an Historical Introduc-
tion. The transliteration and translation by George F. Barwick, B.A., of the British
Museum. The Introduction by Henry Harrisse. The whole compiled and edited with
Preface by Benjamin Franklin Stevens. London, 1893.
The '' Book of Privileges '' 535
have given the face, which is drawn in profile in the initial
letter of the last word, and which they imagine may be intended
for a portrait of Coltmibus.
The Paris and Genoese cartularies, or Nos. i and 2 respec-
tively, have an elaborate coat-of-arms represented on the folio
immediately preceding the first page of the text. It is painted
in water-colotirs, on vellimi twenty centimeters wide by twenty-
nine high. The page containing the escutcheon is bordered by
a painted twisted cord in green and red. In the upper dexter
comer is a castle of gold, surmoimted by three towers also of
gold on a field of red: in the upper sinister comer is a lion,
brown, white field, rampant, but without the lion's tongue
being painted green, as in the Royal coloured arms. In the
lower dexter comer are islands of gold, and what is interpreted
by Harrisse as a continent emerging. To our mind there is no
more reason for discovering a representation of continental
lands to the north than there is to the east and west. If there
is a mainland anywhere in the quarter, it is to the south, where
Colimibus found it.' In the lower sinister comer on a field
azure are five anchors of gold, lying flat and placed two above,
then one followed by two more. Finally, there is a division
containing the charges and enamels, supposed to be the Ad-
miral's conception of what his family, the wool-workers, might
have had in the form of arms if some generous monarch had
awarded them the favour of bearing them, — a field of gold
with a bend azure on a chief gules.
On May 20, 1493, the Spanish Sovereigns granted the Ad-
miral the right to bear arms, and they specify what the arms
shall be:
**. . . el Castillo de color dorado en campo verde, en el cuadro del
escudo de vuestras armas en lo alto d la mano derecha, y an el otro cuadro
alto i la mano izqtderda un Leon de ptirpura en campo bianco rampando
de verde, y en el otro cuadro bajo d la mano derecha unas islas doradas en
ondas de mar, y en el otro cuadro bajo d la mano izquierda las armas
vuestras que soliades tener, las cuales armas sean conocidas por vuestras
armas, 6 de vuestros fijos 6 descendientes para siempre jamas."
**. . . the Castle of gilded red in a green field in the right hand
upper quarter of the shield of your arms, and in the other upper quarter
^ It is interesting to note that while the islands all are made to run north and
south in the Coat-of-Arms adopted by Columbus, in the present use by the Duke of
Veragua they run east and west, their actual territorial elongations.
536 Christopher Columbus
at the left hand a Lion purpure in a white field rampant [languedf] « green,
and in the other quarter at the bottom on the right hand gilded islands in
waves of the sea, and in the other quarter at the bottom on the left hand
your arms which you have been accustomed to bear, which arms shall be
known as your arms and the arms of your sons and descendants for ever
after/*
We give three reproductions of the Columbus Coat-of-Arms: •
First, the Coat-of-Arms as granted by the Sovereigns in the
Royal Cedula of May 20, 1493.
Second, the Coat-of-Arms as adopted by the Admiral Chris-
topher Columbus and included in his Book of Privileges.
Third, the Coat-of-Arms as used to-day by the Duke of
Veragua, the present representative of the Colimibus family.^
The Book of Privileges, as facsimiled by Stevens, presents
forty-four doctiments, in some instances repeating themselves,
as in the first Capitulation, and sometimes inserting papers of
no legal significance, as the letter to the nurse of Prince Juan.
The chronological order of the docimients gives way to the
order of their importance.
Document I. is the letter of the Sovereigns, dated April 23,
1497, commanding Ferdinand de Soria to give Columbus an
authenticated copy of the letters patent constituting the Dis-
coverer as Admiral, with the same privileges as were possessed
by the High Admiral of Castile. In any orderly arrangement
it should come after the Articles of Capitulation, as it describes
fully Article I. In this Columbus was created:
** Admiral of all those islands and mainlands which by his activity and
industry shall be discovered and acquired in the said oceans during his
lifetime, and likewise after his death, his heirs and successors one after the
other in perpettdty with all the pre-eminences and prerogatives appertain-
ing to the said office and in the same manner as Don Alfonso Enriquez, the
High Admiral of Castile and his predecessors in the said office held it in
their districts.*'
* Navarrete has supposed that the adjective verde should here have a substantive
understood, meaning that on a white field there should be a lion in purple, rampant,
with a tongue green.
* We also reproduce the Coat-of-Arms from the Genoa Codex. The difference
in treatment of the Castle and the Lion Rampant will be seen. The islands in
the Genoa Codex have the dark cross lines which we feebly discern in the Paris
Codex.
3 The Coat-of-Arms as now used by the Columbus family is reproduced from an
original presented to Major Harmon Pumpelly Read of Albany, N. Y., by the Duke
of Veragua. It was executed in water-colours by the nephew of the Duchess of
Veragua, the Marquis of Villalobar.
r
^
"§
I
I
The '' Book of Privileges '' 537
This article vouchsafed, or seemed to promise, Coltmibus not
only honours but emolimients. It was the foimdation stone
on which he builded his claim for one third of the revenues and
one third of the territorial rights and jurisdictions. Not only
was he to have one third of what he secured by the sea or on
the sea, but he claimed the broad interpretation of a right to
one third of the whole. In a document dated at Madrid, April
10, 1495, the Sovereigns decreed in relation to the settlers and
colonisers in Hispaniola:
** And further we Will and it is our pleasure that if they go to the said
island of Espanola by licence of those who shall have and hold our authority
to grant it, they may have for themselves the third part of the gold which
they may find and obtain in the said island provided that it be not by
barter; and the other two thirds shall be for us.'*
This seems to dispose of the whole of the gold found and to be
found. There was no share here for the man who discovered
the island in which the gold is found. It serves to show the
interpretation the Sovereigns placed on the rights of the Ad-
miral as Admiral.
This Document I. the reader should read in connection with
Document XLIL, the legal opinion as to the Admiral's rights.
King John of Aragon, grandfather of John II., was bom
August 24, 1358, succeeded his grandfather, Henry II., in May
30, 1379, and died October 9, 1390. Henry III. of Castile, the
son of John I., and father of John II. was bom October 4, 1379,
succeeded his father, October 10, 1390, died December 25, 1406.
John II., bom March 6, 1405, succeeded his father, Henry
III., under care of his mother, in 1406; defeated King John of
Navarre and others in battle at Olmedo in 1445, and died July
21, 1454.
Don Alfonso Enriques, the High Admiral, was the uncle of
King John II.
On April 4, 1405, in the city of Toro, King Henry III. cre-
ated Don Alfonso Enriques his High Admiral of the Sea, with
the same powers, privileges, revenues, rights, and jurisdictions
which belonged and ought to belong to the office of High Ad-
miral, as formerly held by Don Diego Furtado de Mendo^a.
By this Patent the King commanded all prelates and masters,
coimts, grandees, knights, and esquires, and all counsellors,
alcaldes, bailiffs, justices, prestameros, provosts, and other jus-
tices of the city of Seville and of all other cities, towns, and
538 Christopher Columbus
places of his kingdoms and dominions, and captains of the sea,
the Superintendent of the fleet, and the masters and boatswains
of his galleys, and the masters, mariners, merchants, and other
persons who traverse and navigate the sea, to receive and obey
the said Don Alfonso Enriques, as High Admiral of the Sea,
and to pay and cause to be paid to him all the revenues and
dues which by right of said office belong and ought to belong
thereto. The same patent fiuther recites:
'* I give you my full and complete power in order that you may be able
to exercise and may exercise a civil and criminal jtuisdiction which belongs
and ought to belong to the said office of Admiralty in any manner whatso-
ever in all the rights of the sea, both to issue letters of marque and to judge
all the suits which may arise at sea and also in the harbours and their en-
virons as far as the salt water enters and vessels navigate, and that you,
the said Admiral, may have the power to appoint and may appoint your
alcaldes, bailiffs, scriveners and officers in all the towns and places of my
kingdoms which are seaports and that they may take cognisance of, and
may decide all the stiits criminal and civil, which may arise at sea and in
the river where the currents rise and fall, in accordance with the manner in
which the other former Admirals most fully and completely appointed
them and in which you will appoint them in the said city of Seville. And
by this, my patent, I command the members of my Coxmcil and the auditors
of my chamber and alcaldes of my Court, and all the other justices of said
towns and places of the seaports, and of my Kingdoms not to intermeddle
in taking cognisance of and deciding the said stiits, nor to disturb you or
your said officers belonging to your said jurisdiction, whom you may ap-
point in your stead to take cognisance of the said stiits in the manner
aforesaid.**
King John 11. on August 17, 1416, in the city of Valladolid
at the request of Don Alfonso Enriques, his uncle, confirmed
the above patent as to all the civil and criminal jtuisdictions
and powers pertaining to the said Admiralty, with the power to
ptmish on the spot any disobedience of his commands. He
then proceeds to grant a further privilege :
**And I ordain that of all the gains which my said High Admiral may
receive or make in my fleet or at sea, I shall receive two parts and the said
High Admiral the third part, he going in his own person in the said fleet
even though the said fleet or part thereof may go away by his order or
without his order, and likewise in the case of all galleys which I may order
to be equipped apart from the fleet for the purpose of making gains, that
of the gain which I may receive I am to have two parts and the said Ad-
miral the third part.
The ** Book of Privileges " 539
"Likewise I order and command that in the case of all galleys, ships,
galleots, vessels and other foists whatsoever which may be eqtdpped, for
other parts whereof the fifth part is payable to me, I am to receive two
thirds of the said fifth and the said Admiral one third thereof. Likewise I
ordain that whenever my said Admiral shall fit out a vessel by my com-
mand, he may have power to take and may take any four men who may be
under arrest, being accused of any crime whatsoever for which they ought
to be condenmed to death, who may go and come embarked or to embark
in the said city of Seville and any other ports of my kingdoms and domin-
ions, that my said Admiral may be able to place to his own account the
third part for such person or persons according to the price or prices at
which they may come embarked or to embark.** »
A penalty of two thousand Castilian doblas of fine gold and
of just weight for each and every violation of the rights of the
High Admiral was fixed by the King in the same patent.
On Jime 6, 1419, King John 11. , in the city of Segovia, con-
firmed again the privileges, powers, and jurisdictions belonging
to the office of High Admiral.
Document IL — This presents the Articles of Capitulation,
granted April 17, 1492. It has already been given in full/ It
was confirmed by another docimient dated at Burgos, April 23,
1497, and this was published in printed form, but not, as Har-
risse seems to think, at the time. It is evident that Queen
Isabella was no longer living when the book was printed, and
therefore it must have been subsequent to the year 1504.
Document IIL — This doctiment contains the Letters Patent
of April 30 and of May 28, 1493, ^s confirmed by the Royal dec-
laration of April 23, 1497. It begins with the same preamble
as is foimd in the preceding doctmient. It is not published in
Navarrete's Voyages,
Document IV. — This doctiment is dated June 12, 1497. It
was drawn up and granted to the Admiral as a temporary
adjudication of the differences between the Sovereigns and
himself as to his revenues and the method of determining them.
This provides that the eighth part of the gross revenues or re-
turns shall be deducted and handed over to the Admiral; that
* The reader will notice that the proportion of gains, that is to say the Admiral's
share of one third, is to come from gains or profits made in the Royal fleet or at sea.
Predatory maritime expeditions were in mind. The boy king, John II., never con-
templated gains from islands and mainlands. Nor was civil jurisdiction to be exer-
cised by the High Admiral except on the sea and in tidal rivers.
« See our Chapter LI II.
540 Christopher Columbus
the remainder shall be charged with the costs and expenses,
after which the tenth part shall be given to the Admiral. Thus
he gets one eighth of the whole and after that one tenth of the
net profits. This arrangement was to hold for the term of three
years. The Admiral had claimed this interpretation of the
Articles of Capitulation. The Sovereigns claimed imder the
said Articles that first the expenses were to be deducted, then
the tenth part and then the eighth were to go to Coltimbus. The
Sovereigns in this instrument also permit Coltmibus for the
voyaging they were then equipping to receive his eighth share
without contributing his eighths of the costs and expenses, out
of a desire to do him favour. It likewise seems to release him
from certain costs and expenses which he apparently has not
borne, but on condition that he does not demand or levy on
any part of what has been up to this time brought from the
islands, by reason of the eighth or tenth shares due him of the
movables of the said island, and the Sovereigns make him a
present of what he has so far received. Nothing is said about
the third part which the Admiral afterward claimed to be his.
The fact that the shares were to be paid from movables indi-
cates thus early the position asstimed by the Sovereigns, or for
them by their legal advisers. The third part was due to Coltmi-
bus, if due at all, imder Article I. of the Capitulation, where he
was to have the rights and privileges of an Admiral similar to
those of the former High Admirals of Castile. As we have
already seen, King John 11. , on August 17, 1416, granted that,
** of all the gains which my said High Admiral may receive or
make in my fleet or at sea, I shall receive two parts and the said
High Admiral the third part. ' ' The Sovereigns seemed to regard
the claim of a third part to extend only to things captured or
received by the fleet or at sea, or, in other words, only the mov-
ables on the high seas and harbours and navigable streams.
Lands, together with their mineral resources, were not denom-
inated in the bond. At all events, on this particular occasion
the contention of the Admiral in regard to his interpretation of
the eighth part and the tenth part seems to have been accepted,
temporarily at least, and in addition he is exempt from con-
tributing his eighth share of the partnership expenses with the
chance of receiving his eighth part of the partnership profits.
Document V. — This doctiment relates to the selection of
The Coat-of-Arms as Adopted by Christopher Columbus in January, 1502,
{From the Genoa Codex.)
The ''Book of Privileges'' 541
Administrators, both by the Sovereigns and by Columbus, to
keep watch over the costs, the expenses, the returns, and to
apportion to the Crown and to the Admiral their respective
shares. In the book lately published by the Duchess of Alba,
and here reproduced, is a doctiment of Coltmibus,' in which he
reasons out the proportion of his share in the following manner:
"A gentleman fits out a ship and tells one of his men, *I appoint you
Captain and you are to have one third of the gains after deducting the
costs/ To another he says *I appoint you to be the mate and you shall
have one tenth.* To a third he says, * You will be purser, with one eighth.*
The ship returns to port bringing profits amounting to looo crowns. The
Captain then asks for a third of these looo crowns, and the gentleman
gives them to him. The mate claims one tenth of these looo crowns and
he receives it. Thirdly the purser demands one eighth of the looo crowns
and he gets that amoxmt.**
Thus, if the gains amounted to $2400 for a ship, Columbus
would expect to receive first, $800 for his third; next, $300 for
his eighth; and lastly, $240 for his tenth, making in all $1340,
receiving more than the Crown. But if the Admiral was en-
titled to receive one third of the total gains, the Sovereigns were
entitled to receive their two thirds, and this, imder such a dis-
tribution, they never could have received. It is evident that
the provision for this one third Admiral's share was intended
to apply on gains made in war, or upon imfriendly nations and
by their ships on the high seas. The expenses of maintaining
the ships had to go on under any circumstances, and the money,
goods, and ransoms coming from successful expeditions were
genuine gains, which the King could well afford to divide liber-
ally. When the Admiral's rights and prerogatives were con-
ferred on Coltimbus, they were intended, in our judgment, to
be those of honours, powers, and jurisdiction rather than finan-
cial and commercial gains.
Document VI . — This is an undated doctmient relating to the
third voyage of Coltimbus, and is supposed to be of the date
April 23, 1497. The Admiral first of all is to co-operate with
the Bishop of Badajos in the conversion of the Indians; he is
to select 330 persons to go with him, whose rank and occupa-
tions he shall determine, and he is authorised to increase this
^ It is in the proper hand of Columbus but is copied from an opinion delivered
by some lawyer. See our Chapter CXXI., No. XVI.
542 Christopher Columbus
number to 500 if he chooses; he is to erect another strong-
hold on the other, side of Espanola where the gold mine was;
a farm and plantation were to be established nep^r the said pro-
posed settlement or close to the old one, — Isabella, — and to
such as desired to cultivate it fifty cahices of wheat and barley
were to be loaned for sowing, and up to twenty yokes of cows
and mares and other beasts for tilling; arrangements are made
for paying the salaries and wages of the 330 persons who ac-
company the Admiral; skilled persons, dies, and implements
are to be taken for the purpose of melting and coining the gold
which may be obtained in the Indies into excellentes of Gran-
ada; those Indians who had agreed to pay the tribute imposed
were to wear about their necks a piece or token of brass or
lead money, and this piece was to have on it a figure indicating
the money paid each time.
There are no specimens of this coinage known to-day. The
provision for dies and the employment of skilled persons cer-
tainly suggest the early coining of the metals in the New World.
As the coins were to be like those coined in the mother country,
they would be, if so coined, difficult to distinguish from those
coined in Spain. For reasons given elsewhere we do not believe
any metal was coined in the New World until long after the
death of Columbus. In any event this is the first mention of
distinctively American coin money, and soon after wampum
and beads and almonds were to have a rival.
Document VIL — This doctiment gives an interesting picture
of the commercial conditions of the times, when the laws of
supply and demand were as inexorable as they are to-day. The
Indies — the new lands — were not to bring fortunes only to the
adventurers who sailed away from the port of Cadiz. Those
who remained at home must reap their profits as well. And so
it came about that merchandise of every kind went up in price ;
and merchants, dealers, farmers, and agents refused to sell at
ordinary prices victuals, provisions, implements, ironware,
casks, butts, and other wooden things, cattle and beasts, seeds
and cereals. So this edict was published, compelling owners
and agents to sell whatsoever things were necessary for pro-
vision or for habitation or for navigation to the Indies at the
customary value of all such things in Spain upon pain of the
Royal displeasure and a fine of ten thousand maravedis for
The *' Book of Privileges " 543
every infringement of the law. This document is dated at
Burgos, April 23, 1497.
Document VIII. — This doctmient is dated at Medina del
Campo, Jime 15, 1497. I* apportions the 330 persons which
tmder Doctmient VI. were to be selected by Colimibus to go
to the Indies, as follows: forty were to be esquires, one hun-
dred were to be foot-soldiers, thirty seamen, thirty midshipmen,
twenty gold-workers, fifty labourers, ten gardeners, twenty
officers of different grades, and thirty were to be women.
Whereas Doctmient VI. authorised the increase of this num-
ber to 500, the present doctmient expressly limits the total
number to 330. Provision is made for sending out ironware
and implements, cows and mares and asses for tillage. Au-
thority is given to purchase an old ship to transport provisions
and articles to the proposed new settlement on the other side
of Espaiiola, — the future San Domingo, — and to use the tim-
bers, nails, and other parts of the said ship in constructing the
new city. Field-tents are to be provided, doubtless to be em-
ployed in excursions and explorations. Friars and priests of
good repute are to be found and persuaded to go to the Indies
to convert the Indians to the Holy Faith. There are to go
a physician, an apothecary, and a herbalist, as well as some
instruments of music for the amusement of the people who are
to live there.
One hundred and thirty-three years afterward there was to
go from a more northern people of the Old World to a more
northern coast of the New World a band of colonists into
whose life of solemnity and dulness there was lawfully to
enter no sound of music, no touching of instruments, no song,
no revelry. Both northern colony and southern colony had the
same problem to work out in human sums, — the same mission
of the progress and advancement of humanity. No pure-
blooded Spaniard works or plays or dances in Espafiola to-day.
Its first city — Isabella — lay abandoned, desolate, and forgotten
for nearly four hundred years. One half of the island is in the
hand of the black man, the descendant of African slaves who
were forced to toil when the natives were exhausted. There
is not much hope of moral progress there. The problem never
will be worked out on that beautiful island in Spanish brain or
by Spanish pencil. To the north, the great questions of life, of
544 Christopher Columbus
government, of liberty have been answered by Anglo-Saxon
voices, and the spirit of the age says, All very well. Music and
revelry will entertain, but the song is one of amusement and
not instruction, and whatever place they may have in life, we
know that a great nation was planned and begim without their
charm and without their solace. Life in New England was cold
and close, but it was clear and clean.
Document IX. chronologically should be placed earlier in
the book, for it is dated at Medina del Campo, Jime 2, 1497.
It contains and confirms another important doctmient, dated
from Madrid, April 10, 1495, from which we have already
quoted the passage giving to the finder one third of all the
gold foimd on the island, and reserving for the Sovereigns the
other two thirds. This inclosed doctmient provides that all
vessels must sail from, and return to, the port of Cadiz. The
enwrapping doctmient confirms the provisions of the inner,
and particularly cautions against the infringement of the
same.
Document X. is dated at Burgos, April 23, 1497, and ex-
empts all provisions and other things shipped from Seville and
Cadiz to the Indies by the Sovereigns or by Columbus, or what-
soever shall be brought from the Indies, from paying for the
first sales thereof any customs duty, market toll, or any other
duty, either for the year 1497 or from then thenceforth until
further notice. The colonies certainly were encouraged and the
infant industries were nourished.
Document XL — This document, dated at Burgos, May 6,
1497, also should have had a previous entry in the Book of
Privileges. It has reference to the regulations concerning duties
on articles brought back to the Old World from the Indies, and
provides that these shall be unloaded without the import duty,
customs, road toll, admiralty dues, or any other duty or any
market duty for the first sales that may be made of them.
Those who are to purchase goods to send or to take to the
Indies are to pay no export duty, customs, road toll, admiralty
dues, or any duty for loading. All that is required is that the
purchaser shall exhibit a certificate signed by Don Christopher
Columbus, Admiral of the said Indies, or by any person having
his authority. Security must be given that the goods shipped
shall really go to the said Indies and to no other parts. The
The '' Book of Privileges *' 545
exemption is to be observed from January i, 1498, as well as in
the year 1497, and to run until further notice.
Document XII . — This document is dated at Medina del
Campo, June 22, 1497. It has relation to the third voyage of
Columbus, and recites the fact that since the Sovereigns have
ordered him to return to Espafiola and to the other islands and
continental lands for their conversion and settlement, and as
the persons who are to go with him for a certain time are not
sufficient for the settlement of the said lands, therefore any
man or woman subject of the Sovereigns who may have com-
mitted any murders and blood-sheddings or any other crimes
of whatsoever sort or kind they may be, except heresy, lese-
majesty, perduliones, treason, disloyalty, murder committed
by fire or sword, uttering base coin or sodomy, or who shall
have taken from out the kingdoms coin or gold or silver or
other things prohibited by the Sovereigns, and who shall go
and serve in the island of Espafiola, — those who have incurred
the death penalty for two years, and those who have incurred
any less penalty, even if it be the loss of a limb, for one year, —
shall be pardoned upon being presented before the Admiral, and
they shall serve as the Admiral shall direct. After accepting
this proposal of pardon, they shall not be liable to be arraigned
for their crimes and no proceedings shall be taken against them
or against their property.
Document XIII . — This document was also issued at Medina
del Campo on Jtme 22, 1497. One would think that this docu-
ment as well as the next might well have been incorporated in
the preceding. It provides that those whose crimes may fitly
be ptmished by banishment shall be sent to the islands to labour
or serve in the mines according as the Admiral may direct.
The reader will notice how fully the powers and jurisdictions of
the Admiral are observed as he starts on this his third voyage,
and then he will recall the Admiral's home-coming from that
same voyage in gyves and chains.
Document XIV. — This document is addressed to the Count
de Cifuentes, Chief Standard Bearer and Assistant of the city of
Seville, and is dated from Medina del Campo, June 22, 1497.
It is to be his duty to receive all those who are banished to
Espafiola and other islands, and to keep them safely in the
prison at Seville until such time as they shall be handed over to
VOL. II.— 35
546 Christopher Columbus
the Admiral, who is here called the '' Admiral of the Indies of
the Ocean/'
Document XV. — This document, also dated at Medina del
Campo on the same day, Jtme 22, 1497, relates to the same
voyage, and is directed to some official whose name is not in
the doctiment, but who is authorised to impress any ship or
caravel the Admiral may require for the settlement of the
islands, and to arrange with the owners for reasonable payment.
Document XVI. — This document likewise is dated from
Medina del Campo, Jtme 22, 1497, and authorises the Admiral,
or any person presenting his order, to take freely and load on
board ship five htmdred and fifty cahices of wheat and fifty
cahices of barley for the victualling and provision of the islands
of the Indies, for the term of five months from the date of the
document and in as many journeys as he shall please. A meas-
ure of cahices, or cahiz, was equal to eighteen bushels, so that
Columbus had the free exportation of over ten thousand bushels
of grain on each ship going to the said Indies.
Document XVII . — This is a warrant issued to Francesco de
Soria commanding him to give Don Christopher Columbus an
authenticated transcript of whatever patents of favours and
privileges are belonging to the office of High Admiral of Castile,
and which are held by Coltimbus whereby he and others may
levy and collect the dues and other things pertaining to him in
the said charge. This doctiment was most important to Colum-
bus, and he did well to enter it in his Book of Privileges. It
recognises not only honours and prerogatives, but the actual
touching^ as the French say, of money, and if of money, then
manifestly the proportion was that allowed the High Admiral
of Castile, — one third, — no more and no less. The doctiment
is dated from the city of Burgos, April 23, 1497.
Document XVIII. — This doctiment, dated at Burgos, April
23, 1497, is simply the authority found in the first paragraph of
Document VIII. It relates to the trade and occupation of the
330 persons authorised to be taken by the Admiral to Espanola.
Document XIX. — In this instrument, dated from Burgos,
April 23, 1497, the Treasurer of the Indies is authorised to pay
the salaries, wages, and other moneys to the persons entitled
to receive them, and for other things needful for the housing
and settling of the people residing and going to reside in the
The *' Book of Privileges " 547
said Indies, according to lists signed in the name of Don Chris-
topher Columbus or his lieutenant.
Document XX. — This document, signed at Burgos, May 9,
1497, authorises the chief accountants to pay to Don Chris-
topher Colimibus, Admiral of the Ocean, such sums of money
as he has loaned to certain persons in the Indies.
Document XXL — This document is dated April 22, 1497,
and is similar to Document VI.
Document XXII , — ^This instrument is dated from Medina del
Campo, July 22, 1497. It authorises and directs Don Chris-
topher Columbus, the Admiral of the Ocean and the Viceroy
and Governor in Espafiola, to distribute among persons on that
island and of others who may go there, the lands, hills, and
waters by him considered proper for sowing com and other
seeds, planting orchards, cotton trees, flax, vines, trees, sugar-
canes, building houses, mills, and machines for the said sugar
and other buildings profitable and necessary for their livelihood;
these grants are to be made to such persons according to their
rank, their service to the Sovereigns, and the condition and
quality of their persons and estates : boundaries and marks are
to distinguish each person's parcel, and this he may have, hold,
and possess for his own, and may occupy, plant, and cultivate,
with power to sell, give, grant, exchange, alienate, mortgage,
retain, and do therewith and therein whatever he may please
and think fit, as with his own property, for life, by a just and
legal title : there is reserved to the Crown the brasil (wood) and
likewise any metal of gold and silver and other metal which
shall be found in such lands.
With this docimient commence the first individual titles to
land in the New World.
Document XXIIL — ^This document is dated the same day
and from the same place as the preceding. It approves and
confirms the appointment of Don Bartholomew Coltmibus as
Adelantado of the islands newly found, and directs that there
shall be observed toward him all the honours, graces, favours,
pre-eminences, and prerogatives which according to the laws of
their kingdoms are due and ought to be done and observed
toward our other adelantados of the said kingdoms as well
within their governorship as without.
Document XXIV. is dated at Alcala de Henares, December
548 Christopher Columbus
23, 1497, and addressed to Don Christopher Coltimbus. It di-
rects that he shall pay to the persons who remain in the said
Indies the money due them for wages, provisions, and freight-
ing, any such payment being first certified by the Bishop of
Badajos and by Columbus.
Document XXV, is dated at Alcala de Henares and on the
same day, December 23, 1497, and is addressed jointly to the
Bishop of Badajos and Coltmibus. It recites the fact that they,
the Bishop and the Admiral, have reported to the Sovereigns
the cause of the delay in starting the expedition, — the third
voyage of Coltmibus, — and that this cause is the inordinate
price of provisions and the refusal of merchants to sell at the
market price; the instnmient then proceeds to authorise and
direct them jointly to seek trustworthy persons who shall find
provisions and fix such prices therefor as shall seem to them —
the Bishop and Columbus — ^just and reasonable.
This document and the preceding are to be read together,
for they associate the names of the two most prominent per-
sons connected officially with the said Indies. History has been
teaching that a deadly feud existed between these two men,
Christopher Columbus, — the Discoverer of the new lands, the
Admiral of the Ocean-Sea, the Viceroy of the Indies, — and Juan
Rodriguez de Fonseca, Bishop of Badajos,' afterward Bishop
of Palencia, the supreme head in Spain of the Department for
Indian Affairs. The reader will remember the interview Andreas
Bemaldez, the Curate of Los Palacios, had with the Admiral
when the latter returned to Spain after the second voyage, and
when he was a guest in the good curate's house. There was a
second guest there at the same time, — this same Juan Rodriguez
de Fonseca, — and they were all three on the most friendly and
confidential terms, since Coltimbus, in the presence of Fonesca,
gave Bemaldez certain papers and writings to read and copy.
' Badajos is a town in Estremadura, in the western part of Spain, 13 2* miles by
rail east of Lisbon, and but five miles from the frontier of Portugal. Marshal Soult
took it in 181 1, and the following year it was captured by Wellington. It was once
the seat of an important conference when the rival claims of Portugal and Spain to
the Moluccas and the Philippines were considered. Like many another Coimcil, its
conclusions were never reached. Geographers are agreed that both the island groups
of the Philippines and the Moluccas, fruits of Magellan's voyage, lie within the Por-
tuguese Line of Demarcation; but while Charles V. practically gave up his claim to
the Moluccas in 1529, the title of Spain to the Philippines remained tmtouched tmtil
it passed into the outstretched hands of the United States of America.
The "Book of Privileges" 549
Ferdinand Columbus, in his Historic, is particularly bitter
against Fonseca, and charges him with open hostility to his
father in that he purposely delayed the preparations for the
third voyage. He says:
"Ma tomando alia fua partita dalla Corte per Siuiglia, dico, che ancor
quiui per colpa, e mal gouerno de* ministri regali, & fpecialmente d'un D.
Giouanni di Fonfecca Archidiacono di Siuiglia, s' intertenne lo fpaccio
deir armata molto pi^ di quel, che conueniua. Da che nacque, che detto
D. Giouanni, il qual poi fu Vefcouo di Burgos, port6 continuatamente
mortale odio air Ammiraglio, & alle fue cofe; & fu Capo di coloro, che lo
metteano in difgratia a' Re Catolici." '
** But returning to his departure from the Ck)urt for Seville, I say, that
the despatch of the armada was also delayed there much longer than was
suitable, through the fault and bad government of Royal Ministers, and
especially of one Don John de Fonseca, Archdeacon of Seville. From
which it resulted that the said Don John, who was afterwards Bishop of
Burgos, continually bore a mortal hatred against the Admiral and his
affairs : and he was at the head of those who caused his disgrace with the
Catholic Sovereigns."
Fortunately for the Bishop of Badajos, this second docu-
ment acquits him of this specific and only charge. Both he
and Columbus communicated to the Sovereigns the fact that
the delay was due to the impossibility of purchasing provisions
at regular or reasonable prices. Columbus accepts any blame
attached to this situation as well and in the same measure as
Fonseca. Neither could control the rapacity of the Castilian
merchant or the greed of the Andalusian farmer. The high
prices were due to the natural desire of the settler to reap a
profit in the imexpected opening of new markets and the
necessitous demands of new customers.
Shortly after the Admiral returned from his fourth and
last voyage, he wrote, on January 18, 1505, to his son Diego,
then with the Court:
" If the Bishop of Palencia * is arrived or when he does come, tell him
how much I rejoice in his prosperity and that if I go there [Segovia] I will
' Historie, p. 151. Edition of 157 1.
* This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, and not Diego de Deza, as some assert.
In the same letter reference is made to the Archbishop of Seville, — Diego de Deza, —
proving conclusively that he was alluding to two separate persons. Fonseca was
absent in Flanders on a mission, where he was to see Queen Joanna at Gand, but his
uncle, Alonzo de Fonseca, took possession of the bishopric in his name early in Janu-
ary, 1505.
550 Christopher Columbus
stop with him at his house whether he wishes it or not, for we ought to
return to our first brotherly affection and he will not be able to refuse this
since my efforts will bring about this result/'
This is the langtiage of pleasantry to an old friend, not such
a message as would be sent to a bitter enemy who for thirteen
years had persecuted him and thwarted or delayed most of his
plans. Las Casas represents Fonseca as an enemy of the Ad-
miral, and his shading of the Bishop's character has thrown an
unpleasing colour about his memory. Injustice and perfidy are
fruits which their tree produces continually, and not for one
wayfarer alone. All who pass that way find the same fruit,
and it tastes bitter to all alike. This tree stood for thirty years
honoiu-ed and sustained in the courtyard of Spain, and if its
produce had been so deadly it would have long before been cut
down and destroyed. That Fonseca was a strong, dominating
spirit is doubtless true. No weak or doubtful soul could have
filled the position he occupied so long. That he and the Ad-
miral had differences is also more than probable. Each was
clothed with powers and privileges lapping over into the terri-
tory and jurisdiction of the other. The one represented Spain
in the Indies. The other managed the Indies in Spain. Divided
responsibility is likely to breed trouble. We should naturally
look for differences and disputes, but that Fonseca was the
personal enemy of the Admiral is not proven by any official or
reliable documentary evidence, while such as we have indicates
a friendly feeling on the part of the Admiral incompatible with
a sense of one suffering wrong and persecution.
Document XXVI. — ^This document is issued to all men, of
whatever condition they may be, who have been or who shall
be in the islands, commanding them to submit to, and to obey,
Don Christopher Columbus, who by Letters Patent has been
named by the Sovereigns Admiral of the said Indies and Vice-
roy and Governor thereof. It is dated at Segovia, August i6,
1494.
Document XXVIL — ^This document is dated from Barce-
lona, May 28, 1493, ^^d is addressed to captains, masters,
owners, mates, and mariners of ships, caravels, and other ves-
sels, and to all other persons of whatsoever condition whom
these patents may concern, to hold and obey as the Captain-
General of the ships going on the Second Expedition, and as
The ''Book of Privileges'' 551
governors of the said lands situated in the regions of the Indies,
Don Christopher Columbus, and it is expressly stated by the
Sovereigns that
"neither our said Captain General, Don Christopher Columbus, our Ad-
miral, Viceroy and Governor, nor you nor any one of you shall go to the
mine which is held by the Most Serene King of Portugal, our brother, or
intermeddle with the trade thereof, for it is our will to observe and to cause
to be observed by our subjects and liegemen, what we have stipulated and
agreed upon with the said King of Portugal respecting the said Mine ; and
this we command you so to fulfil under pain of our displeasure/*
The reader will observe there is no line of demarcation re-
stricting discoveries and possessions to the westward. Caution
only is to be observed concerning the Mine of Gold discovered,
occupied, and possessed by the Portuguese far to the southward.
Document XXVIII. — This instrument, dated from Barce-
lona on May 28, 1493, authorises Columbus, in the further
exercise of the powers conferred upon him of granting charters
and decrees patent in and for the management of the islands
and mainland in the name of King Ferdinand and Dofia Isabella,
sealing the said patents, charters, and decrees with the Royal
seal, and in view of the fact that he may not always be present
in the islands to perform the act, as he is likely to be away
discovering other islands and lands, to name and appoint some
one in his place to issue decrees and charters and to seal with
the Royal seal.
Document XXIX. — This document is likewise issued from
Barcelona on the same day as the two preceding, May 28, 1493.
In the original Articles of Capitulation the Admiral had the
right to name three persons for the appointment to any office
or position in the islands and continental lands, and from this
list of three the Sovereigns were obliged to select the appointee.
It is exactly the authority and restriction governing the civil
service in our country to-day. Columbus was assigned the duty
of ascertaining the fitness of individuals to hold positions of
trust, and the Sovereigns — the real appointing power — were
restricted in the selection to one of three persons designated
by Columbus, and competent and desirable for the office. But
this civil service flashes out on the fresh and first government
in the New World and then is gone for four hundred years. In
552 Christopher Columbus
this very document Ferdinand and Isabella withdraw their
claim to the final selection and leave all appointments with
Columbus.
Document XXX, — This important instrument, dated at
Burgos, April 23, 1497, we have already carefully considered
in a former chapter. It authorises the creation of the Majorat,
upon which to Columbus htmg the law and the prophets. Next
to the Articles of Capitulation, this is the most vital patent
granted the Admiral. While the Articles conferred on his
heirs and successors the title, pre-eminences, and prerogatives
of the office of Admiral in all those islands and continental
lands which by his activity and industry he might discover, it
required further definite authority to entail his rights, and this
was specifically given in this present instnmient.
As the preceding document introduced civil service into
America, this introduced the doctrine of entail. When Colum-
bus, under authority of this instnmient, created his Majorat
and once determined the entail, the properties under it were to
be inalienable and indivisible for ever. No crime was able to
lose them save that of lese-majesty or perduUone or treason or
the crime of heresy. After authorising the placing of the entail
in Diego, the son of the Admiral, the Sovereigns say:
". . . and it is our pleasure that all this be done, notwithstand-
ing that your other sons who are able to inherit, and your other relatives,
kinsmen, descendants and collaterals may be wronged in their portions and
allowances which appertain to them.'*
This document antedates the fragment quoted in a previous
chapter and apparently a rough draft of the letter written to
the former nurse of the Prince, in which Columbus himself
speaks of having left behind him, when he and Diego departed
from Portugal, a wife and sons. It is therefore to be taken
as evidence that, at the time of the execution of the instrument,
April 23, 1497, there were still living in Portugal other sons,
brothers of Diego, and consequently sons of Philippa Moniz.
Document XXXI , — The King and the Queen addressed the
following letter to the Admiral, directly they knew of his ar-
rival at Palos:
''Don Christopher Columbus, Our Admiral of the Ocean, Viceroy and
Governor of the islands which have been discovered in the Indies: we
The '' Book of Privileges '' 553
have seen your letters and have had much pleasure in learning what you
wrote to us therein, and that God has granted you so good an end to your
labour, and guided you favourably in what you have begun, wherein He
will be greatly served, and we likewise, and our Kingdoms will receive such
great advantage. May it please God that, besides serving Him in this mat-
ter, you may on account thereof receive many favours from us, which,
rest assured, will be conferred upon you as your services and labours de-
serve. And because we will that what you have begun may, by the aid of
God, be continued and carried forward, and we are desirous that your com-
ing should be speedy, it being for our service that you should make as much
haste as you possibly can in your coming, in order that everything that is
needful may be provided in time; and because, as you see, spring has
begun, and lest the season for returning thither should pass by ; try whether
anything can be got ready in Seville or in other quarters for yotir return to
the country which you have discovered; and write to us at once by this
courier, who has to return quickly, in order that immediate provision may
be made for what is to be done while you are coming hence and returning,
so that upon your return from here everything may be in readiness. From
Barcelona, the thirtieth day of March in the year ninety-three. I the
King. I the Queen. By command of the King and of the Queen, Ferdi-
nand Alvares.'*
And on the back is inscribed:
"By the King and the Queen, to Don Christopher Columbus, their
Admiral of the Ocean, and Viceroy and Governor of the islands which have
been discovered in the Indies."
The reader will be somewhat puzzled to know upon what
theory as to order Columbus caused these documents to be
introduced into the Book of Privileges. The doctmient is dated
from Barcelona, March 30, 1493. It is the first communication
from the Sovereigns to the Admiral after the news of the dis-
coveries reached them. Its importance to Colimibus is obvious.
We find here an explanation of why the Admiral delayed so
long in going to the Court. The Sovereigns were moved by two
conflicting emotions : they wanted to look upon the countenance
of Columbus and hear from his own mouth the story of his dis-
coveries, but they had been apprised of the abstract fact that
the discovery was made, and they recognised that the next
step was to return to the new lands, to which end they de-
sired him who best knew what were the requirements to stay
a little time in Seville and commence preparations. They tell
him they desire him to come to them speedily, but first he is
554 Christopher Columbus
to try if anything can be got ready in Seville or in other quar-
ters for his second voyage, and in the meantime he is to write
by the courier who is to return quickly. It was a beautiful
curbing of Royal desire and the restraint of curiosity in the
interest of affairs. Pleasure at Barcelona waited on business at
Seville.
Document XXXIL— This doctmient is a letter of Queen Isa-
bella to Colimibus, written from Barcelona, September 5, 1493,
and which the Admiral received at Cadiz, or, perhaps, to be
more exact, at Puerto de Santa Maria. The Admiral had left
Barcelona on May 28, 1493, leaving with the Queen a book —
most certainly in manuscript form, else it would not have been
a matter of so much secrecy — of which her Highness had
caused secretly a transcript to be made and in two handwritings,
that it might be done the sooner. The Admiral had promised
to prepare for the Queen a chart of navigation, and this had not
yet been received and her Highness desires it may be finished
and sent her at once. She adds:
**In the affair of Portugal no determination has been taken with those
who are here: although I believe that the King will come to terms therein,
I would wish you to think the contrary, in order that you may not on that
account fail or neglect to act prudently and with due caution, so that you
may not be deceived in any manner whatever.'*
Document XXXIII , — This is a letter written to Columbus by
the Sovereigns from Medina del Campo, April 13, 1494. An-
tonio de Torres, who returned with twelve ships, has had an
audience with the King and Queen and delivered the Admiral's
letter, which greatly pleased them, and they renew their prom-
ises of favours, honours, and advancement. They will imme-
diately despatch vessels with such things as were mentioned
in the requisitions of the Admiral. The latter is requested to
send home Bemal de Pisa, and his place is to be filled tem-
porarily by some person acceptable to Columbus and Father
Bernardo Buil.
This Bemal Diaz de Pisa was one of the inferior judicial
officers for the Court, and had been designated as Treasurer for
the Second Expedition. He is to be remembered as the head
of the first rebellion in the New World.
Document XXXIV, — This letter of the Sovereigns is dated
The '*Book of Privileges" 555
from Segovia, August i6, 1494, and discloses that Antonio de
Torres had made a voyage to the new lands and a return be-
tween the date of the last document, April 13, 1494, and the
date of this, August 16, 1494. It serves to illustrate the rapid
and continuous communication early inaugurated between the
Old and New Worlds. The Sovereigns in this letter tu-ge the
Admiral to give them the number of islands thus far discovered,
with the name of each, since the Admiral, while he has named
some, has not given names to all. They also desire to know how
far these islands are from each other, and what the seasons are
like. The Sovereigns say: "Some are desirous that it should
be stated whether there are two winters and two summers there
in one year." They want the Admiral to send falcons and
birds of all kinds that they may see them. They propose that,
in order to hear from the new lands frequently and likewise
that needful things may be sent from Spain, one caravel should
depart from Spain for the islands and another one from the
islands for Spain each month. As to the city of Isabella on
the island and its management, everything is left to the Ad-
miral. The Sovereigns wisely say:
"And respecting the settlement which yoii have made, there is no one
who can give a certain rule therein, or correct SLnything from hence, for
were we there present we should take your counsel and opinion therein,
and how much more being absent. Therefore we refer it to you.**
Then the Sovereigns refer to the disputes with Portugal, saying:
**And respecting the disputes with Portugal, a certain convention has
been agreed on with her ambassadors, which seemed to us to be most free
from disadvantage : and in order that you may be well informed thereof at
large, we send you a transcript of the articles which were drawn up there-
upon, and consequently it is not needful to dilate upon it here, except that
we command and charge you to observe it fully, and to cause it to be ob-
served by every one, just as it is contained in the articles. And in the mat-
ter of the boundary or limit which has to be made, because it appears to us
a very difficult matter, and one reqtiiring much knowledge and trustiness, we
would wish, if it were possible, that you should be present there, and that
you should make it with the others who are to act therein on behalf of the
King of Portugal. And should there be much difficulty in your going on
this business, or should it entail any inconvenience in what you are there
for, see if you have your brother or some other person out there who may
be acquainted with it, to give them the fullest information in writing, and
556 Christopher Columbus
by word of mouth, and even by drawings, and by every other means by
which they can best be instructed, and send them hither to us at once by
the first caravels that come : so that we may send others from hence with
them against the time which is agreed upon. And whether you are to go
on this business or not, write to us very fully all that you know about this
matter, and what you may think ought to be done, for our information,
and in order that every precaution may be taken in fulfilment of our ser-
vice: and act in such wise that your letters and the persons whom yoii
have to send may arrive soon, in order that they may be able to repair to
the place where the boundary has to be made, before the expiration of the
time that we have agreed upon with the King of Portugal, as you will see
by the capitulation.*'
Document XXXV. — This document is dated from Barcelona,
May 24, 1493, ^^d is addressed jointly to Don Christopher
Columbus and Don Juan de Fonseca, Archdeacon of Seville,
members of their Council, to whom Letters Patent are issued
authorising and commanding them to purchase or seize vessels,
ships, caravels, or fustas,' and cause them to be freighted. This
is the beginning of that famous establishment, the Council of
the Indies. John de Soria, Secretary of the Prince Juan, is ap-
pointed as Deputy of the Chief Accountants, and all matter re-
lating to the proposed new fleet is to be passed upon by him,
and the Deputy of the Royal Scrivener is associated jointly with
De Soria.
Document XXXVI . is the Papal Bull No. II. (Bull B), and
the first of the two dated May 4, 1493. It is important to Co-
lumbus, not because it mentions a Line of Demarcation, which
was withdrawn the same day in Bull No. III. (Bull C), but be-
cause it has the Holy Father's recognition of Columbus as
**. . . our beloved son, Christopher Columbus, a man of worth and
much to be commended, and well fitted for so great an enterprise . . . ;
who at length, by Divine assistance, very diligent search having been made,
sailing on the great ocean, discovered certain very remote islands and also
continental lands, which up to that time had not been found by others."
Document XXXVIL — This, as the Book of Privileges says,
is a transcript taken from a declaration and two warrants and
a letter, dated from Granada, September 27, 1501. In this
document an attempt is made to right the wrong done Colimi-
bus by Bobadilla and to restore him his rights and emoluments.
* The jilsia was a small vessel with lateen sails. In the English translation of
the Book of Privileges it is called Foist.
The ''Book of Privileges'* 557
The Admiral is to be relieved in some instances from the charge
and expenses, and still to receive his full one tenth part. His
cattle, the garniture of his person and household, his com and
wine, and all that Bobadilla took from him are to be restored,
or he is to have their equivalent in money. Bobadilla is to
make a declaration of the pieces of ore which contained gold,
the number and size, taken from the Admiral, and these are to
be restored to him. As to the complaint of the Admiral that
he no longer makes appointments of captains and officers to
the ships which go to the island of Espanola, thereby suffering
injury, it is ordered that henceforth appointments shall be
made conformably to the said Articles of Capitulation. The
Admiral is permitted to bring from Espanola three quintals of
Brazil wood on accoimt of his one tenth part of one thousand
quintals of that commodity.
The money paid by Bobadilla as wages and salaries not
authorised by Columbus is not to be chargeable to him.
Of the gold and jewels taken from the Admiral and his
brothers by Bobadilla, the ten parts are to be divided, one tenth
to be returned to Columbus and nine tenths to go to the Sove-
reigns.
The Admiral is directed to maintain in Espafiola a person to
keep an accoimt of his affairs, and Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal,
Contino of the Royal Household, is designated for this position.
As the Admiral has farmed out the offices of bailiff and
notary of Espafiola for a certain term, the profits of said offices
shall go, the one tenth to the Admiral and the nine tenths to
the Sovereigns.
The books and writings taken from the Admiral are to be
returned him.
Document XXXVIII . — ^This is addressed to Commander de
Lares, Nicolas de Ovando, and is dated from Granada, Septem-
ber 28, 1501. It directs him to see that the instructions con-
cerning the restitution of the property and rights of Columbus
be faithfully fulfilled.
Document XXXIX. — This is interesting as bringing to mind
an incident which records the losing of his temper for a moment
by the Admiral. The docimient is written by the Sovereigns
to Ximeno de Briviesca, and is dated from Granada, Septem-
ber 27, 1 501. It reminds Ximeno that the Sovereigns have
558 Christopher Columbus
agreed with the Admiral that he may supply the eighth part
of the merchandise going to the said Indies, and he is ordered
to furnish the Admiral with an accotmt and copy of all the
merchandise, that if he so wishes he may contribute the eighth
part.
This is the person immortalised by Las Casas as having been
subjected to personal ptmishment by the Admiral on the occa-
sion of his departing for his third voyage.
** PHrece que tino debiera de, en estos reveses, y por ventura, en palabras
contra ^1 y contra la nagociacion destas Indias, m^s que otro senalarse, y
segun entendi, no debiera set cristiano viejo, y creo que se llamaba Ximeno,
contra el cual debi6 el Almirante gravemente sentirse y enojarse, y aguar-
d6 el dia que se hizo d la vela, y, 6 en la nao que entr6, por ventura, el
dicho oficial 6 en tierra cuando queria desembarcarse, arrebatol6 el Almi-
rante, y d£[e muchas coces 6 remesones, por manera que lo trat6 mal; y d
mi parecer,'por esta causa principalmente, sobre otras quejas que fueron
de acd, y cosas que murmuraron d^l y contra ^1 los que bien con ^1 no
estaban y le acmmularon; los Reyes indignados proveyeron de quitarle la
gobemacion. . . /'
" It seems that tmder these reverses, one person had to distinguish him-
self more than any other against him [the Admiral] in the affair of these
Indies, and according to what I understood it could not have been an * Old
Christian,* and I believe that he was called Ximeno; against whom the
Admiral felt deeply affected and displeased and he awaited the day of
sailing and either on the ship which the said official entered, by chance, or
on land when he wished to disembark, the Admiral seized him and violently
kicked him and plucked out his hair, many times, so that he treated him
badly; and in my opinion, principally from this cause, more than from
other complaints which proceeded from here and things which those who
were not even with him murmured about him and against him and added
to them, — the indignant Catholic Sovereigns prepared to take away the
government from him.*'
Las Casas does not give his full name, but simply calls him
Ximeno, — no Debiera ser Cristiano Viejo, — a figure of speech
for indicating a converted Jew or Moslem. He does, however,
call him an official, and we know that Ximeno de Briviesca was
an important official in the Department of the Indies. The fact
that he is important enough to receive orders directly from the
Sovereigns — although three years lapse after the incident — does
not make the story very probable. Las Casas was writing in
old age of scenes that took place years before, when he was
quite young, and when, so far as we know, and unlike Oviedo,
The '' Book of Privileges '' 559
he kept no notes coincident with the events themselves. A
coarse attack, even under provocation, would have been the
subject of a grave inqtiiry. Even Ferdinand Columbus does
not mention it.
Document XL. — This is a letter from the Sovereigns to the
Admiral, dated from Valencia de la Torre, March 14, 1502, and
is an answer to one from him written on February 26, 1502,
and which is not now in existence. The Admiral mentioned in
his letter that he wished to go by way of Espanola, and the
Sovereigns reply that
"it is not advisable that in this voyage, whereon you are now going, any
time should be lost, you are to go, in any case, by this other way; but on
your return, God willing, if it shall appear to you to be necessary, you may
return by passing there, because, as you see, it will be convenient that
when you have returned from the voyage upon which you are now going,
we should be immediately informed by you in person of all that you shall
have discovered and performed therein, in order that by your opinion and
advice we may provide therefor what may best fulfil our service and that
the things needful for barter may be provided from hence.'*
Instructions are then given as to his conduct should he meet
with Portuguese captains, each being provided with letters from
their respective Sovereigns requesting the good treatment of the
other's subjects and that all shall act as friends.
Don Ferdinand Colimibus, the son, is permitted to go upon
the voyage, and the allowance due him to is be given Don
Diego.
The Admiral is permitted to take one or two persons who
know Arabic.
The men who go with him are to receive the same wages and
profits as those who have previously gone.
"As to the ten thousand pieces of money which you men-
tion, it has been agreed that they should not be made for this
voyage until more is seen." As the letter of Columbus is lost,
we cannot hope to understand this allusion. It cannot refer
to the coining of money in America, for which dies, presses,
and the necessary tools were already in Espafiola, because the
Admiral was instructed not to go to that island.
** Respecting your statement that you could not speak to
Doctor Angulo and the Licentiate Capata on account of your
56o Christopher Columbus
departure, write to us very fully and in detail." This item of
the letter presents another mystery which only the lost letter
of Columbus might reveal. The Sovereigns express extreme
regret that he suffered the indignity of imprisonment, and assert
that directly they knew of it they ordered it remedied. Assur-
ances are given that he and his sons shall enjoy all the honours
and privileges conferred upon the Admiral, and, if necessary,
these will be conferred anew.
On the recto of folio LIIJ,' in the margin of the leaf, drawn
in red ink, is a hand pointing to the very clause in the docu-
ment expressing the distress of the Sovereigns at the imprison-
ment of the Admiral. It is believed that this hand with its
open index finger was drawn there by Columbus himself.
Document XLL is a repetition of the Articles of Capitulation,
issued April 17, 1492, and given in full elsewhere.
Document XLIL — This document is imdated and appears to
be a legal opinion by coimsel for Columbus as to his privileges,
and particularly as to his rights to the third, eighth, and tenth
parts of gains and profits. This we have already discussed.
Document XLIII. — This is a document of the same charac-
ter as the preceding. It is entitled :
**The Declaration of what belongs, and can and ought to belong, to
the Lord Admiral of the Indies by virtue of the Capitulation and agree-
ment which he made with their Highnesses, which forms the title and right
that the said Admiral and his descendants have to the Islands and conti-
nental lands in the Ocean."
Then the five Articles are considered seriatim. This docu-
ment is remarkable as presenting the first use we have met with
of the term West Indies. It occurs in the ninth and final para-
graph of the Fourth Article, and is as follows:
** And even from the person of the said Admiral it follows that the said
provision ^ is just : because according to the quality of the said West Indies
which were unknown to all the world, it was necessary to appoint on this
side a. judge of sure experience to give just judgment, for who would have
had more experience of them [the Indies] or would have surer knowledge
' In the original vellum copy of the Book of Privileges, folios I to LI II inclusive
are written upon both sides, while the folios, numbered LIV to LXII inclusive are
blank on both sides, as if the Admiral expected to insert some other matter.
^ The powers of the Jurisdiction Clause in the prerogatives of an Admiral, par-
ticularly as to suits.
Facsimile of Verso of Folio LXVII from ''Book of Privileges y'' Showing First Use
of Term '' Indias Occidentales, '' {From the Paris Codex,)
1?^,
The '' Book of Privileges " 561
of the nature of the suits than that Admiral who has constantly resided in
them, and miraculously found them through his great skill and knowledge
of the sea and by exposing himself to much danger by the sea? *'
The hand is the hand of a lawyer, but the voice is the voice
of Columbus. His use of the expression, on this side, suggests
that the original of the document may have been drawn up
while he himself was in the Indies. It was supposed that the
suits would necessarily be passed upon in the new settlements.
After four centuries this doctmient possesses a vital interest
for us. It comes as an important witness to rescue the fame of
Coltimbus from the charge of ignorance and from an inadequate
comprehension on his part of what he had himself accomplished.
It is true it is the opinion of the legal adviser of the Admiral,
but as the latter placed the document in the Book of Privileges,
it becomes his own and the one important, essential, vital
expression in it is without doubt the AdmiraVs very own and
is simply repeated by the man of law. This expression is the
naming the new lands discovered on the three voyages the
Indias Occidentales, the ** Western Indies. '' The Western Indies
manifestly were not the Eastern Indies. They were a distinct
geographical designation. The document declares that these
lands were unknown to all the world before they were discovered
by Columbus. Was Cathay imknown? Was China unknown?
Was India unknown ? Then were these lands no part of Cathay,
or of China, or of India. Columbus knew that when he found
himself in the East — on the shores of Cathay — he would behold
marble cities, inntmierable fleets, signs of wealth and civilisa-'
tion related by Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville, by travel-
lers and merchants for generations. These men knew Cathay
and China, but they had never known any of the lands discov-
ered by Columbus. Nor had any Andalusian or Biscayan pilot
ever been driven upon its shores to reveal on his return the way
thither to the Genoese discoverer. The newly found lands were
declared by Columbus, through the mouth of his legal adviser,
to be absolutely unknown to all the world, and to be situated in
the Western world, — the very designation which separates it from
the Eastern Indies. How can history deny the greatest sailor
of his time the possession of geographical knowledge deduced
from his own experimental voyages, demonstrated by his own
daring exploits, and grant that knowledge to his cotemporaries?
VOL. II.— 36
562 Christopher Columbus
Columbus knew the lands he had found were up to that time
imknown to all the world, and he knew he was still in Western
seas and on Western lands. And this knowledge, already pos-
sessed in the first days of the year 1502, was to be confirmed to
him before that year should close, when, on the shores of Ve-
ragua, there was revealed to him the significance of his conti-
nental discovery.
Document XLIV. — This is the famous letter to the nurse of
Don Juan, the yoimg Prince who died at Salamanca, October 4,
1497. She was Donna Juana de Torres, sister to Antonio de
Torres, who commanded the second expedition. The letter is
a remarkable production. It was written, as the beginning of
the transcript informs us, during his return voyage from his
third expedition, when he came in disgrace and chains. The
entire letter will be found in the present Work under the accotmt
of the Third Voyage of Columbus.'
(The Book of Privileges, No. i., that preserved at Paris, ends
on the verso of folio LXXV.)
The four Codices or cartularies here described are enu-
merated by the Admiral himself. If there were other copies
made of these documents, so essential for the establishment of
his rights, he made no mention of them. The mere fact that
he was careful to number these, that the copies were made with
notarial care and formality, that their locations were particu-
larised, will in a measure justify us in assuming that in his time
no other copies were made. When, however, the family came
to enter into litigation with the Crown, when the several Fiscal
inquiries were prosecuted, it is possible his heirs caused a copy
or several copies to be made.
There are preserved in America ' two other Columbian Co-
» See our chapter Ixxxxiv.
* The following note by Mr. Wilberforce Eames, of the New York Public Library,
describes what may be termed the Florentine Columbus Codex:
•'The Florentine Codex
**This manuscript was bought at Florence by the Hon. Edward Everett, in
November, 1818, apparently for one sequin, equivalent to about $2.18. It was men-
tioned by him in a note on pp. 64, 65 of his Oration delivered at Plymouth, December
22, 1824 (Boston, 1825), and a few particulars were added on page 429 of an article
in the North American Review for October, 1825, supposed to be written by Mr. Caleb
Gushing. For many years the manuscript seems to have been forgotten: and when
in 1892 or thereabouts inquiries were addressed to Dr. William Everett, it could not be
found. Subsequently, in July, 1897, it was discovered in an unused bookcase, and in
February, 1901, it was purchased from Dr. Everett for the Library of Congress at
Washington.
The '' Book of Privileges " 563
dices, ancient if not contemporary, the one known as the Floren-
tine or Everett Codex now in the Congressional Library at
"The voliune is small folio in size, containing forty-seven vellum leaves, of which
four are blank, and in addition there is an inserted document on paper in two leaves.
When bought by Mr. Everett, it was described by him as * in binding once very rich,
but now worn.*
"He had it rebound in brown calf or russia, with blind panelled tooling on the
sides. The following title is on the first leaf:
••*Tresladode
Las Btillas del Papa Alexandre 6° de laconcession de
Las Indias y los titulos, Privilegios y cedulas Reales q se dierd
a Xpoual Colon
Es dela camara del Rey y decono [ ?]
cimi^ dela birbresca
[Large notarial E, with flourishes.]
[Below, in modern hand/]
'* • Florence Bought [price erased and nearly illegible] Nov. 7, 18 18.*
*' Following the title is an inserted sheet of paper in two leaves, containing the
Papal Bull Dudum siquidem, dated 1493, Sept. 26 \sexto kl octobris), filling three pages,
and endorsed on the fourth page:
" * Carissimo inxpo filio fer
dinando Regi et Cari
ssime In x^ filie Elisabeth
Regine. Castelle Legionis
Aragonu et granate Illus
tribus.'
"This document wa.s originally folded twice like a law paper, and it still shows
the lines of the folding. According to Berchet, Fonii Italiafte per la storia della sco-
perta del nuovo mondo, Roma, 1892, tom. I., p. 15, note, the original text of this Bull is
not found in any of the printed collections of Bulls which had been examined or even
in the secret archives ol the Vatican. It is printed, however, in Solorzano Pereira,
De Indiarum jure, Matriti, 1629, tom. i, p. 613, and from this source it is reprinted by
Berchet. A Spanish version, made 'en romance por el secretario Graciano,' August
30, 1534, is preserved in the Simancas Archives, and is printed in Navarrete's Colec-
cion de los viajes, tom. 2, p. 404.
"The contents of the velltmi book are as follows:
'* Document I, the Papal Bull Inter cetera, dated 149-?, May 4, and beginning with
the word Alexander in large letters filling the whole of ttie first Une. This docimient
is the same as Paris Codex XXXVI and Genoa Codex XXXVII, except that it con-
tains neither the authenticating preambles of the Bishop of Barcelona, In dei nomine
Amen, and Petrus garsie, nor the supplementary authentication Quibus quidem, which
are in the others. The Bull begins on folio i recto and ends in the middle of folio ij
verso. Docvunents // to XXX VI follow on folios ij verso to xlij verso, corresponding
to Paris Codex I-XXXV and to Genoa Codex I-XXXI, XXXIII-XXXVI, Docu-
ments II-VIII have marginal titles, but the other dociunents have none. The cap-
tion of Document // is as follows; Este es traslado de dos escripturas escriptas en//
pargamino de cuero la vna Abtorizada de cierias ce//dulas y cartas y titulos del almirant^
de las yndias A nteljciertos aUds y firmadas y sygnadas de martin rodriguez/ /escriuaxio
publico de Seuilla En thenor delas quales vna// en pos de otra es este q se sygue.
** Doctunent XXXVI is the last in the volume. In the final paragraph, beginning
E asi presentadas, there are some variations from the Paris and Genoa Codexes, as
noted below:
** Paris Codex (Stevens, p. 179), fortituyto, is the same in this manuscript, in-
stead of fortuyto as in the Genoa Codex.
*' Paris dodex (»Stevens, p. 179), the sentence makfos^ . . . woc/a^^ reads m3-
dasen . . . mddase in this manuscript. ^ ^
** Paris Codex (Stevens, p. 179), the words E luego los dhos allds, which are not in
the Paris Codex, are in this manuscript as well as in the Genoa Codex.
"Paris Codex (Stevens, p. 179), the last few words on this page, E de todo esto
como paso, read in this manuscript E de todo esto en como passo, more like the Genoa
Codex.
"Paris Codex (Stevens, p. 180) , the words el qual va firmado e signado de mj el dho
escuano pu^^, read in this manuscript el qual va firmado e signado dlos dhos allds e de mj
el dhd escri^ pu^', both differing somewhat from the Genoa Codex, which according to
564 Christopher Columbus
Washington, the other in the Carter-Brown Library' at Provi-
dence, R. I. These are described in the accompanying notes with
Spotomo (p. 228) reads: el qual va firmado de los dichos alcaldes e de cada una dellos, e
firmado e sygnado de mi el dtcho escrivano publico.
"The notarial signatures and flourisheswhich are subscribed to Document X A' AT K/
in the Paris and Genoa Codexes are not in this manuscript, but the names and attesta-
tions are all given in plain writing in the last eight lines, of which five lines are at the
foot of folio xlij recto and the remaining three at the top of the verso, as follows:
'' ' de sevilla enl dho dia e tnes
e Afio Susodhos. peroruyz.//
alld. estevSt dela roca alld.
Yo gomes njato escrj^ de se//villa
fuy p'sent a la^ abtoridad e mandamj^
dlos dhos allds//E so testigo.
Yo alfonso liicas escrf
de seujlla fuy presentjla la
abtoridad e mSdamf^ he los dSts
allds e so testigo.//
_ [Folio xlij verso:]
Yo mjn rodrigus escriuano publico
de seujlla fise es qe viz/jestas
escripturas e fuy present ala dfta
abtoridad e mci//damj7to dlos dhos
allds e fise aq mjo signo E so
test^// •
"The manuscript ends as above. Four more leaves follow, all blank except the
following words in a modem hand on the lower part of the last page:
** Ferdinando Becheroni Portiere di
Casa il Duca di Albaniccho
Sig" Luigi CaccicUore '
**It is interesting to note that the attestation of Martin Rodrigues in this manu-
script is fuller than in the two other manuscripts. The Paris Codex (Stevens, p. 180)
reads: E yo mjn Rdtgs escuSHo pu^ de seujlla fuy presente ala dh& abturidad e fis aHf mj^
sig [notarial mark] no e so testigo. The Genoa Codex (Spotomo, p. 228) was incom-
pleteljr deciphered to read as follows; E yo M . . . escrivano publico de Sevilla
subscripsi a la dicha abturidad. . . .
•* A word of apology is required for the above notes, as far as they relate to com-
parison with the Genoa Codex. It was intended to revise this part and to replace the
reference to Spotomo with those to the edition of Belgrano and Staglieno (Roma,
1894), but there has not been time to make the necessary comparisons and changes.
It is the opinion of the writer that the Florentine Codex is contemporary with the
Paris and Genoa Codexes, the reasons for which belief may be given at some other
time and in some other place."
'•*The Providbnce Codex
"This manuscript, containing sixteen pages in folio, in a notarial handwriting,
possibly contemporaneous with that of the Genoa and Paris Codices, was offered at
the sale of S. L. M. Barlow's Library in New York, February 8, 1890, No. 2751 of the
Cs^talogue:
*• '2751. [Columbus]. A manuscript petition, addressed by Columbus to Fer-
dinand and Isabella, claiming certain rights based upon several 'Capitalaciones*
which are here recited. 16 pages in a remarkably clear character. Folio, crushed
levant morocco extra, gilt edges, by Gruel. 149 2-1494.' "
The following bibliographical note is inserted in the hand of Henry Harrisse:
The '' Book of Privileges " 565
sufficient detail to enable the reader to identify them and the
particular documents contained within their covers.
*"The CapitiUaciones' of 1492, which are here given, can be found in Navarrete,
the others have never been printed, and do not even exist in the Archives of the Indias.
"This document was evidently dictated by Christopher Columbus at the island
of Hispaniola in 1494. By comparing the handwriting with that of several important
papers preserved here [Sevilla] . . . Don Francisco de Paula Juarez, the chief
archivist, and myself, came to the conclusion that it had been written by Diego de
Penalosa. . . .— H. H."
This Codex was bought for $325 by Mr. John Nicholas Brown for the Carter-
Brown Library in Providence. It consists of selections and extracts from the com-
plete Book of Privileges, as noted below:
*• (i) La Capitulacion. Las cosas suplicadas, pp. 1-2 (from Genoa II, Belgrano,
pp. 50-54).
(2) Francisco de Soria, p. 2 (Genoa XVII, Belgrano, p. 162).
(3) tengo por bien, p. 2 (from Genoa I, Belgrano, 22-24).
(4) y defiendo firmamente, pp. 2-3 (from Genoa I, Belgrano, 26).
(s) por quanto vos christoual colon, p. 3 (from Genoa I ?).
(6) y es nuestra merced, p. 3 (from (ienoa III, Bel^ano, 74-76).
(7) For quanto en la capitulacion, p. 4 (Genoa IV, Belgrano, 86-88).
(8) quanto a lo otro contenido, p. 5 (from Genoa XLI, Belgrano, 262-264).
(9) muy claro parece por la capitulacion, pp. 5-8 (Genoa XLI I, Belgrano. 266-
272).
(10) La declaracion de lo que pertenece, pp. 8-15 (Genoa XLIII, Belgrano,
274-294).
(11) Habiendo descubierto Don Christoval Colon, p. 16 [endorsement, with
title * Capytulacyon del almyrante colon, XXXVIII.' "].
CHAPTER C
THE FOURTH VOYAGE
The strength of Columbus was departing from him, his
natural force was abating. Disease was laying its torturesome
hand on his body. Fancy was disordering his brain. His work
was nearly accomplished. If the tmities of the drama had been
consulted, he should now be translated, bearing with him most
of his writings and all of his complaints. The Sovereigns had
made him what reparation they could, they had promulgated
his innocence and had published abroad, especially in the New
World, their confidence in him. In the meantime they were
proposing a new voyage, and, while its preparations were wind-
ing their slow length along, the Admiral sat himself down in the
convent of Las Cuevas to expound the Scriptures and to read
out of them some prophecies as to the new discoveries and to
himself. He then composed his work, Lihro de las Profecias,'^
or at least parts of it, in which he predicted the end of the
world before two more centuries should pass. Following St.
Augustin, and fortified with the opinion of Pierre d'Ailly, Co-
Itmibus declared that the end of the world would come in the
seven- thousandth year of its existence: from its creation until
the birth of Christ there had been 5343 years and 318 days,
according to the calculation of King Alphonse; adding 1501
more years from the birth of Christ to the time of his own cal-
culation, Colimibus finds a total of 6844 years, leaving but
the brief period of 155 more years for the accomplishment of
the earth's allotted seventy centuries and the destruction of the
* The manuscript of this work is still in existence, and an examination discloses
that but a small portion is in the proper hand of Coltunbus. Bartholomew and the
Admiral's son Ferdinand wrote the larger part, of course at the dictation of the Ad-
miral. Bartholomew had much too wholesome a mind to dream dreams, and Ferdi-
nand was too yotmg to indulge himself in scriptural prophecies.
566
The Fourth Voyage 567
world. The fact that his calctilations did not agree with those
of more learned men is not in question. It reveals to us a
prophet, a seer, beholding the approaching end of the world
when the heavens should be rolled together like a scroll, and
this accomplishment perhaps dependent on his own exertions
and the active co-operation of their Catholic Majesties. Before
the accomplishment of this rounded period, the Holy Sepulchre
must be recovered to the Christian world, the heathen must
hear the word of the Lord, and there must be the second coming
of Christ. Whatever hampered or interfered with the transac-
tion of His great affairs was hostile to the cause of religion and
inimical to Divine interests. Saturated with a thoroughly
mediaeval spirit, convinced of his own selection as the instru-
ment of Providence, believing in the genuineness of the prophe-
cies as interpreted by himself, and impatient of delays which
might retard their fulfilment, he saw passing events only as
they aided or hindered the Divine will. If the Jews were pim-
ished by persecution, if they were deprived of liberty and prop-
erty, the sooner would they turn to the Christian — ^his Christian
— ^religion. If the Moors were conquered and crushed to the
most humble subjection, the quicker the Cross would be dis-
played on the Moslem banners. If the iron yokes of servitude
were thrown about the necks of the Indians in the mines of the
New World, the readier would they be to adopt the faith of
their masters. The blood of the martyrs was the seed of the
Church. The pains of the pagan nurtured its growth. Present
things might be grievous to be borne, but they were all steps on
the road to fulfilment, all necessary that there might come to
pass the words which he believed the spirit voices had uttered
to him. Even his own disappointments, even the withholding
of his thirds, his eighths, his tenths, were only postponing that
moment when he should draw up before the Holy Father in
Rome fifty thousand armed horsemen prepared for the final
crusade of the Christian world. For this he needed his wealth,
and if it was not to be in his day then the honours and rights
preserved in the Majorat he had created for his heirs and his
successors, would simply be the rallying point against the day
when the Christian warriors should gather once again before the
walls of Jerusalem. If, then, Coltmibus was impatient of some
steps which lay along his road, he was conscious that there were
568 Christopher Columbus
some which he must take to reach his goal. The reader by this
time, after following the track of his vessels for so many days
and over so many thousand leagues, must be convinced that
the Admiral was no longer in doubt as to the character of his
discovery. He knew that he had disclosed another continent,
and he called it Novus Orbis or Mundus Novus. He knew that
the New World lay not in the India of the Old World, but be-
tween it and the marts of Europe. He himself had estimated
a degree to contain fifty-six and two third miles, and he knew
that he must multiply this by three himdred and sixty to cir-
cimmavigate the globe.' He knew the distance to the extrem-
ity of India extra Gangem, as measured eastwardly from the
Canaries, on the map of Ptolemy, four editions of whose geo-
graphy were then already printed and common in the world,
and he also knew the distance he had travelled westwardly from
the Canaries.' He knew that Marco Polo, with whose book
he was familiar, since his copy was annotated and marked on
many a margin, told of the coast lines of the lands of the Great
Khan and of the islands and of powerful peoples out in the
China Sea. If he knew all this, he knew that between the
country of the Great Khan and the shores of Europe lay great
continental lands, and that he — Christopher Colimibus — and
none other was their discoverer. It is time history erased from
its pages that humiliating sentence, '* Colimibus died believing,
not that he had found a new world, but that he had reached the
shores of Asia.*'
Nevertheless, this new continent must be marked, its coasts
explored, and, if such existed, a passage-way foimd through
into the farther waters which reached to China and to India.
Two purposes were for ever before him, first, the procuring of
money for the furtherance of his project as to the crusades; and
second, bringing the world to the feet of the Church, that the
latter might lift it up as an offering to the Lord. Hence this
new voyage must be undertaken, and at Seville he turned his
' On the margin of the Imago Mundi the Admiral has written:
**Unus gradus respondet miliariis, 56-I et circtiitus terre est leuche .5100. hec est
Veritas."
And in another place: "quolibet gradus habet miliaria, 56-4 et sic habet totus
circuitus terre, 20, 400."
* On the margin of his copy of Imago Mundi, in his own handwriting, we read:
"A fine occidentis usque ad fin em indie per terram est multo plus quam medietas
terre videlicet gradus, 180."
The Fourth Voyage 569
attention to equipping four ships. These were the Capitana, of
which Diego Tristan was captain; the Santiago de Palos, Fran-
cisco de Porras, captain; the Gallego, Pedro de Terreros, cap-
tain; and the Vizcaino, of which Bartolom^ de Fieschi, a Genoese,
was captain.' There appears to have been no officiating priest
' Navarrete calls this man de Fresco, while Las Casas refers to him as Flisco.
It; is fitting that the men on this expedition shoiild have their names recorded in
history. We have only the sailing lists of the first and fovirth voyages.
RECORD OF THE PEOPLE AND OF THE VESSELS WHICH THE ADMIRAL DON
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS TOOK WITH HIM WHEN HE
MADE HIS DISCOVERIES
CARAVEL '*CAPITANA"
Diego Tristan, captain: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.*
Ambrosio Sanchez, master.
Juan Sanchez, head pilot of the fleet: died May 17, 1504.
Anton Donato, boatswain.
Seamen
Martin Dati.
Bartolom^ Garcfa: died Stmday, May 28, 1503.
Pero Rodriguez: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.
Juan Rodriguez.
Alonso de Ahnagro.
Pedro de Toledo.
Pedro de Maya: died Thiirsday, April 6, 1503.
Juan Gomez.
Diego Roldan.
Juan Gallego.
Juan de Valencia: died Saturday, January 13, 1504.
Gonzalo Rodriguez: died Tuesday, April 4, 1503.
Tristan Perez Chinchorrero.
Rodrigo Vergayo.
Squires
Pedro Fernandez Coronel.
Francisco Ruiz.
Alonso de Zamora.
Gtiillermo Ginoves.
Master Bemal, physician.
Cabin Boys
Diego Portogalete: died Wednesday, January 4, 1503.
Martin Juan.
Donis de Galve.
Juan de Zvimados.
Francisco de Estrada.
Anton Chavarin.
Alonso, servant of Mateo Sanchez: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.
Grigorio SoUo: died Wednesday, June 27, 1504.
Diego el Negro.
Pero Sanchez.
♦ Navarrete gives this date as 1502, evidently a misprint.
570 Christopher Columbus
on this expedition, unless it was Friar Alexander, on board the
VtzcainOy and he embarked, not in the capacity of an ecclesias-
tic, but as a page, from which we apprehend he was young, and
not in full orders. In the Lettera we find the Admiral, among
his many afflictions, particularly specifying the deprivation of
the sacraments of the Church. There was a physician, or
apothecary. Master Bemal. This man ill requited the Admiral,
Francisco Sanchez.
Francisco de Moron.
Juan de Murcia.
Grigorio Ginoves.
Ferrando Ddvila.
Alonso de Leon.
Juan de Miranda: died Tuesday, April ii, 1503.
Garcia de Morales: remained in Cadiz on account of sickness: was a servant of
the Admiral.
Juan Garrido: died February 27, 1504.
Baltasar Daragon.
Workmen of the Vessel
Martin de Arriera, cooper.
Domingo Viscaino, calker: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.
Diego Frances, carpenter.
Juan Barba, soldier appointed to Lombardy guns: died May 20, 1504.
Mateo Bombardero: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.
Juan de Cuellar, trumpeter.
Gonzalo de Salazar, trumpeter.
CARAVBL *• SANTIAGO DE PALOS"
Francisco de Porras, captain.
Diego de Porras, notary public and officer of the fleet.
Francisco Bermudez, master.
Pero Gomez, boatswain.
Seamen
Rodrigo Ximon.
Francisco Domingo: died Saturday, February 4, 1503.
Juan de Qui jo.
Juan Rodriguez: died April 6, 1503.
Juan de la Feria.
Juan Camacho.
Juan Grand.
Juan Reynalates: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.
Diego Gomez.
Diego Martin.
Alonso Martin.
Squires
Francisco de Farias.
Diego Mendez.
Pedro Gentil.
Andrea Ginoves.
Juan Jacome.
Batista Ginoves.
The Fourth Voyage 571
his benefactor. When they all returned to Spain, the latter
wrote to his son Diego from Seville on December 29, 1504:
** Diego Mendez is well acquainted with Master Bemal and with his
career. The Governor desired to imprison him while on Espanola but at
my request he left him free. It is said he killed three men in that island
with some poison, in revenge for some wrong which did not amount to the
value of three beans.*'
The Admiral does not say when this incident occtirred, and
we are left to infer that it was after they arrived at San Do-
Cabin Boys
Gonzalo Ramirez.
Juan Bandrojin: died October 23, 1503.
Diego Ximon.
Aparicio.
Donis: died Thtirsday, Jiine i, 1503.
Alonso Escarraman, Francisco Marquez, and Juan de Moguer received the wages
of two cabin boys: Alonso died Tuesday, January 23, 1504.
Alonso de Cea.
Pedro de Villatoro.
Ramiro Ramirez.
Francisco Ddvila.
Diego de Mendoza.
Diego Cataflo.
Workfnen of the Vessel
Bartolom^ de Milan, soldier appointed to Lombardy guns.
Juan de Noya, cooper.
Domingo Darana, calker: died Thtirsday, April 6, 1503.
Machin, carpenter.
VESSEL **GALLEGO"
Pedro de Terreros, captain: died Wednesday, May 29, 1504.
Juan Quintero, master.
Alonso Ramon, boatswain: died Thursday, April 6, 1503.
Seatnen
Rvii Ferrandes.
Ltiis Ferrandes.
Gonzalo Garcia.
Pedro Mateos.
Julian Martin: died Thtirsday, April 6, 1503.
Diego Cabezudo.
Diego Barranco.
Diego Delgado.
Rodrigalvares.
Squire
Gonzalo Camacho.
Cabin Boys
Pedro de Flandes.
Bartolom^ Ramirez: died Thtirsday, April 6, 1503.
Anton Quintero.
Bartolom^ Dalza.
572 Christopher Columbus
mingo from Jamaica and before the Admiral sailed for Spain.
In another place in the same letter the Admiral says, **This
Master Bemal was the person who initiated the rebellion/'
Two of the principal members of the expedition were the
brothers Francisco and Diego de Porras, the former captain of
the Santiago de Palos, and the latter notary and auditor of the
fleet. These men proved recreant to the trust imposed in them
by the Admiral and organised a rebellion against his authority,
Gonzalo Flamenco.
Pedro Barranco.
Juan Galdil: died September 9, 1504.
Alonso Peftac.
Esteban Mateos, page.
Diego de Santander.
Garcia Polanco.
Juan Garcia.
Francisco de Medina: deserted on the island of Espaiiola; nothing further was
known of him.
Juan de San Martin.
VESSEL ** VIZCAINO**
Bartolom6 de Fresco, Genoese, captain.
Juan Perez, master: died Saturday, October 7, 1503.
Martin de Fuenterrabia, boatswain: died September 17, 1502.
Seamen
Pedro de Ledesma.
Jtian Ferro.
Jtian Morreno.
San Juan.
Gonzalo Diaz.
Gonzalo Gallego: deserted on the island of EspaAola, and it was said that he was
dead.
Alonso de la Calle: died Tuesday, May 23, 1503.
Lope de Pego.
Squires
Fray Alexandre, in place of a squire,
Juan Pasau, Genoese.
Cabin Boys
Miguel de Lariaga: died Saturday, September 17. 1502.
Andres de Sevilla.
Luis de Vargas.
Batista Ginoves.
Francisco de Levante.
Francisco de Cordoba: entered in place of a squire, a servant of the Admiral
who remained in Seville. Fled on the island of Espaiiola at the departure
of the vessels, and is there.
Pedro de Montesel.
Rodrigo de Escobar.
Domingo de Barbasta or Narbasta: died Tuesday, March 26, 1504.
Pascual de Ausurraga.
Cheneco or Cheulco, page.
Marco Surjano: died Wednesday, September 11, 1504.
The Fourth Voyage 573
as we will presently see, in the island of Jamaica. In another
letter, written from Seville in November 21, 1504, the Admiral
says:
**At the request of Treasiirer Morales I made these two appointments
in favour of the two brothers named Porras. I made one of them a captain
and the other an auditor. Neither of them had ability to fill the position,
but I made the appointments from a desire to fill those places and through
love for the person who recommended them. Both men soon became
vainer than they ever before had been. I overlooked more acts of theirs
than I would have done for my own relatives, and these acts were of a
nature to receive more than a verbal reprimand. . . . They revolted
in the island of Jamaica, and I was as astonished by their actions as if I
had seen the light of the sun turned into darkness. I was then almost at
the point of death and they made me suffer cruelly without any cause on
my part for no less than five months. At last I made them all prisoners,
but afterward I set them all at liberty excepting the Captain. I desired to
bring the Captain as a prisoner before their Highnesses. . . . The said
prisoner was kept and retained in San Domingo by the Governor. His
sense of the letter of the law compelled him to do this. There was a pro-
vision in my letters by which all were commanded to obey my orders and
full jurisdiction was given me in civil and criminal cases concerning all
those who had come in my expedition. But this was of no avail with the
Governor because he said they did not apply to his jurisdiction. After-
wards he sent him (the Captain) here without indictment or anything in
writing to the Lords who have charge of affairs in the Indies; but they did
not receive him and to-day both brothers are free. I would not be sur-
prised if the Lord punished someone for this thing.**
The reader, when he peruses the history of this voyage, will
tmderstand the righteous indignation of the Admiral. There
were some brave men on this expedition, who were good as
well as brave. Such were Diego Mendez and Bartolom6 de
Fieschi. And there were some men who were brave, but who
were not good and true, such as Pedro de Ledesma, who per-
formed a most famous deed of valour off the mouth of the little
river Belem in Veragtia, and then revolted and fought against
the Admiral in Jamaica. But we shall become acquainted with
some of these characters as the story unrolls itself.
CHAPTER CI
A CONSUMMATE SEAMAN
Columbus had addressed a memorial to the Sovereigns,
under date of February 26, 1502, requesting permission to go
to Espafiola, doubtless to see for himself that his property had
been restored, and also that, in showing himself once more in
the island where he had been discredited, the honours which
must be accorded him as the viceroy and Admiral of the Indies
would testify to the favour in which he was held by the Sover-
eigns. But the King and Queen wrote him on March 14, 1502,'
that it would not do for him to lose any time in going to Espa-
fiola. They ordered that he should take a direct course and
then, if it was necessary on his return he might stop there a
little time, que d la vuelta^ placiendo d Dios, si os pareciere que
serd negesario, podreis volver por alii de pasada para deteneros
poco. He was not absolutely forbidden to stop on his outward
journey, but it must have been clear to the Admiral that the
Sovereigns wished to avoid the embarrassment of mixed author-
ity, since a new Governor, Nicholas de Ovando, had, with a
large fleet and a multitude of colonists and adventurers, sailed
but the day before the writing of their letter to take possession of
the government in their new possessions. Las Casas speaks well
of this man Ovando, and certainly he departed from Spain with
more ^clat than ever yet had attended a Governor or represen-
tative. The problems before him, the terrible condition of the
island, the disregard for authority, the decadence of morals, the
existence of cliques and bands of wild and dissolute Spaniards,
— none of these would be aided by the appearance of the Ad-
miral, especially since he was on no legitimate mission to Espa-
' This letter forms Document XL. in the Book of Privileges.
574
A Consummate Seaman 575
fiola. The letter continues to give instructions for his expedi-
tion. Two of the items are of importance. The letter says:
** Aquf vos enviamos la instruccion delo que placiendo 4 nuestro Seflor
habeis de facer en este viega: y ^ lo que decis de Portugal, Nos escribimos
sobre ello al Rey de Portugal, nuestro hijo, lo que conviene, y vos enviamos
aquf la carta nuestra que decis para su capitan, en que le hacemos saber
vuestra ida h^cia el Poniente, y que habemos sabido su ida Mcia el Le-
vante ; que si en camino os toparedes os trateis los unos d los otros como
amigos, y como es razon de se tratar capitanes 6 gentes de Reys entre
quien hay tanto debdo, amor 6 amistad, deci^ndole que lo mismo habemos
mandado d vos, y procuraremos quel Rey de Portugal, nuestro hijo, es-
criba otra tal carta al dicho su capitan."
"We send you here oiu* instructions in regard to the things which —
Our Lord pleasing — you must do on this journey : in regard to what you
say about Portugal, we are writing to the purpose about the matter to the
King of Portugal, our son, and we send you here our letter of which you
speak for his captain, in which we make known to him your departure
toward the west, and that we have learned of his departure toward the
east: and if you encotmter each other on the way, treat each other as
friends and as Captains and representatives of Sovereigns between whom
there is so much obligation, love and friendship and as they should treat each
other, making known to him the commands we have given you, and we will
obtain that the King of Portugal, our son, shall write a similar letter to the
said his Captain."
This is the first picture we have had of what some writer
has likened to a race between two runners who should be started
on a circular track with their backs touching, each starting in an
opposite direction, but bound to meet somewhere on the track.
The Spaniards are going to the west, the Portuguese are going
to the east. The world is round and they must meet. There
is here no line of demarcation. A friendly understanding has
apportioned each his sphere of work. The other important
item is personal to Columbus:
" . . . y las mergedes que vos tenemos fechas seran guardadas en-
tera mente, segund forma y tenor de nuestros privilegios que dellas teneys,
syn yr encosa contra ellas, y vos y vuestros fijos gozareys dellas como es
razon, y si necesario fuere confirmarlas de nuevo las confirmaremos, y a
vuestro fijo mandaremos poner enla posesyon de todo ello. Y en mas que
esto tenemos voluntad de vos honrrar y fazer mer9edes. . . ."
** . . . The favours we have granted you will be fulfilled according to
the form and tenor of the privileges which we have given you, without the
change of the slightest thing and you and your sons shall enjoy them as
576 Christopher Columbus
ought to be the case. If it shall be necessary to confirm these rights anew,
we will so confirm them, and we will put your son in possession of all that
which has been granted you. And our strong desire is, and our will is, to
honour you still further and to grant you new rewards. . . .'*
It was probably due to this promise that we find the letter
forming a document in his Book of Privileges, Ovando, with all
his pomp, could produce no such promise of Royal favour.
Perhaps the latter preferred the substance he already had. Be
this as it may, the Admiral set about performing his present
duties, and on April 3, 1502, the four ships were taken down
the Guadalquivir River where, at Puebla Vieja,' they were ca-
reened and prepared for their long voyage. On Wednesday,
May II, 1502,' with his brother Bartholomew and his little son
Ferdinand, the Admiral went on board and set sail from Cadiz.
Upon the caravel Santiago de Palos were two important per-
sonages,— Francisco de Porras, the captain; and Diego de
Porras, notary and officer of the fleet. Every piece of gold and
silver, every precious stone, every bit of spice or other valuable
thing had to be recorded in a book of accounts to be kept by
Diego de Porras, and these valuables were then to be deposited
with Francisco de Porras. It is to the records kept by Diego
de Porras that we owe an interesting and supplementary ac-
count of this voyage, particularly as regards the distances and
direction along the coast. But it is singular that in neither this
relation nor in the Lettera Rarissima is any mention of the first
event occurring on this voyage, and which is related by Fer-
dinand in his Historie, In one of the letters in the hand of the
Admiral, and still possessed in the family archives of the Dtike
of Veragua, we have the following short epistle, addressed to
Father Don Gaspar Gorricio de la Misericordia, a Franciscan
monk of Las Cuevas in Seville:
" Al Reverendo y muy devoto Padre D. Gaspar en las Cuevas de Sevilla.
**Reverendo y muy devoto Padre:
*' El vendabal me detuvo en Calis fasta que los Moros cercaron ^ Arcila,
y con ^1 saH al socorro, y fuf al primero. Despues me did Nuestro Senor tan
buen tiempo que vine aquf en cuatro dias. Agora sigo mi viage en nombre
* See the letter of the Admiral to Father Don Gaspar Gorricio of the Monastery
of Las Cuevas, April 4, 1502, in the chapter, "The Handwriting of Columbus.**
(Navarrete vol. i., p. 331.)
* In the Historie the date of departure from Cadiz is May 9, 1502. The present
account follows the report of Diego de Porras.
A Consummate Seaman 577
de la Santa Trinidad, y espero della la vitoria. Acoerdese V. R. de escribir
4 menudo d D. Diego, y acoerde d Micer Francisco de Rivarol el negocio de
Roma que non le escriuo por la priesa. Al Padre Prior y d todos esos de-
votos Religiosos me encomiendo. Todos ac^ estamos buenos i, Dios
Nuestro Senor gracias. Fecha en Gran Canaria. . . [estd roto y co-
mido el papel; y no se puede leer lo demas de la fecha.]
"fara lo que V. R. mandare.
"S.
.S. A .S.
XM Y
Xpo Ferens.**
'*To the Reverend and Most Devout Father Don Gaspar [Gorricio] in Las
Cuevas de Seville.
''Reverend and Most Devout Father:
*' The south-west wind detained me in Cadiz until the Moors surroimded
Arzilla, and with that wind I started out to the rescue, and went to that
port. Afterward our Lord gave me such good weather that I came here in
four days. Now my voyage will be made in the name of the Holy Trinity,
and I hope to obtain a victory from it. I trust yoiu* Reverence will remem-
ber to write often to Don Diego, and will remind M. Francisco de Rivarol of
the affair of Rome, as I do not write him on account of being in haste. I
commend myself to the Father Prior and to all the devout members of
your religious house. All here are well, thanks be to God our Lord. Done
at the Grand Canary. . . . [the paper is torn and destroyed; and the
rest of the date cannot be read.]
**I am at the command of yotir Reverence.
"S.
.S. A .S.
XM Y
Xpo Ferens."
In the Historie ' we read:
**. . . and thus we sailed from the strait of Cadiz May ix, 1502, and
went to Santa Caterina whence we departed Wednesday, the nth of
the same month, and went to Arzilla * the second day to render assistance
to the Portuguese who were said to be in great distress, but when we ar-
rived the Moors had raised the siege. Thereupon the Admiral sent the
Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus, his brother, and me with the
captains of the ships, on land to visit the Governor of Arzilla, who had been
wounded in an assault by the Moors : who thanked the Admiral very much
' Historie, chap. Ixxxviii., verso folio 194.
The French translation of 1681 is very poorly done. Ferdinand alone, and not
Bartholomew, makes the visit of respect to the Governor, and all reference to Dofta
Filippa is omitted.
^ Arzilla is a small fortified seaport town on the coast of Morocco, twenty- three
miles south-south-west of Cape Spartel.
VOL. II.— 37*
578 Christopher Columbus
for such a visit and for the offer made him, and to that end he sent to him
some gentlemen of his suit some of whom were relatives of that Donna
Filippa Mognis, who was the wife, as we said, of the Admiral in Portugal." '
After the interchange of civilities the expedition sailed for
the Canaries, where it arrived in foiir days. Neither the dates
of the Lettera, the Historie, nor the Relation of Diego de Porras
will be fotind in agreement. The Admiral says in his Lettera:
*' From Cadiz I passed to the Canaries in four days and from
there in sixteen days to the Indies/' Ferdinand, in the His-
torie, makes the expedition leave Cadiz, May 9, 1502, reach
Sancta Catherina on the i ith of May and Arzilla two days after,
on May 13, departing the same day and arriving at the Grand
Canary, May 20; and reaching Palma on the 24th instant, where
they provisioned the ships . . . anchoring off the island of
Matinino ' (or Martinique) on Jtme 15, 1502. Diego de Porras
says the Admiral:
**set sail from the bay of Cadiz with four ships Wednesday May 11, 1502,
and followed the route to the Canaries . . . and lost sight of these
islands on Thursday May 26, 1502. . . . Wednesday, Jtme 15, he
landed on an island called Matinino/*
Arrived at San Domingo the Admiral sent Pedro de Terreros
ashore with the request that he might exchange one of his
ships which had become tmserviceable ^ for a better one, the
expense thereof to be deducted from the moneys due him. He
was told that this could not be, and he was given to imder-
stand that he must not land, but must at once depart. The
following account of retributive justice is not related by the
Admiral or by Diego de Porras, since beyond the fact that
there had been a terrific storm they knew nothing of the tragedy
connected with it. In the Historic the story is told to the
great advantage of the Admiral. There were then riding in the
port of San Domingo no less than twenty-eight ships'* ready
to sail for Spain with the accimiulated treasures, and having
' Las Casas gives practically the same accoimt with the inference that the siege
was raised by the Moors at sight of the incoming fleet. And this is in accord with
the evident feeling of obligation expressed by the Portuguese.
* Navarrete identifies this island as that of Sainte- Lucie, but we are inclined to
believe that it is the island of Martinique.
3 Las Casas says it rolled frightfully and cotdd not support its sails.
4 Las Casas says here, thirty or thirty-one ships small and great, although, he
adds, some say there were only twenty-eight.
A Consummate Seaman 579
on board the ex-Govemor, Francisco Bobadilla, and the ex-
freebooter, Francisco Roldan, together with many others who
were going back to Spain for ptmishment or for the remission
of their sins. The Admiral, when he found he was not per-
mitted to land, sent word to the Governor that a great storm
was approaching, begging him not to permit the fleet to de-
part for at least eight days. His advice was not heeded. The
mariners and pilots, when they heard the message of warning,
mocked him, calling him a diviner and a prophet. The ships
gaily spread their sails, and like foolish birds fluttered out of
the port on their way to Castile. Hardly had they arrived at
the eastern end of the island, after a brief sail of thirty to forty
hours, when the tempests assailed them, and the ship Capitana,
with Bobadilla on board, was at once destroyed, and of the
entire twenty-eight vessels only three or four were saved. On
the Capitana was Antonio de Torres, Captain-General of the
fleet, who was brother to the Dofia Juana, the friend of Colimi-
bus. And also there went in chains to his death the captive
king, Guarionex, Lord of the realm of Vega. Among those
saved was one ship with Roderigo de Bastidas on board. On
the ship Capitana were 100,000 castellanos belonging to the
Queen, — Las Casas says they were the property of the King, —
with the great nugget which weighed 3600 pesos, together with
another sum of 100,000 castellanos belonging to the passengers
going on the said ships.
Twenty of the ships were totally lost with aU their crews
and passengers, so that Las Casas says not one person dead or
alive ever was found. The Historie is the sole authority for the
statement that of the twenty-eight ships sailing with Boba-
dilla, one only, named La Gacchtay and one of the weakest ves-
sels, survived to reach Castile, and that the vessel bore four
thousand pesos of gold which the factor of the Admiral (Alonzo
Sanchez de Carvajal) had sent home for his master. No Greek
drama ever more completely filled the demands of vengeance.
The tempest had visited the little fleet of Coltimbus with a
lighter hand. The vessel of the Admiral had safely hidden
itself in a convenient harbour, called Puerto Hermoso, sixteen
leagues from San Domingo toward the west.
Whatever else may be said of this man he was the most
consimimate master of a ship who ever walked a deck. When
58o Christopher Columbus
we caU to mind that sometimes his vessels were not over forty
tons burthen and not built piuposely for prolonged voyages,
that he was devoid of those modem instruments which guide
the mariner and foretell his skies, that he was ever sailing un-
known seas and on uncharted courses, his skiU and nautical
knowledge have never been surpassed from the time of Tiphys
to the reckless modem mariner who sails alone in his boat from
Boston harbour to circiminavigate the globe. The physical
world was full of signs reveaUng to him its changing moods.
The flight of a bird foretold a coming storm while yet afar off.
A fish rising to the surface whispered to him the distress of its
mother the sea. Although no breath stirred on the face of the
waters, although the sails hung unfilled and slighted, yet he
heard the champing of the bits and the uneasy stamping of the
storm-steeds in their stables beyond the placid skies. Northern
seas and southern seas, eastern seas and western seas! He knew
them all, and he called the winds by their names. Coliunbus is
the first sailor of all time.
CHAPTER CII
THE CONTINENT AGAIN
The little fleet of the Admiral assembled after the storm in
the port of Azua or Agua. One of the ships under that other
great sailor, his brother Bartholomew, the ship which the Ad-
miral considered so unsea worthy, had made its way out in the
open water, where it had obtained sufficient sea-room to weather
the gale. All four were now safe and the Admiral resolved to
go on his way. With the remnants of the storm still pursuing
him, giving him heavy seas and contrary winds, the Admiral
went near the island of Jamaica and from thence to the Huerta
de la Reina, or Gardens of the Queen, on the southern side of
Cuba. From there he sailed for the mainland on the coast of
Honduras, seeing first the little island called Guanaja on July
30, 1502. On Stmday, August 14, 1502, the Admiral sent his
brother, the Adelantado, on shore, where mass was celebrated.
September 12, 1502, found him at Cape Gracias & Dios.' Shortly
after passing this cape, it being necessary to replenish the sup-
ply of wood and water, the Admiral sent some of the ship's
boats to a great river, where one of the boats with all the per-
sons in it was lost, from which tmhappy occurrence the river
was called El Desastre. This accoimt is only found in Las Casas.
The Admiral does not mention it in his Lettera, Porras does
not refer to it. However, we accept it from Las Casas, and find
it partially confirmed in Porras in the latter 's list of necrology,
where on Saturday, September 17, 1502, Martin de Fuenterrabia,
boatswain, and Miguel de Lariaga, one of the apprentices of
» In the Lettera this place is not designated by any name, but the date is Septem-
ber 12. This name. Cape Gracias d Dios, is found in the Relation of Porras. Las
Casas also calls it Gracias d Dios.
581
582 Christopher Columbus
the ship Vizcaino, are reported as dying. ' These were the first of
the expedition to perish. Another confirmation of the storj^ is
found in the table of distances given by Porras, where he says
from the Cape Graciasd Dios to the river El Desastre, the dis-
tance is seventy leagues." On Sunday, September 25, the Ad-
miral arrived at a charming place of shelter between an island
and the mainland, where he anchored that the expedition might
refresh itself. The island was called Quiribri, and because it was
green and very beautiful he also named it La Huerta.^ The set-
tlement on the mainland was called Cariari. This landing is
probably Puerto de San Juan de Nicaragtia. Here the Admiral
and his men held much converse with the Indians, who seemed
intelligent and well disposed . The Spaniards did not land at first ,
and the Indians came swimming to the boats, bringing cotton
cloths and gold ornaments, but the latter were made of a baser
gold or alloy — el oro hajo, called guani. These they endeavoured
to present to the Spaniards, who would not take them at the Ad-
miral's orders, which action Las Casas interprets as a species of
dissimulation that the Indians, seeing how little the Spaniards
valued them, might press their possessions upon them more
eagerly and plentifully. The Admiral ordered that the Indians
should be presented with gifts brought from Castile, but when
these saw that the Spaniards would not accept their gifts, with
a sense of propriety which might have shamed their white visi-
tors, they tied the gifts of the latter all together and left them
on the shore as if to say: ** Since you will not accept our poor
presents, all we have to give, take back the things you have
given us that we may not bear too heavily the sense of obliga-
tion.*' The next day, when one of the boats went to shore for
water, an old man appeared leading two girls, the one fourteen
and the other eight, wearing pieces of gold around their necks,
whom he persuaded the men to carry back to the ships. When
the Admiral beheld the girls he sent them to land with many
gifts, but as all the Indians had by that time withdrawn he
kept the girls in good and honourable care until the following
' Ferdinand gives this event as occurring on Saturday, September i6, but as
soon after he fixes an event as occurring on Sunday, September 25, his previous date
of Saturday, September 16, should be corrected to Saturday, September 17, 1502.
* The reader will notice that Navarrete reduces this distance to sixty leagues.
3 This name is given by historians to the settlement on the mainland, but both
Las Casas and Ferdinand seem to indicate the island under this name.
The Continent Again 583
day, when, on Thursday, September 29, he ordered them to
be returned to land, where were the old man and some fifty
other natives. The Indians, when they found the Spaniards
would not keep their second instalment of presents, took from
the girls the gifts the Admiral had bestowed upon them and
returned them their gifts to the last item. ^ The following day
the Adelantado went to land that he might obtain information,
where he was met by two Indians of position who approached
him and bore him between them to a grassy spot upon the
bank, where, being seated, he began by signs to ask questions
and directed his Escribano to write down what they said. The
Indians were so disturbed either by the sight of the Spanish
implements of writing or else through fear that the white paper
or black marks might be mysterious charms to work them
harm, that they fled in fright and anger. The Indians them-
selves were evidently practisers of the gentle art of enchant-
ment, since when first they approached the boats they had
sprinkled many powders and burned another sort which seemed
a kind of incense, blowing the smoke thereof toward the Span-
iards.' A day or two afterward the Adelantado went to their
settlements and visited their homes, which were of wood cov-
ered with reeds, where he was astonished to find that they had
the process of embalming their dead.' These bodies were dried,
prepared with balsam or myrrh, enwrapped in sheets of cotton,
and over the sepulchres were tablets on which were sculptured
the figures of animals and in some places the figure of the per-
son entombed, while around about were jewels of gold and
various treasures valued by them.^
The Admiral now incurs the severe censure of Las Casas.
He ordered that seven of the Indians should be seized, from
' This is the first account recorded in history of such practices in the New World.
* Ferdinand speaks of finding only one embalmed body, and Irving has followed
him.
3 In the province of Chiriqtii have been fotmd interesting monuments of the
ancient Mtiiscas which ethnologists contrast with the Peruvian monuments to the
south and the Aztec and Toltec civilisations to the north. There are three classes of
carving: those presenting rude figures cut on the surface of rocks, stone columns ten
or twelve feet high, such as are fotmd in Veragua; and tombs, or Huacas, in which
were deposited articles of value. It is seldom that himian remains are foimd. The
disappearance of human remains is not of itself an indication of the antiquity of the
tomb, because of the climate and soil. The peoples of the north, particularly in
Mexico, were in the habit of cremating their dead, while to the south, in Peru, the
preservation of bodies by some mummifying process was common. Along the coast,
584 Christopher Columbus
which niimber two of the most important were selected. The
other Indians were returned with an attempt to make the
natives understand that the two who were taken were only
appropriated temporarily for guides, and that they, too, would
be afterward returned. But the explanation seems not to have
been satisfactory, for the following day an embassy came re-
questing the immediate return of the two men, evidently per-
sons of quality, and an offer to exchange for them all that they
where the Admiral was travelling, few aboriginal monuments have been found.
From the description of the sepulchre seen by the Adelantado it is not likely that
tombs of similar character would be long preserved. Those a little farther to the
south and west were of a more permanent character.
In the Lettera, in referring to this land, is the only passage in all the writings of
Columbus upon which one could foimd a belief that the Admiral's feet had ever been
on continental land. He says:
**FMt vissi una sefmltura dentro nel tnonte grande como una casa" : ** There I saw
a tomb in the mountain side as large as a house."
A little farther along, in speaking of the strange animals, he says: "With a
cross-bow I had wounded an animal which exactly resembles a baboon ... I
had pierced it with an arrow." Both Ferdinand and Las Casas say that on the first
occasion the Admiral sent the Adelantado to visit the place where the sepulchre was.
If we accept the statement in the Admiral's letter, he certainly went on shore at
Cariari, and Puerto de Juan de Nicaragua will always have an interest for us as the
possible landing-place of Columbus on continental soil.
Neither the expedition xmder Columbus nor those of his immediate successors
found any writings among the natives. It was not until the .Spaniards reached
Mexico that they found written records, and then these appeared in vast numbers.
They were destroyed with a ruthless hand, partly because they were idolatrous and
the Christians' God was supposed by the Spanish Christians to be pleased at their
destruction, and partly for the sheer love of tearing and btiming. The first Bishop
of Mexico, Juan Zumarrago, permitted this vandalism, but we forgive him, for he
was accessory to the introduction of the blessed art of printing into the New World,
and builded even as he destroyed. One of the Governors of Mexico is said to have
sold vast quantities of manuscripts, documents, and papers as so much rubbish,
papier de rebut.
The manuscript books produced by the early peoples in Mexico were made from
the thin bark of the maguey. Sometimes they were a single sheet as much as twenty
fathoms long by one fathom in width, being not less than one finger in thickness.
Peter Martyr, in the eighth chapter of his Fourth Decade, gives a detailed account of
these folios and of their preparation. What a contribution to pre-Colvunbian history
these precious manuscripts would have made !
A century scarcely had passed when the ancient manuscripts — what were left of
them — were sealed books, and Ixtlilxochitl declared that in his time only two indi-
viduals, both aged men, could read and interpret the writings.
In the Third Decade — Tenth Book — of Peter Martyr, we read of a Spanish judge
by the name of Corrales, at Darien, — prior, of course, to 15 16, — who one day, perus-
ing a book, found watching him a native who expressed wonder at the Spaniards also
having books from which they could read and who exclaimed, *' Have you also books
wherein you may record things in perpetual memory and letters whereby you may
make known your mind to those at a distance?"
The reader will wonder that Columbus and his companions were never informed
of the empire and its civilisation existing but a short distance to the north and west
The Continent Again 585
had. In token of their intention they brought them two of
their hogs for a present. The Admiral decUned to return the
two men, but gave them many of the CastiHan gewgaws to pay
for the loss.
"The Indians [says Las Casas] returned to land extremely disconsolate
because of that violence and injustice in taking the two by force and carry-
ing them away against the will of all, abandoning their wives and leaving
their children orphans. And perhaps those unjustly detained prisoners
were lords of the country and the villages and hence thereafter they would
of the regions in which they were. Americus Vespucius sailed along the coast be-
neath the plateau on which the mighty city of Mexico was built, and yet no suspicion
of its existence seems to have been entertained by him. It is true now and then
stamped pieces of gold, richly woven cloths, strange carvings, suggested something
higher in the scale of human invention than was consistent with the intelligence and
resources of the native population. Much of this ignorance was due to a want of
comprehension on the part of the Spaniards, no linguistic medium of commtmication
being common to them and the natives. Then, when the tales of the Indian were
understood and Cortes and his men had mounted to the city of Mexico, the imagina-
tion distorted much which the excited eyes really did see.
A notable example of this will be found in the ninth chapter of Peter Martyr's
Fourth Decade, or in the Letter, De Insults Nuper Inventis, printed at BAle in 152 1 and
again in 1533. We know from the relation of the Fifth Decade that a friend and com-
panion of Cortes, Johannes Ribera, carried home to Peter Martyr, at whose house were
assembled such company as Caracciolus, Legate to the Pope. Gaspar Contarinus,
the Venetian Ambassador, and Tomas Marinus, nephew of the Ambassador to the
Duke of Milan, not only specimens of art and merchandise, but a youthful native of
Mexico, who was skilled in exhibiting the customs and habits of the people. Among
the things shown were certain coverings with chequered figures, which Peter Martyr
declared was a sure proof that the game of chess was played among them. The
following is the passage:
*' . . . various cotton coverings interwoven in colours white, black, and
yellow, two of these embroidered with gold and gems and three others with feathers
and cotton after the manner of a game of chess, from which it is concluded that they
had in use among them chess-boards."
The Spaniards were the foremost chess players of Europe. They knew that the
game had its probable origin in the Far East and that the Hindu game was played with
the four colours, the green and black forces being allied against the yellow and red
pieces. While, then, Peter Martyr does not in so many words give expression to his
thoughts, the inference is unavoidable that a civilised people dwelling on the conti-
nent long before its discovery by Columbus, had customs and habits similar to the
people in the eastern part of the Old World from whom they must have descended.
But no actual chess-board or chess-man, either king, ship, or elephant, was seen by
the historian. The coloured squares deceived his judgment. The ethnologists dis-
cover certain simple games of chance which were common to the native of America
from the Aleutian Islands to Patagonia, and which were known when the pyramids of
Egypt were building and when the Chinese were only part way through their annals.
But the greatest game of skill known to mankind, into which chance has never once
been permitted to set her wild and fascinating and destructive face, was unknown
until the culture of the Old World brought it into America at a comparatively late
period. Indeed we, ourselves, have never heard of an earlier mention of a game
played in America than the match, the stake for which was the acquirement of the
Italian language, played in the year of 1733 between Benjamin Franklin and a friend.
586 Christopher Columbus
be justified in never again trusting themselves to the Christians, but they
rather have a lawful reason for waging war upon them."
The good Bishop again makes no allowance for the fact that
necessity compelled the Admiral to go on his way and forbade
his waiting until such time as he might impart a knowledge of
the Spanish tongue to the natives, or until he might acquire
from them fluency in their own speech. He could not well
avoid taking one or two natives with him, that they might gain
a little interchange of words by means of which the Spaniards
might find their way to a western ocean or to the mines of gold.
Nor does the Bishop make a distinction between holding two
natives for the purpose of using them as guides, returning them
shortly after to their homes, and seizing a nimiber for the pur-
pose of enslaving them and selling them as chattels. However,
we must admit that the Bishop is consistent in shrilly tnmipet-
ing his protests on every occasion against involuntary servitude
of the Indians in any form and under any circumstances. On
Wednesday, October 5, 1502, the Admiral raised his anchors
and sailed to a land called Caravard,' and again anchored on
October 6 in a bay known to this day as TAlmirante, the
mouth of the river Toro. That the two Indians were endeav-
ouring to perform their duty as guides is evident, since we find
the Admiral saying in his Lettera that they had brought him to
this Caravar6. On Friday, October 7, 1502, in going on shore
the boats met with ten canoes full of people with gold around
their necks. Las Casas says that one of the pilots, then forty-
five years of age, Pedro de Ledesma, whom he himself knew,
reported that the canoes were not less than eighty in number.
Although they brought much gold the Admiral would not re-
ceive anything. Just here is an interesting statement of Las
Casas, comparing the relation of this incident as given by Fer-
dinand Columbus in his Htstorie with that made by Pedro
Ledesma. The Bishop intimates that he would prefer to believe
the pilot — a mature man — rather than Ferdinand, a boy of
thirteen. We see that while Las Casas had before him the
Htstorie composed by Ferdinand Colimibus, he did not servilely
follow him, and we have good reason to suppose that the work,
as composed by the Admiral's son, is substantially as we have
> In the Htstorie this region is called Zerabora.
The Continent Again 587
it in the Italian version. It is only fair, if we charge Ferdinand
with the imperfections of a youthful observation and of a youth-
ful memory, to credit him with the opportunities possible to an
eye-witness and a sharer in events. Moreover, it is only fair to
observe that Las Casas, when he put his Historia into final form,
was not far removed from the age of seventy, an age in which
distant events are not always recalled with distinctness. We
must read the history of this voyage with all the authorities
before us, — the Lettera, the Historia of Las Casas, the Relation
of Diego de Porras, the Historie of Ferdinand, and the Narrative
of Diego Mendez.
Las Casas says the Admiral sailed from the province of
Cariari to Aburema, an adjoining province; and Diego Porras
says the distance between these two points was forty-two
leagues. The land was elevated and rough, the inhabitants
dweUing in the hills, and the different tribes living in so little
intercourse that those at a distance of thirty leagues apart
did not tmderstand each other. The bay into which they en-
tered in Aburema is the Laguna de Chiriqui.'
From the Lagima de Chiriqui the Admiral sailed to a river
called by Porras Guyga, identified by Navarrete as the river of
Veragua, where they found many Indians armed with spears
and arrows, some of whom had mirrors of gold on their breasts.
The Spaniards traded two or three hawk's bells for a mirror,
securing in all sixteen of these, worth one hundred and fifty
ducats. Irving says they got seventeen mirrors, a discrepancy
of no importance except to one interested in ascertaining the
historical sources of that graceful writer. Las Casas and Ferdi-
nand agree as to the number sixteen. The reader will notice
that no nimiber is mentioned in the Lettera. Although the
natives bartered their gold for the trinkets of the Spaniards, it
is recorded by Porras for the first time that the Indians seemed
to value their own possessions much more than things for which
they exchanged them. Las Casas gives an entirely different
colouring to the barter. A difficulty occurred here through the
hostile attitude of the Indians, and the following day ^ it be-
' Ferdinand says they left the Bay of Aburema on October 17, 1502, to go to
the river GuaigOy twelve leagues from Abtirema.
* Las Casas gives this occurrence as happening on Friday, October 21, 1502,
while Ferdinand says it occurred on Friday, October 29; but he is entirely wrong in
588 Christopher Columbus
came necessary to fire the lombard gun to frighten them, the
result being immediate subjection and the trading of three
pieces of the plates which were called by the Spaniards mirrors
of gold. Las Casas states that the previous night — that is, the
night intervening between their bartering the sixteen mirrors
and the day of the firing of the lombard — the Indians spent on
the shore in retreats made from the branches of trees for
fear of the Spaniards. Farther south, particularly in Peru, the
natives sheltered themselves in the boughs of trees and fought
the Spaniards with stones and arrows until the latter, under the
protection of improvised shields, cut down the trees with axes/
It does not appear from the description given by Las Casas,
that the natives of Veragua fought the Spaniards in this man-
ner. The text leaves it doubtful whether the trees close to the
shore were fortified, to be utilised in case of attack, or places of
safety near to the shore were made by cutting down the boughs
of trees, behind which they might resist the encotmter if assailed.
his dates, since he gives October 2 as occurring on Sunday and Nove^nber 9 as occur-
ring on Wednesday, thus enabling us to determine that even according to his own
calendar his day of the week, Friday, does not agree with his day of the month, Octo-
ber 29.
* See illustrations in De Bry, Great Voyages, Sixth Part, ist edition, Frankfort,
1596.
CHAPTER CHI
ANOTHER SEA
It was while in this region that the Admiral heard of the
province of Ciguare, where, at a distance of nine days' land
journey to the west, were the mines of gold. He heard also that
the sea borders upon this province of Ciguare, and he tmder-
stood that a ten days' sail would carry one to the river Ganges.
Las Casas, with the Journal before him, thus relates the con-
ception of the Admiral concerning the continent and its relation
to the Atlantic and Pacific oceans:
**Item, que la mar bojaba d Cyguare, que debia ser alguna ciudad 6
provincia de los reinos del Gran Khan, y que de alU d diez jomadas estaba
el no de Ganjes; y porque una de las provincias, que le sefialaban los indios
ser rica de oro, era Veragua, creia el Almirante que aquellas tierras estaban
con Veragua, como estd Tortosa con Fuenterrabfa, cuasi entendiendo que
la una estuviese ^ una mar y la otra d la otra: y asf parece que imaginaba
el Almirante haber otra mar, que agora Uamamos del Sur, en lo cual no se
engafiaba, puesto que en todo lo demas s£."
**Item: The sea siurounds Ciguare, which ought to be some city or
province of the dominions belonging to the Great Khan and ten days' jour-
ney from there was the river Ganges ; and as one of the Provinces which
the Indians indicated as rich in gold was the province of Veragua, the Ad-
miral believed that those countries were situated in relation to Veragua as
Tortosa is to Fuenterrabia, as if he understood that the one was on one sea
and the other on another. Thus it appears that the Admiral imagined
that there was another sea which we now call the South Sea and in this he
was not deceived, although he was in all the other things."
In the Lettera we find the first printed reference to this con-
tinental land and its two bordering seas:
** Dicono anchora che el mare boglie nela ditta puicia di Ciguare: & che
de li a zomi diefe vi he el fiume Ganges appellator pare che quefte terre
ftiano cfi Beragua como fta Tortofa cu fonterabia: aut Pifa cum Venetia."
589
590
Christopher Columbus
,i£.
** These lands stand in relationship to Beragua-
** — as Tortosa stands in relationship with Fuenterrabia —
Another Sea
591
**They say moreover that the sea boils in the said province of Ciguare
and that from there it is ten days' journey to the river called Ganges. It
seems that these lands stand in relationship to Beragua as Tortosa stands
in relationship with Fuenterrabia or as Pisa with Venice."
There is a difference of opinion here in rendering the Italian
text. In the Lettera the passage reads, che el mare boglie nela
ditth provincia di Ciguare. In the Spanish of Las Casas it is
made to read, que la mar bojaba d Cyguare. In translating the
as Pisa with Venice,**
Lettera into Spanish the form of the verb alone is changed from
the same word employed by Las Casas, and the passage reads,
que la mar boxa d Ciguare. In the French translation of Navar-
rete this Italian phrase is made to read, que la mer entoure le
Ciguare, This rendering is practically accepted by Navarrete
and the best authorities. In any reading, one imderstands that
in going from Veragua to Ciguare, one will find another sea
breaking on its western coast.
In both the Lettera and its Spanish copy, Ciguare is said to
be a nine days' journey by land, and therefore it could not be
592 Christopher Columbus
separated from the place in which he then was by water. More-
over, the Admiral says this Ciguare is situated in relation to
Veragua, where he was, as Fuenterrabia, on the Bay of Biscay, is
situated from Tortosa, near the shore of the Mediterranean; or
as Pisa, near the Ligurian Sea, is to Venice on the Adriatic Sea.
In the mind of the Admiral, Ciguare was part — the western
coast — of the continental land he had discovered. If, then, he
should march nine days overland westwardly from Veragua, he
would reach the eastern shore of another sea, and that sea in
ten days would carry him to the neighbourhood of the Ganges
in India or to the shores of China. This bears out oiu* conjec-
ture that the Admiral did not believe himself then on the coast
of China, — Marco Polo s China, Ptolemy's China, or the China
of Pomponius Mela, — but that he knew those countries were at
a considerable distance still to the westward of him. The
Admiral is here speculating on this very question of longitude.
He remarks that " Ptolemy has located Catigara at a distance
of twelve lines ' from the west, which I affirm to be at 2 i degrees
above Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. Marinus divides this land
into fifteen lines.'' Columbus, it seems to us, is saying that,
according to Ptolemy, the distance to Catigara from the For-
tunate (Canary) Islands is 180 degrees, while Marinus makes
this same distance 225 degrees. Columbus gave each degree
the value of 56$ Italian miles, and thus he estimated the cir-
cumference of the earth to be 20,400 Italian miles, equivalent to
about 18,754 English statute miles. Thus we see he was imder-
estimating the earth's circumference. He remarks " El mundo e
poco ' ' — * * The world is small. ' ' He continues : * * What is dry, that
is to say the land, is six parts; only the seventh part is covered
with water." Here, as we know, the speculations of Columbus
were not correct, for, instead of the land covering six sevenths
of the earth's surface, the proportion of water to land is as
2.8 are to i.' Nevertheless, the point to be considered here is
» Columbus co\mted fifteen degrees to a **line" equal to one hour of longitude.
Thus Ptolemy's twelve lines would be equal to i8o degrees, while the fifteen lines of
Marinus of Tyre were equal to 225 degrees. Both these geographers coimted their
longitude eastward from the Fortunate Islands.
' The distribution of land and water on the globe is as follows:
Continental land 44,000,000 square miles
Islands 8,000,000 " *'
52,000,000 square miles
Water 145,500,000 ** **
■-— ^;
Another Sea 593
that if the extremity of the east, or Ptolemy's Catigara, was i8o
degrees from the Canaries, there was still some distance yet to
travel from Veragua before it was reached by the Admiral ap-
proaching it from the west, and that part of this journey lay
across a narrow but still a continental land, and part lay through
a sea which was not the Ocean-sea, the Atlantic, but another
sea, perhaps the same sea which washed the shores of the ex-
treme east. If we can so read this part of the Lettera we will
remove from the memory of the Admiral the charge of tm-
necessary ignorance in supposing that he had reached China or
India. Whatever he may have thought, or said he thought,
when he was at Cuba on the second voyage, whatever he thought,
or said he thought, when in a half -crazed condition on the island
of Jamaica, he now knew he really had discovered continental
land, and that it was separated from Catigara, or the land of
the east, by a goodly stretch of another sea.
VOL. II.— 38.
CHAPTER CIV
THE LOMBARD SHOT
They sailed along the coast to a river called by Las Casas
Catiba, where the natives appeared friendly. The King was
protected from the inclemency of the weather by a huge leaf.
The King, besides encotiraging his subjects to barter the gold
plates, himself parted with his ornaments, which Las Casas re-
marks was the first instance of the kind. Here also was seen
for the first time **a solid edifice,*' a mass of stucco which ap-
peared to be made from stone and plaster. The Admiral or-
dered that a piece thereof should be taken in memory of the
antiquity of the building.'
Las Casas and Ferdinand both say that on arriving at this
place, the river of Catiba, the natives spoke with **the Indian
who was taken from Cariari.'' In the Letter a the Admiral says,
** And those two Indians always accompanied me to show me the
mines.'' This is altered in the Spanish text, as given by Navar-
rete, to the Indian. We will see presently that this latter desig-
nation is confirmed by Porras.
On October 27, 1502 (Saints Jude and Simon Day), the Ad-
miral sailed to a place called by Porras Punta de Prados, and
identified by Navarrete as Portobelo, or Puerto Bello,^ whither
I This is found in the Historie of Ferdinand, but is not mentioned by Las Casas.
It was regarded by the Admiral not as a sign of the civilisation of that time, but as
belonging to some past age.
» This beautiful harbour has a history of utility, romance, and tragedy. It was
for many long and prosperous years the Atlantic port of the Isthmus, forty miles
north-north-west of Panama, with which it was connected by a paved way. Here
came the wealth of the Pacific side to be reshipped to Spain and to tempt the greed
of intercepting buccaneers. The buccaneers derived their name from their manner of
imitating the Indians in curing or smoking the meat of cattle and boars over fires
of green wood in places designated from this practice by the French term boucan.
They lived a wild, free life, but they had their own code of law and customs which
594
The Lombard Shot 595
he was driven by a severe storm. It was six leagues from
Nombre de Dios. The date of arriving in that port, as given
by Las Casas and by Ferdinand, is November 2, 1502. The
port was entered between two little islands, and was so sheltered
elevated them a degree above ordinary pirates. Men of all nationalities joined their
ranks. Promotion came through personal courage and recklessness. When Puerto
Bello was at the height of its glory in the simimer of 1668, Henry Morgan, a Welsh-
man, was the chief of the buccaneers. He was a native of Glamorganshire, and as a
youth bound himself to accompany a planter to the West Indies and to serve him for
four years. The period of probation being passed, he joined the ** Brethren of the
Coast" and soon rose to the command of the wild adventvirers. His capture of Puerto
Bello for ever condemns him to the title of an inhuman captain. Puerto Bello was for-
tified by two great castles or forts, one on either side of the harbour. The city was
full of rich merchandise coming from the Atlantic and destined for the Pacific, and
of gold, silver, and precious stones which the Pacific was pouring into the treasure
houses of Spain. On the first day of July in the year 1668 the buccaneers landed
near the harbour, and, in the dead of night, overcoming the sleepy sentinels, seized
the outer fortress named Triana. The garrison and the entire city were now thor-
oughly aroused, but their resistance was ineffectual, and Morgan obtained possession
of the principal castle. Locking their prisoners, officers, soldiers, civilians, into one
of the large chambers, they laid a powder train beneath the building and blew it and
their unfortunate victims into the air. The Governor of the city had been able to
retreat into a fortified place, where he made a stubborn resistance; and while the
wretches were plundering churches and cloisters he was undisturbed, but when they
had sated their cupidity somewhat, they turned their attention to the devoted band
of Spaniards. Morgan and his men seized some priests and nuns, and, placing them
in front of their troops, advanced upon the guns of the besieged, and, amid the slaugh-
ter of these ecclesiastics, the place was captured, the Governor was put to death, and
there followed horrible days of rapine, butchery, and pillage. Morgan afterward
treacherously escaped from his own followers with the richest of the plunder and in
time was knighted by Charles II., and is by some looked upon in history as a mild-
mannered but somewhat determined warrior, who brought to an English colony
much wealth and commercial prosperity. Many years ago some original private
papers of Sir Henry Morgan were found, and an apologist, reading them, says of them:
** I will say that they manifest such a spirit of humanity, justice, liberality and piety
as prove that he has either been grossly traduced or that he was the greatest hypocrite
living — a character ill suited to the frank and fearless temper of the man." The
stones of Puerto Bello denounce him for ever.
On the voyage made by Diego Nicuesa, Alonzo Hojeda, Pedro de Umbria, Lupus
Olanus, and Juan de la Cosa to the coast of Veragua and Darien in the year 1509,
this fourth voyage of Columbus and this particular spot were recalled in an inter-
esting manner. While these men were on the coast of Veragua, quarrelling and
bickering among themselves, suffering from storms and the deprivation of food, the
Commander, or Governor, Nicuesa in disgust directed that they shoidd pluck up all
reminders of the Gulf of Veragua and sail along to the east. After they had gone a
space of sixteen miles, a certain yoimg man by the name of Gregory, who had been
in his youth a servant of the First Admiral, and whose name we find recorded among
the members, of the expedition, recognised the neighbourhood as familiar and de-
clared that it was the place called Puerto Bello by Coltimbus. Peter Martyr records this
event in his Second Decade:
**Ad miliaria fedecim. Gregorius quida iuuenis lanugfis Coloni primi repertoris
a teneris famulus portu ibi effe uicinii recognouit. Sociis quibus fe uera dicere pro-
babat: figna dedit: in arena femi obruta achoram ex naui amiffa: fubcp arbore
portui proxima fontg liquidum fe reperturos enunciat terra prehendunt. Anchora &
596 Christopher Columbus
that the. ships were able to approach very near to land. Las
Casas describes the region as one of the most beautiful they had
seen along that coast. It was a cultivated land with many
houses *' at a stone's throw from each other/* '
In the Lettera, the Admiral says he remained at Puerto Bello
for ten days,* and at the end of that time, resolving no longer
to seek the mines which he considered as already acquired, he
again set sail, and arrived at a port which he named Basti-
mentos, or Port of Provisions, called to-day Nombre de Dies,
where he was detained fourteen days. Somewhere along this
coast, and while yet in the province of Cobraba, or Cobrara, the
Admiral is said by Diego de Porras to have taken an Indian for
an interpreter. It may be that by this time, notwithstanding
what he says in his Lettera as to the two Indians always remain-
ing with him, he had sent them back, according to his promise.
They were to serve as interpreters, and he was now in a region
where he had found another whose services he could employ.
At this port of Bastimentos the Admiral, seeing a canoe with
Indians, sent out one of his own boats to hold speech with them,
when the Indians, fleeing and being nearly overtaken, threw
themselves into the water and successfully eluded their pur-
fonte repertis ab inc^enio & memoria Gregoriura c5mendant: a eius rei folus e multis
nautis : qui littora iUa ctrni colono perciirrerat : reminifceretxir. Porttun bellum Colonus
appellauerat."
"After sailing sixteen miles, a young man by the name of Gregory, a Genoese by
birth, a servant in his youth to the first Discoverer, remembered that there was a
harbour in that neighbourhood. That he might prove himself in what he said, he
gave to his companions these tokens: in the hali-buried sands they would find an
anchor lost from a ship, and under a tree near the said harbour they should find a
spring of pure water. They came to the land and found the anchor and spring and
they commended the memory and ingenuity of Gregory, who alone of all tnose who
had travelled this coast with Columbus remembered this thing. Columbus had called
this harbour Puerto Bello."
^ Ferdinand, in the Historte, says that the entire scene was as if it had been
painted. In the French translation this is made to read as if some of the houses
which were at a distance from each other were painted. If there was the least foun-
dation for this rendering, it would be very interesting. A similar liberty is taken
with the text of both Las Casas and Ferdinand by Irving in speaking of the fruits
and grains. But this delightful writer had read Peter Martyr, who. in the Fourth
Book of the Third Decade, describes a kind of fruit found in Puerto Bello, "much like
the nut of a pine tree resembling a carduus or artichoke but soft and worthy of a
King's dish." This leads us to remark that Peter Martyr must have taken untold
liberties in his writings, for he says of the natives of this same Puerto Bello, "The
King is painted with black colours and the people in red" — a fact which, if true
would surely have been reported by Ferdinand or Las Casas or Porras.
' Ferdinand says that they departed from Puerto Bello on November 9, having
been there just one week, and that on the next day, November 10, they sailed past
three little islands into another port called Bastimentos.
The Lombard Shot 597
suers by their marvellous skill in swimming and diving. They
would suddenly dive and come up a bow-shot from the point at
which they disappeared, and this they repeated for a chase
covering half a league. The sailors, finally worn out with their
chase, abandoned their pursuit and returned to the ships. Re-
pairing their ships at this port and remaining there fourteen
days, they set sail November 23 and went to the east to a place
called by Las Casas Guija, and by Ferdinand Guigua,' which
the latter remarks is the same name given to another place lying
between Veragua and Cerago, and which we have already iden-
tified with the port of the River of Veragua. According to the
Admiral in his Lettera, when he had gone fifteen leagues from the
port of Bastimentos, he was so harassed by the waves and cur-
rents that he resolved to turn upon his route, and in doing so
he came to another harbour, which he not very elegantly called
Retrete,^ where he repaired his ships, constmiing fifteen days in
this occupation. He had concluded at this port to give up his
ideas as to discovering mines, and, resolving to return, he had
gone not more than foiu- leagues before he was so set upon by
storm and tempest that he was in the extremest peril, and
there also his wound opened itself afresh.^ This peril and suffer-
* In the Lettera the Admiral does not make mention of this place or of the desire
of some to halt there.
^ This Retrete is called on the maps Escribanos, We find this description of the
harbour in A New Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America, by Lionel Wafer,
London, 1699:
'* Port Scrivan is a good harbour when you are got into it: but the entrance to it
which is scarce a furlong over, is so beset with rocks on each side, but especially to the
east, that it is very dangerous going in : nor doth there seem to be a depth of water suffi-
cient to admit vessels of any bulk, there being in most places but eight or nine feet of
water. The inside of the harbour goes pretty deep withm the land, and has good fresh
water, so there is good landing too on the east and south, where the country is low for
two or three miles and very firm land: but the west side is a swamp of red mangroves."
Here, in 1679, when the buccaneers under Captains Coxon and La Sotmd were
determined to attack Puerto Bello, the forces landed and went overland for fear of
being discovered, this port being regarded by the Spaniards as not inviting enough
to attract an enemy to enter. It was a five or six days* journey by land from Retrete
to Puerto Bello, but the narrative says that the buccaneers were not discovered until
they were within an hour's march of the town.
When this narrative was written at the close of the seventeenth century, the old
Spanish town of Nombre de Dios, or Bastimentos, some twenty-two or twenty-three
miles westward of Escribanos, or Retrete, was only a ruin, scarcely any sign of the
town remaining. It was situated at the extremity of the bay, the bay in front of it
lying open to the sea and affording little shelter for shipping, the land being low and
swampy. Its general situation justified the Spanish in abandoning it for the better
harbour of Puerto Bello.
3 This question of the wound of the Admiral will be disctissed in our Chapter
CXXXXIII on **The True Remains."
598 Christopher Columbus
ing lasted for nine days without his being able to round any
point of land or enter any port; the sea seemed to be of blood,
and appeared to boil as a caldron over a great fire. The reader
has before him in the translation of the Lettera a description by
the Admiral himself of the most violent tempest through which
he had ever passed. As an experience in the stormy life of a
sailor knowing more seas than any man of his time, it is worthy
our careful reading. He was at no great distance to the west-
ward of that region where the soft air, the idle skies, the gentle
sea, had recalled a vision of Paradise, and we wonder what his
sentiments now might be of this horrible region in which he now
found himself, and which had it been the veritable site of the
Earthly Paradise, situated far to the eastward, as the ancient
theologians would have us believe, might well have been re-
garded by the Admiral as the coast of that land where Cain and
the tmregenerate for ever wander.
Following Ferdinand Columbus in his Histories a course we
are permitted with some assurance since Las Casas himself has
pursued it in his Historia, we find the days passed in Retrete to
be full of movement. It was Saturday, November 26, 1502,
that the expedition reached this port of Retrete, a harboiu- so
small that not more than five or six ships could find anchorage
there at one time, and the entrance was by a mouth scarcely
more than fifteen or twenty paces wide. Sharp-pointed rocks
were on both sides, some tmder the water, making the naviga-
tion of the pass a matter of great difficulty. Indeed, there was
such peril that only the skill of as able a pilot as Columbus car-
ried them safely through. The channel, which was deep, ap-
proached so near to shore that the men could jump from the
ship to land. It seems to have been the custom of the Admiral
on approaching land to send a small boat to reconnoitre, and on
this occasion his men brought back a favourable report, a re-
port coloured by their anxiety to trade and barter with the
Indians, having been deprived of this privilege at the last
likely place, Guigua, However, the passage was safely made,
and the ships remained there nine days.' The natives soon
began to come and trade, and seemed very friendly. The
Spaniards, without the knowledge of Columbus, went ashore,
and by their dissolute conduct abused the Indians in many
* According to the Lettera the Admiral remained in Retrete fifteen days.
The Lombard Shot 599
ways, thus ttiming their friendship into enmity. The hostility
of the Indians increased until they ventured to attack the ships
which were lying close to the shore. The Admiral, to frighten
them, had recourse to the old method of firing a lombard gun
without shot from time to time, but this resulted only in gestiu-es
of anger and a beating of their sticks against the trees, they
regarding the firing, says Las Casas, as **dry thunder/' Seeing
the failure to frighten the Indians, and fearing to let them con-
tinue their hostile expressions, although they had not yet com-
mitted an overt act, the Admiral caused one of the guns to be
loaded, and fired into a group standing on a near-by hill. The
ball fell into their midst, and while Ferdinand says nothing of
any hurt being received. Las Casas remarks that some must have
been killed. The good Bishop, who probably was never him-
self in like peril of his life from the Indians, declares that on this
occasion the Admiral showed little tolerance and less mercy,
and made poor return for the kindness of the Indians. It seems
to us that if any Indians had been killed on this occasion, either
the Admiral would have entered it on his Journal — when it cer-
tainly would have been quoted by Las Casas — or Ferdinand
would have mentioned it in his Htstorie. Las Casas thus as-
sumes a result which, while natural, is not a recorded fact, and on
this tmcertain text he preaches an eloquent sermon against the
wickedness of treating the natives cruelly and pointing out that
such conduct was calculated to keep the Indians from accepting
Christianity and glorifying God. The expedition at this par-
ticular time was in danger from the Indians, and as they had
not time to convert them, they were obliged to frighten them.
It is true that the hostility of the Indians was due to the mis-
behaviour of the Spaniards, but certainly there were ten good
men in the nautical Sardis, and for their sake, indeed for the
sake of one alone — Coltmibus — they were justified in taking
extreme measures. Las Casas had evidence of the wickedness
of the Spaniards. He had no evidence on which to base his
charge of miu-der.
CHAPTER CV
LA COSTA DE LOS CONTRASTES
Ferdinand says that they had seen no such well-disposed
people as these of Retrete up to that time, nor a people so physic-
ally well made, being tall and lithe, with handsome faces. It
is said that the Indians of this part of the coimtry never were
entirely conquered, but always were hostile to the Spaniards. If
tinhappy winds sent a Spanish ship on the rocks of that coast,
no man of the crew was ever spared by the natives.
The land was level, grassy, and the woods were few. Great
lizards and crocodiles were there in plenty, so cruel and carni-
vorous that they would seize a man if they found him sleeping
on the shore and carry him into the water to eat him, but when
attacked they were timorous. Ferdinand says that these croco-
diles were foimd in many places, and that some affirm them to
be similar to those foimd in the Nile. Las Casas takes this
statement and hardens it into the positive assertion, ** These are
the true crocodiles said to aboimd in the River Nile.'''
According to Las Casas and Ferdinand, on Monday, Decem-
ber 5, 1502, the Admiral determined to return to Veragua to
verify the reports as to gold. The Indian interpreter had made
him understand that he would find none to the south or east-
ward. Diego de Porras says that the Indians seen in Retrete in
their costimies and habits called to mind the natives of the
Pearl Coast, and he then remarks that on some of the marine
maps the land where they then were was joined to that dis-
covered by Hojeda and Bastidas. The Admiral himself must
have considered the continental coast as contiguous to that
* Las Casas says that the crocodiles are more common in rivers which run into
the sea from the south than from the north.
600
La Costa de los Contrastes 6oi
along which he had sailed westward from the Gulf of Paria in
his third voyage. He had located there approximately the
Land of Pearls. He was now looking for two things, the land
of gold and the passageway into that other sea which he knew
led to China and India. Puerto Bello, on their return along the
westward coast, was reached on the same day, December 5,
1502. Departing the next day, a west wind sprang up, which
would have served him had he been going to the eastward as
he had been sailing, but which was now opposed to his onward
progress. The wind increased to a tempest, and for nine days
the vessels and their passengers were in the utmost peril. This
in Las Casas and in Ferdinand ' is the same violent storm
which the Admiral had described as happening directly after
his departure from Retrete, or at four leagues to the westward.
In other words, the Admiral relates this experience of the
storm as if it had occurred before he reached Puerto Bello on his
return journey, and therefore many days prior to December 5,
1502, while Las Casas and Ferdinand relate it as if it occurred
after leaving Puerto Bello, and therefore after December 5, 1502.
The culmination of the storm seems to have been on Tuesday,
December 13, 1502, when there passed a waterspout whirling
along with wild strength, sucking into its maw every movable
thing. The sailors and passengers recited the Evangel of St.
John, and to this pious performance they attributed their
safety, for by a miracle they escaped being drawn into the
waterspout's angry jaws. Here the Vizcaino was lost sight of
for three days, and when she reappeared her anchor and one of
her boats were gone. The wind had driven her toward the
land with her anchor dragging, and only cutting it away gave
her an opportimity to avoid going on the rocks. The reader
will remember she had already lost one of her boats and all * of
her crew on September 17, 1502, at the river El Desastre, After
a time the tempest gave her a brief respite, during which time
they were surrotmded by a great number of sharks, which the
sailors interpreted as an unhappy omen, likening them to their
kindred of the air, the vultures, who scent the dead or dying at
a distance of a league. The sailors had consumed the meat
^ The relation in the Historie will be found much more full than that given by
Las Casas.
' Las Casas alone reports the entire loss of this boat*s crew.
6o2 Christopher Columbus
they had brought with them, having been now eight months on
their voyage, and they killed some of these sea-wolves and
secured a welcome supply of fresh food. From the stomach of
one of these beasts, Ferdinand saw taken a good-sized tortoise,
and from another the entire head of one of the sharks which
the sailors had cut off and thrown into the water as being tmfit
for human food, a performance of like eating like which seemed
incredible to the Spaniards. Ferdinand says that the biscuits
were so bad and so filled with animal life that some of the more
fastidious could eat them only after dark when the night hid
the squirming mass, and others refused to remove the obnoxious
inhabitants lest the piece of biscuit should be so diminished in
volume and matter as to practically give them no food at all.
On Saturday, December 17, 1502, the expedition entered a
port which was like a great canal, three leagues east of Pegnone
— called by the Indians Huiva, according to the Historic, —
where the natives lived in the trees,' fashioning huts in the
branches and passing from one to the other by sticks. This
mode of life was because of the hostility existing between the
tribes of Indians, and each tree became a castle to its occupants,
a place of refuge and of safety. They tarried in this port for
three days, departing on Tuesday, December 20, 1502, with fair
weather, but no sooner were they out in the open sea than bad
weather drove them into another port, where they continued
three more days. The Admiral went out from this port with
the purpose of reaching Pegnone, but the wind was so furious
that he was forced to turn toward Veragua, but was driven into
another port on Stmday, December 25, 1502. Ferdinand, in
his Historie, says this was the same port where they were " on
the twelfth of the same month of December.*' Now we have
just seen that, according to the Histories the 12th of December
was one of the days of storm when the four ships were being
tossed from east to west and from south to north, the following
day, December 13, witnessing the waterspout and its final mercy
to the ships. Therefore, it is not possible to fix with certainty
the port in which they fotmd temporary shelter. Here they
» Ferdinand relates this story, but Las Casas does not mention it. Nor is it in
the Letter a of the Admiral.
This custom of the Indians utilising trees for habitations was not confined to
the coasts of Venezuela or of Veragua, for we find Americus Vespucius relating this
custom of a people far to the north. (See author's Continent of America, p. 75.)
La Costa de los Contrastes 603
remained until Tuesday, January 3, 1503, occupying the time
in repairing the ship Gallego, which was destined to render him
but a few more months of service. They suppHed their stores
with maize and water and wood, and started again toward
Veragua. Because of the continual shifting of the winds and
storms to which they had been subjected, they named the en-
tire coast from Puerto Bello westward to Veragua, La Costa de
los Contrastes. Las Casas says that during all this time the
Admiral suffered from the gout. Besides the leader, the crew
numbered many sick and infirm.
CHAPTER CVI
VERAGUA
The expedition arrived on January 6, 1503, at the river '
called by the Indians Yebra, and which **the Admiral called
Belem ' [or Bethlehem] because of the day on which the Wise
Men found shelter in that Holy Place/' Beyond this river, at
a distance of a league or two, was the river Veragua. The Ad-
miral ordered that soimdings should be taken at the entrance to
both these rivers, and they found that the river Belem had
fourteen palms' depth when the sea was at high tide, and the
depth of Veragua much less. The boats ascended the river
Belem to a village where they ascertained that the mines of
gold were in Veragua/ The Indians did not desire to hold any
communication with the Spaniards and resisted their entrance
into their houses. On the following day the boats ascended the
river Veragua, where the Indians not only were inclined to op-
pose their passage with their spears and arrows, but to use their
canoes to stop the channel. The Indian interpreter pacified
them by giving the Spaniards the inestimable gift of a good
character, and the natives then welcomed them to the embrace
* Las Casas says it was the '* Day of the Kings," or the "Day of the Epiphany,'*
that they entered this river. Ferdinand says it was "Thursday of the Epiphany.'*
The Day of the Epiphany was January 6. Navarrete makes Colxunbus say he arrived
at Veragua on the Day of the Epiphany, and this is doubtless true, as the two rivers
of Belem and Veragua were only about four miles apart and both in the province
called Veragua.
* The river Belem appears to have been the dividing line between the province
of Veragua or Costa Rica on the west, forming the Audiencia of Guatemala, and the
narrowing land on the east as far as the Gulf of Urana forming the Audiencia of
Panama. The region of Panama was first called Castilla del Oro. It was then called
Tierra Firma, and when the city of Panama was founded by the Governor, Pedro
Arias Ddvila, about the year 1509, the province took the same name.
3 Peter Martyr {Third Decade) tells us that all the country bordering on both
these rivers, Belem and Veragua, was imder the jiuisdiction of the same King — Quibia.
604
Veragua 605
of barter. Here not less than twenty plates of gold were se-
cured, besides some nuggets of gold and some pieces of pipes, or
beads.' This gold the Indians claimed they procured very far
off in a rough and moimtainous region, and before they proceeded
to gather it they prepared themselves by a form of fasting and
abstemious conduct more becoming saints than miners. On
Monday, January 9, 1503, the Admiral entered the river
Belem with the two ships Capitana and Vizcaino,^ The follow-
ing day the other two ships entered the port. The Indians
brought fish, which came from the sea into the river in incredible
quantities. They also traded their gold for trifles, and the
pieces of the greatest value they exchanged for beads and
hawks' bells. Bartholomew Columbus, on January 12, 1503,
was sent by the Admiral to go up to the river to the home of
Quibia, the Chief of the Indians of that region. Getting word
of his purpose, the Chief took boat and descended the river to
meet him. Here occurred a pleasing interchange of courtesies,
Quibia giving the Adelantado the ornaments of gold, while the
latter, not to be outdone in generosity, bestowed upon the
Chief some of the precious Castilian hawks' bells, and perhaps a
few glass beads. The Adelantado and the Indian Chief Quibia
after a pleasant interview separated, the latter returning up the
river to his village, and the former going back to the ships. The
following day the chief made a state visit to the Admiral on his
ship, and there was another interchange of gifts, but both Las
Casas and Ferdinand remark that Quibia, after about an hour,
took leave without much ceremony. On Tuesday, January 24,
1503, a sudden storm arose, and the river swollen with the rains
came down into the little harbour with great violence, endanger-
ing the ships. The Capitana was thrown with so much force
' Las Casas says of these last — "algimos cafiutos como cuentas." This may be
wampum, since the Spaniards use the word cuenta as a bead in a rosary, and the
resemblance of the hollow shells if loosely strung may have reminded the visitors of
their own rosaries. Ferdinand speaks of these pieces as pipes of gold, as he had said
they fotmd gold in three forms: first, in the shape of mirrors; second, in the shape of
pipes; and third, in nuggets. Beads of many kinds have been found in Nicaragua in the
Indian graves, but for the most part they seem to have been of chalcedony or of lava.
* The Hisiorie alone gives the names of these two ships.
Orlando Roberts, a resident trader on that coast for many years, and writing
about 1825, describes the river Belem: *'The river is large and wide at its en-
trance: but being open to the north-west, it is barred up with more than four feet
of water at its mouth. The coimtry on each side of the river appeared to be fertile
and abounding in provisions and other natural productions of the soil."
6o6 Christopher Columbus
against the Gallego at its stem that it broke its mizzen-mast.
Ferdinand discussed the question of the sudden rise of the
waters, and says that while some attributed it to the continued
rains falling more or less throughout the winter, it would seem
more likely to result from the immediate storm falling in copiDus
showers on the mountains of Veragua, particularly on the
mountain called by the Admiral San Cristobal. The head of
this mountain was above the clouds and always clear, while
mists and vapours surrounded its lower parts. Both authori-
ties say this mountain lay inland at a distance of twenty leagues.
This storm lasted several days, and the sea was so rough that
the boats could not pass through the entrance to reach the open
water, in accordance with the purpose of the Admiral to find
some spot suitable for establishing a Spanish settlement, while
he returned to Castile to secure a permanent colony. On Mon-
day, February 6, 1503, the Admiral sent seventy ' of his men,
under charge of the Adelantado, to ascend the river Veragua,
and search for the mines of gold, a league and a half to the vil-
lage of Quibia, where they spent a day in inquiring about the
situation of the mines. The Chief assigned them three men as
guides, and on Wednesday, February 8, 1503, they went four
leagues and a half, crossing one river forty- three times, on whose
banks they spent the night. The following day, Thursday,
February 9, 1503, they advanced another league and a half
toward the mines. Ferdinand says the Spaniards gathered
gold in the space of two hours after their arrival, finding it in
the roots of trees which were very thick and very high. The
purpose was partly accomplished, the presence of gold was as-
sured, and the expedition returned to Veragua that same day,
where they spent the night, going back to the river Belem on
the following day, Friday, February 10, 1503. The Admiral, in
his Lettera, says that the Indian guides took the Spaniards to a
high mountain where, looking toward the west, they said that
at twenty days' journey was a region with gold in every part,
and that afterward he learned that the Indian chief had directed
his men to mislead the Spaniards and to indicate mines which
belonged not to him or to his domain, but to a rival and hostile
chief. In the territory of Quibia the gold was so plentiful that
* Las Casas and Ferdinand both say the Adelantado with sixty-eight men went
upon this inland expedition.
Veragua 607
in ten days a single man might gather as much as a child could
carry, which, the Admiral remarks, as if it had actually occurred,
was a wonderful thing, since none of the men had ever seen pure
gold before, and most of them were sailors and boys.
Thursday, February i6, 1503, the Adelantado with fifty-nine
men started along the coast in a westerly direction, while a boat
with fourteen men followed the expedition by the sea. The follow-
ing morning they arrived at a river called the Urtra, six or seven
leagues west of Belem. The cacique or chief of that region
came a league to meet them, giving the Spaniards various ar-
ticles of food and trading mirrors of gold. During the entire
time they were in the presence of these natives, says Ferdinand,
they noticed that the Indians never ceased to chew a certain dry
herb which they carried with them, at times using also a powder
which they likewise put in their mouth, the whole performance
seeming disagreeable to the refined Castilian lad.' It was wliile
upon this expedition that the Spaniards heard of a people in-
land who possessed great quantities of gold, and who were
clothed and went armed after the manner of the Europeans.
Saturday, February 18, 1503, the Adelantado sent back to
the ships most of his expedition, and with a small force of thirty
men went toward Cobraba, where he foimd more than six
leagues of land under cultivation of maize. From here he went
on to Catiba, where he was well received, securing pieces or
plates of gold, which Ferdinand describes as like to lids or
covers of chalices, some weighing more than twelve ducats, and
which the natives wore around the neck as the Christians wore
their religious ornaments. As the Adelantado found no har-
bour better than that in which the little fleet was anchored, on
Friday, February 24, 1503, he returned to the port of Santa
Maria de Belem,* and was joyfully received by the Admiral,
since he brotight with him much gold and tidings of a fruitful
land.
The Spaniards now undertook to build a town, eighty men
remaining with the Adelantado, while the Admiral with the rest
was to return to Spain. Although the purpose was never carried
* This is a reference, doubtless, to the use of tobacco through the process of chew-
ing, then, as now, an exceedingly unpleasant sight to the observer, however enjoy-
able to the consumer.
* This was the name given the harbour by Diego Porras.
6o8 Christopher Columbus
into execution, the bxiilding of the settlement was acttiaHy com-
menced. This, the first continental settlement' in the New
World, was situated on the river Belem on the right-hand bank
in entering the river, and on a Uttle hill higher than the other
hills, about a lombard shot from the mouth and beyond a Uttle
bay or cove. This place should be identified and marked with
a memorial, for, although soon abandoned, it was established
with the purpose of permanent occupancy. And here in
Veragua leads back the only thread of glory still held in the
hands of the family of Columbus. He who represents this name
to-day in Spain is Don Cristoval Colon, Duke of Veragua.*
Here ten or a dozen houses were erected, with a large struc-
ture in the centre, in which the ammimition was placed. Ho^«r-
ever, most of the provisions difficult to duplicate were stored on
the ship Gallego. Here both Ferdinand and Las Casas, the
latter copying the Histories describe the method of fishing and
of cooking and preserving fish and the process of making liquor
from com and wine, from the pineapple and other fruits. At
certain times a variety of small fish came into the river to es-
cape their enemies of the sea, and these the natives catight in
nets, and wrapping them in palm leaves, as the apothecaries do
the sugar-pltmis, they put them on the fire and preserve them
thus, to take with them on their journeys. These fish are de-
scribed as being no larger than the vermicelli in Castile, thus
showing that the meshes of the nets must have been extremely
' In the manuscript copy of Las Casas preserved in Madrid and used for the
text in the printed edition (1875), we are informed that the Bishop wrote with his
own hand on the margin of the copy and opposite this passage the words:
*' y este fu6 el primer pueblo aue se hizo de espafloles en tierra firme, puesto que
luego desde a poco vino en nada : "and this was the first settlement which was
made by the Spaniards on continental land, although a little while after it came to
nothing."
* Titles seldom die, and the present head of the family, Don Cristoval Colon de
Larreategui y de la Cerda, is entitled to write the Spanish equivalents after his name
— Duke of Veragua and of Vega, Marquis of Jamaica, Admiral and High Steward of
the Indies. He is known in Spain and America as the Duke of Veragua. This Duke
is descended from Martin de Larreategui, who married Josefa de Paz de la Sema y
Ortegar, the daughter of Diego Ortegar and of Francisca Colon y Pravia, and this
last was the daughter of Cristoval Colon (son of Diego and grandson of the first
Admiral) and of Ana de Pravia.
The grandson of the Admiral, Don Luis Colon, held the title of Third Admiral
and Viceroy of the Indies, which last title he relinquished for that of first Duke of
Veragua and Vega. He left two legitimate daughters, one of whom entered a con-
vent and the other died without issue. Thus the heirs of his brother Cristoval
inherited.
Veragua 609
fine. A sort of sardine was also taken, but as if by the voluntary
sacrifice of the fish themselves, since they threw themselves
upon the shore, and, as Las Casas says, all that the natives
had to do was to gather them as the Jews gathered manna.
The liquor made from maize was manufactured like the beer of
Flanders and England, and in which spices were thrown, the
product tasting very well, says the Bishop, but rather harsh
like the wines of Gascoigne. The wines from fruits were of
several varieties. One made from a species of palm trees, the
trunks of which were flat and very full of needles like a porcu-
pine, yielded a heart or bud which they grated and pressed,
securing the juice or sap. This they boiled with water, mixing
spices in it, considering it the most precious of all their wines.
Wine was also made of the pineapple and other fruits. Thus
the natural and artificial products of this land were full of pro-
mise for the sustenance and temporal comfort of the Spaniards.
VOL. U.— 39.
CHAPTER CVII
THE RIVER BELEM
The Admiral now found that whereas when they first en-
tered the river Belem their chief danger lay in the abundance
of the water, they were in present danger from its scarcity, sand-
bars having formed across the mouth of the river, shutting them
in as in a prison. When they entered the river there were four
fathoms of depth in the channel, whereas now there was no
more than half a fathom. The plan of trying to drag the ships
over the bar was abandoned for fear some incoming wave might
break them in two, since they were weakened by their voyage
and like a bee-hive, Ferdinand says, from the ravages of the
worms. In this situation the Admiral was informed that Quibia,
displeased at the thought of the Spaniards settling on his terri-
tory, was resolved to attack them and to bum their houses.
The Admiral says in the Lettera, and speaking of their relations
with Quibia: **I well understood and judged that our accord
would not last long. They were very simple and our people
were very troublesome — loro erano molto rustici: nostra gente
molto importuna/' ** Moreover,*' says the Admiral as he formu-
lates his own indictment in the mind of Las Casas — ** Moreover,
I had taken possession of territory within his [Quibia 's] do-
minions." The interpreters having informed the Spaniards of
the purpose of Quibia to set fire to the houses and to kill the
Christians, the Admiral resolved as an example and to frighten
the people of that region, to imprison Quibia and his chiefs
and to send them to Castile, dedicating his people to the service
of the Christians. As the reader may imagine, the soul of the
Bishop is once more inflamed, and he fulminates his righteous
wrath against the Admiral and his companions. His own
610
The River Belem 6ii
method of dealing with these Indians would have been to pacify
them with earthly gifts and to win their love by heavenly con-
duct, to have withdrawn humbly from their lands and then
gone back to. Castile, giving news to the King, so that when
afterwards traders and preachers of the Faith should return,
the natives would receive them with joy, as they had at first
received the present expedition. Looking out from his pulpit,
the good Bishop could not see the narrow neck of land between
the Atlantic and the Pacific, the procession of ships loading and
tmloading at Nombre de Dios and at Panama, the mining of
gold and silver in Mexico and Peru, the building of settlements
on mainland and on islands, the coming of many colonies and
of many peoples — all this was a dream of civilisation, and be-
fore this could be realised, as is ever the way of life, there must
be wrongs and injuries, injustices and persecutions, stripes and
slavery, crimes and disorders. The world has known no other
path. The king of old made his way through slaughter up to the
throne. It would seem as if Liberty herself to reach her seat
must pass that way. Four himdred years have gone since the
scene on the river Belem, and this track is still the same, whether
it winds along the coast of America, penetrates the heart of
Africa, or falls on unhappy isles in the archipelago of Eastern
India. Can it be true that this way is the only way?
The Admiral relates this story of the arrest of Quibia in a
few lines:
** It pleased God, he [Quibia] was taken himself, his wife, his sons and
servants, although misfortune determined that he should remain but a
little time in captivity. The Quibia fled to a certain worthy man, to whom
he had presented himself with a guard of men. The sons fled to the master
of a ship who brought them to a safe place.**
Neither Las Casas nor Ferdinand gives the account of the cap-
ture of Quibia as Washington Irving relates it. The latter took
his account from the relation of Diego Mendez, which relation
forms part of the document called his last Will and Testament.
We have inserted it, together with the relation of Diego Porras, in
our present Work, as the whole forms a fairly complete historical
account of the fourth voyage of Columbus. It was the Adel-
antado who led the expedition against Quibia, and to him must
be accorded the success of his capture. The Quibia when
6i2 Christopher Columbus
captured by the Adelantado was placed for safe keeping in the
unlucky hands of Juan Sanchez, the pilot-major of the fleet and
an officer on the Capitanay a prudent and experienced man, who
replied when cautioned to use vigilance, ** I will have my beard
plucked out if the captive gets away/' This was just what
happened, however, for in going back in the boat and before
they reached the open sea at the mouth of the Veragua River,
the chief escaped. Quibia was fastened to one of the thwarts
of the boat by ropes, and when, after the manner of all boimd
captives since ropes were first twisted, he complained of their
tightness, the good guardian untied him, but still himself hold-
ing him by the rope. With a bound, the cunning Indian was
over the gunwale and into the water, almost as much his element
as the air, and disappeared from the sight of the Spaniards.
We hear but once more of him. He was a good Indian, some-
thing better than the average European adventurer, and
doubtless when once these last retired from his country he was
again happy, and fully lived out his life unmolested before white
men again troubled his shores with barter and with war. Much
plunder was secured by the Spaniards at that time, and this was
divided on the return of the ship, one fifth going to the Sover-
eigns, while the mirrors of gold, the bracelets, and the golden
crowns went to adventurers, one of the golden crowns being the
share of the Adelantado for his bravery, a reward for what the
Bishop of Chiapas calls ** singular victory.''
Some generous rains had now fallen and sufficiently raised
the water to enable the ships, lightened of their loads, to pass
out into the sea. The Gallego was left in the port of Santa
Maria de Belem as a sort of floating arsenal and fort to aid the
settlement, which was in charge of the Adelantado. Requiring
water and provisions, the Admiral, on Thursday, April 6, 1503,
sent one of the boats of the ship Capitana up the Belem River,
sending some supplies at the same time to his brother. This
boat was in charge of Diego Tristan, the captain of the Capitana,
and with him were Pero Rodriguez, Pedro de Maya, a servant
by the name of Alonso, Mateo Bombardero, and Domingo Viz-
caino, a calker, all of the Capitana; Juan Rodriguez, Juan Rey-
naltes, and Domingo Darana, a calker, Juan de Noya, a cooper,
of the ship Santiago de Palos; Alonzo Ramon, mate, Julian
Martin, Bartolom6 Ramirez, of the ship Gallego. Quibia and
The River Belem 613
the Indians, who had been watching and foreseeing the de-
parture of the ships with the family and servants of the chief,
foiind an opportunity to attack the little settlement, and got
within ten paces of the place before the Spaniards discovered
them. They surrounded the houses and thrust their spears
through the thin walls and wounded four or five. The Adelan-
tado with seven or eight Spaniards of equal boldness made a
sally and drove the Indians back over the hill beyond the settle-
ment. These again returned, when the Spaniards so savagely
fotight them with guns and swords, assisted by a wicked blood-
hound, that they were effectually beaten. One Spaniard was
killed and several severely wounded. The boat which had left
the ship Capitana was still in the river. It had watched the
encounter between the Indians and the Spaniards, but had
offered no succour, and when Diego Tristan was asked why he
did not give assistance, he replied that he had been sent on an
errand for water, and if he had approached the land, those on
shore would have rushed down and entered his boat, thus all
perishing, and the Admiral would be in sore straits without his
boat, and besides he did not see that they were in dire enough
distress to require his aid. This man was no coward. He was
warned to go back, but he replied he was not afraid. He was
in haste to complete his errand and to return with news of the
fight to the Admiral. So on he went up the river faithful to his
orders, but onward to his death. The river was deep, and he
sought a place where the water was pure. The stream was
surrounded with thickets and mounds in which the Indians
were accustomed to hide their canoes. When the boat was
seen the Indians attacked the Spaniards at once, wounding
Diego Tristan, who continued to encourage his men. A mo-
ment later he received a spear-head in his eye, which passed
through his head so that he died. The same fate quickly over-
took every one in the boat but one, Juan de Noya, of Seville, a
cooper of the ship Santiago de Palos, who escaped by swimming
to the shore and making his way back to the settlement. There
the people were in great trepidation. Realising the fate of
their companions and fearing a like disaster, they made their
way to the ship Gallego, and endeavoured to work the ship out
of the harbour against the command of the Adelantado, but
they could not force it through the passage. The towing boats
6i4 Christopher Columbus
were in great danger. The Admiral on his part was in peril by
the waves forbidding him to enter the harbour, his ship hands
being few by reason of those at the settlement and those who
were killed, and having no boat with which to make his way
back. The Adelantado then, with such men as he could rally,
erected a temporary fortress, near the mouth of the river, bar-
ricading themselves behind chests and casks containing pro-
visions, and thus defended themselves, the Indians fearing the
bullets from the lombard guns.
In the meantime a tragedy was taking place on one of the
ships outside the harbour. We think the Santiago de Palos
was the vessel which was the scene of the horrible inci-
dent. Ferdinand alone gives it a name, the Bermuda,^ and
we know there was no ship called by this name. During the
night, some days after the fight on land, the Indian captives
broke through the hatches of the ship on which they and the
family of the Quibia were confined, and threw themselves into
the sea, some no doubt safely reaching land. But some who
were not so fortunate were discovered by the Spaniards, driven
back into their narrow quarters, and in the morning their dead
bodies were found, having strangled themselves from hopeless
dread. The space into which they had been thrown was so
confined that the Indians to hang themselves had their knees
almost touching the floor of the miserable den. Thus escaped
or perished all the Indians taken captive by the Adelantado
and his followers.
The Admiral was now in serious trouble. He had not
heard of his settlement for ten days. The ships could not ap-
proach the shore, the boats could not force their way into the
river's mouth. But one way remained. A strong swimmer
might accomplish what neither ship nor boat could succeed
in doing, and Pedro de Ledesma of Seville, one of the pilots
of the ship Vizcaino, when the boat which bore him came
within a musket shot of the shore, boldly threw himself into
' This is undoubtedly the ship Santiago de Palos, whose master was called Fran-
cisco Bermudez. As the captain was the rebellious Franciscus de Porras, the His-
torie may have wished to pass over his name, and so called the ship after the master.
It is only a conjecture we offer, but we think there can be no doubt the two names
designate the same ship. The GalLego was left in Belem, the Vizcaino in Puerto Bello,
and the Capitana and Santiago de Palos were beached at Santa Gloria Bay in Jamaica.
Afterwards, when there were only two ships left, Ferdinand refers to the Bermuda.
The River Belem 615
the surf and buflfeted his way to land. When he reached the
settlement, the Spaniards said they would not remain there
while the Admiral went back to Spain, but desired that they
should be taken away, and declared that directly the sea calmed
they would go out. They even indulged in threats, and there
were those capable of resisting the Adelantado and his authority.
Pedro de Ledesma returned in safety to the Admiral and related
what had passed. Realising that it would be folly to leave his
people in their dangerous situation, and fearing the weather
might get worse, Columbus decided to remove the men from
shore and himself to abandon the ship Gallego, which, after all,
was worthless for sea-service. In two days all this was accom-
plished, and, on Saturday, April 15, 1503,' the first of the little
fleet was left to its fate in the port of Santa Maria de Belem.
* Diego de Mendez in his relation says that the three ships departed from
Veragua on the last day of April, 1503. Diego Porras in his account of the ships
says that the ship Gallego was used for a fortification in the port trntil, on Saturday,
April 15, 1503, it was finally abandoned. As this report was an official document
and was preserved in the archives of Simancas, where it was copied for Navarrete,
January 20, 1 821, we have preferred to follow its authority.
CHAPTER CVIII
WAS IT CATHAY?
The ships now sailed to the east along the coast. All the
sailors considered that the Admiral should sail to the north,
that they might reach Espanola and repair their ships. The
Admiral and his brother knew that best to accomplish this, by
reason of the ctirrents and winds, it was necessary to go far to
the east, in order finally to make head toward San Domingo.
There was some miirmuring at this, as the sailors feared the
Admiral might attempt to go directly back to Castile, an at-
tempt they felt to be suicidal. However, confidence was re-
stored, and they made their way to Puerto Bello, where they were
obliged to abandon the Vizcaino.^ The expedition followed
along beyond the port of Retrete to a cotmtry where they f oimd
a quantity of little islands, which the Admiral named Las Bar-
haSy and which the Indians and the pilots said, according to
Ferdinand, were under the dominion of the Cacique Pocorosa.
Las Casas says that Las Barbas was the Gulf of San Bias, which
in his time so appeared on the maps, and also that sometimes it
was called wrongly San Nicolas. Some early writers call these
the Samballas Islands. From this point they went ten leagues
farther to the east, to a point which Ferdinand called Mar-
mora.^ Here the Admiral left the mainland and proceeded in a
* According to the authority of Ferdinand Columbus (see Historie, chap c) .
* This point has been identified by Navarrete as Punta Mosquitas. Pimta de
Mosquitas is at least seventeen leagues from the Pt. S. Bias, but. taken from the ex-
treme eastern part of the group of islands, might come within Ferdinand's ten leagues.
Thus the Admiral did not reach the Gulf of Darien, nor even that point of the
coast afterward called New Caledonia and settled by the Scotch in 1698, a few leagues
farther east. This last settlement, made by some twelve hundred immigrants sail-
ing from Leith, was supposed to be supported by the Dutch and English capitalists,
but these withdrew their subscriptions for fear of interfering with the Dutch and
English India Companies already formed, and when the inevitable attack of the
616
' -nrlii — -
Was it Cathay? 617
north-westerly direction out to the open sea. It is thus evident,
as Las Casas says, that on this voyage the Admiral did not get
as far westward as Cartagena, which he says is a good sixty
leagues east of the point at which the Admiral left the coast to
go to Espafiola; and if the expedition had reached so remark-
able and beautiful a port, either the Admiral, Ferdinand, Diego
Porras, or Diego Mendez would have mentioned it. This port
of Cartagena, the Bishop adds, was probably named by Rodrigo
de Bastidas and Juan de la Cosa, or perhaps by Cristobal
Guerra.' Columbus never saw the Gulf of Darien nor the
headland of Cartagena. He had a knowledge of the coast, how-
ever, for on the Santiago de Palos was Juan de Noya of Seville,
who had been one of the famous expedition of Nino and Guerra
to the Pearl Coast. We cannot tear ourselves away from this
continental land without hearing the parting shot of this ster-
ling ecclesiastic : -
" . . . fueron los que aquella tierra, primero que otros, descubrieron
y cognoscieron, y tambien la escandalizaron.*'
'*. . . these [Bastidas and Guerra] were the men who first discovered
explored and likewise scandalised that country.*'
In the Letter a, Columbus says that he arrived May 13, 1503,
in the province of Mago, which adjoins CatayOy and which some
called southern Cathay. If this was the real view of Columbus,
it would mean that on May 13, 1503,^ as he was leaving the con-
tinental land to return to Espafiola, he thought he was leaving
the mainland of Asia. He does not say this in his Journal, as
reported by either Ferdinand, his son, or Las Casas, the historian.
It is contrary to his expression of having fotmd a New World
for subjugation to the Spanish Sovereigns and for the glory of
the Lord. It is contrary to the information received from the
Indians in Veragua, and which he himself accepted as true, that
Spaniards came, the old countries refused their assistance and the new colony was
abandoned. The Dutch under William III. did not propose to favour a Scotch
colony in that rich country. Who can tell what a different history the New World
might have had with a proper encouragement given to this enterprise? This colony
was established at a place called Acta and was projected by a man called Patterson,
the son of a farmer in Dumfriesshire.
I This expedition, the first to the Pearl Coast after Columbus passed it in the
third voyage, was really under Pero Alonzo Niflo, as we have seen in the Libretto.
Cristobal Guerra was in the ship as a part owner.
* The date of turning away from the mainland in the Historie is given as May i ,
1503. Mago, or Mango, was the province mentioned by Toscanelli.
6i8 Christopher Columbus
from there westwardly by land was a nine days' jotimey to
another sea, just as one would go from Tortosa by the Mediter-
ranean to Fuenterrabia in the Bay of Biscay, and that this sea
would carry him to Cathay or to Catigara. It was contrary to
his knowledge of distances traversed on the surface of the globe
both by land and by water. It was contrary to the possible
recognition of that land as an Asiatic coimtry, according to the
descriptions given of Cathay and Mango by Marco Polo, whose
book, as we shall soon show, was familiar to him. But this
expression in the Lettera becomes perfectly natural and full of
meaning when a little farther in the same document we find him
saying, speaking of the pilots who were on the voyage and on
whom others might rely for leading another expedition to that
land of Veragua :
*' We found ourselves in the land of Maya. . . . Let them [the pilots]
make known, if they themselves know it, the situation of Veragua. I say
that they cannot give other information or account except that they went
to some lands where there is much gold and to insist that they did this:
but they are ignorant of the route by which to return there and if they were
to go there, they would be obliged to make a new discovery of it/*
Here, then, the Admiral was mystifying the Sovereigns, and
through them the pilots and adventurers who were ready to
sail to the New World and profit by his discoveries, as Pero
Alonzo Nifio had done, as Bastidas had done. Columbus com-
mimicated the details of his information with extreme reserve.
He wrote many things; he parted with very little geographical
information. In her letter to the Admiral, dated from Barce-
lona, September 5, 1493, ^he Queen writes for his *' Chart of
Navigation,'' which the Admiral promised to send.' In an-
other letter, dated from Segovia, August 16, 1494, the Sover-
eigns write to him:
** . . . how many islands have been discovered up to this time and
what is the name of each of those to which you have given names: for
although you name some in your letters, they are not all : and what are the
names which the others are called by the Indians and how far it is from
one to the other. . . ."
I Humboldt is wrong in assuming that there is in this letter any direct reference
to degrees of latitude or longitude. Of course, a carefully prepared chart would con-
tain these, but the Queen says nothing about a course by which the Admiral reached
the Indies.
Was it Cathay ? 619
In the celebrated trial, Pedro Mateos, a citizen of Higuey,
who was a sailor on board the Gallego, testified :
*'y escribidun libro que tenia todas las sierras 6 rios vi6 in ladicha pro-
vincia . . . y el dicho Almirante se lo tom6 despues/*
**I wrote a book which contained all the mountains and rivers I saw in
the said province and afterwards the said Admiral took it away from me."
The Admiral undoubtedly guarded a knowledge of the route
thither and of the country itself for the benefit of the Sover-
eigns, but even to them he seems uncommunicative.
This caution, then, was characteristic of the man, and it is
entirely consistent with this characteristic that he should in-
troduce some confusing element into the question of the exact
situation of the new lands. Surely nothing could be more con-
fusing than to suggest that he had already gone such a great
distance to the west as actually to be in the extreme east and at
the ver}^ threshold of China. If Columbus had in reality believed
himself on territory belonging to the Great Khan, he would
have sought and foimd some civilised people, cities, temples,
and public works, ports, and harbours receiving and sending
forth commerce to the lesser east.
'' On May 13,'' says the Admiral, ** I arrived at the province
of Mago which adjoins that of Catao.'' Mago, Magho,
Mango in the Spanish copy of the Lettera are different spellings
of some copyist's errors for the country called Mdngi by Marco
Polo and Mango by Toscanelli. In the famous oath of opinion
taken by the pilots, masters, and sailors on board the caravel
Nina, June 12, 1494, as to Cuba being continental land, this
province is called Mango.' These modifications of the same
name all stand for Manchuria, the country of southern China or
of southern Cathay, as distinguished from Catayo or Khatai,
northern China. There has been speculation as to whether or
not Coltmibus ever read Marco Polo. It is said that since these
names are found in the letter of Toscanelli, he may have read
them there. But we have shown in another place that in the
Middle Ages even the boys of Venice and Italy knew of Marco
Polo and of his adventures. His story was inviting to the ears
of the traveller. It seems to us most probable that Columbus
did know it. When he died he was possessed of a printed
' Navarrete, vol. ii., p. 144.
620 Christopher Columbus
example of the book. Almost every great library had a manu-
script copy of Polo's travels composed in French, Italian, Latin,
or Portuguese.' It was printed in the German language at
Nuremberg in 1477.' An undated Latin edition may be as
early. The first edition printed in Italian is dated 1496.^ But
if Columbus had not already read Marco Polo in manuscript or
printed form; he must have been familiar with the story. And
what was that story told of Mdngi! In this cotmtry of Mdngi
were not less than twelve hundred great cities, not counting
towns or villages. The smallest and least important of these
cities, the least insignificant, had ten thousand soldiers to patrol
its streets and guard its inhabitants. The capital of the coun-
try was Kinsay or Qtiinsay,^ the most magnificent, says the trav-
eller, himself a Venetian, of all the cities of the world. The
compass of this city was one hundred miles. In the midst of the
city was a marvellous lake, and the stream that flowed between
the city's walls was crossed by eleven thousand splendid bridges,
under each of which a mighty fleet might pass. And the Ocean-
sea came within twenty-five miles of the city, at a place called
Ganpu, where there was an immense town, itself the centre of
activity, holding in its arms a vast amount of shipping engaged
in trafficking to and from India. Between Kinsay the great
city and Ganpu, or Kanpu, flowed a large river, the highway of
communication. And along the coast were fleets passing to and
fro, while the shore was covered with cities and towns. If it be
said that the Admiral was in a latitude south of Manchuria, or
M^ngi, he would still have seen the fleets passing to and from
India. Colimibus found on the coast of Veragua none of these
' Scholars generally regard the French manuscripts as the earliest. It is ex-
ceedingly curious that it should be so, but the copy in French presented by the author
himself at Venice in the year 1306 to Seigneur Thibault de Capoy. a distinguished
Frenchman, bears an inscription recording that interesting presentation. The Latin
version, prepared by Francisco Pipino in the lifetime of Marco Polo, is no longer
regarded as done under his supervision.
In the time of Charles V. — about fifty years after Marco Polo's death — there
were five manuscript copies in the library of the Louvre. We nevertheless think the
work must have been first composed in the Venetian dialect.
* Press of Frederick Creuzner, — the third established at Nuremberg, — folio,
34 lines and 58 folios.
3 In Venezia per Zoanne Baptista da Sessa Milanese, MCCCCXC VI, adi XIII del
mese di lunio.
* Kinsay, now called Hang Chow Foo, with its seaport Ganpu or Kanpu on the
east shore of the China Sea, has to-day a population of 600,000. It is only twenty
miles distant from the sea.
Was it Cathay ? 621
things. He expected to see none of these things. It wotild
seem as if the strange allusions to Cathay and Mdngi were with
a view to mystifying any pilot who shotild venture to find his
Veragua. Such a sailor in search of Cathay would go far to the
northward. Therefore we think we are justified in asserting
that Columbus not only knew that he had found continental
land, but that such land was separated from China by another
sea. And it is pleasant to think that such a view is consistent
with the nautical, geographical, and astronomical knowledge of
the great Discoverer.
CHAPTER CIX
A BRAVE MESSENGER
The winds and the currents were now such that the Admiral
could sail up to the north, which course he followed for several
days, and then to the west, so that on Wednesday, May lo,
1503,' they came in sight of two small islands, which on ac-
count of the large quantity of tortoises, they called Las Tortugas.^
From here they sailed to the north, and on Friday, May 12,
1503, after a journey of thirty leagues they anchored in the
Jardin de la Retna, some ten leagues from the south side of
Cuba. The vessels were now in such a condition of decay and
ruin that the three pumps were kept at work day and night.
A tempest arose which took from the ships three of their an-
chors, and the ship which Ferdinand calls Berrmulay dragging
its anchors, was hurled against the Capitana in such a way as to
injure severely both vessels. The single anchor remaining to
the Capitana held as by a thread, for when daylight came the
cable was seen to be almost worn through, and beyond lay the
hungry rocks. From here the expedition went to the south
side of the island of Cuba, to a settlement of the Indians called
Macaca. According to the relation of Diego Mendez, the two
vessels ran to the province of Homo, where the city of Trinity
was at the time he made his Will, in the year 1536.^ Irving
carries the ships to the Cape Cruz, apparently following the
relation given by Porras. But Porras does not say that they
went from the last anchorage, the Jardin de la Reina, to Cape
Cruz. He says: ''He [the Admiral] went along the coast of
* We are now following Ferdinand and Las Casas as to dates. They fix the de-
parture from the mainland as on May i, 1503.
' Called to-day Las Caymans.
3 It is still called "Trinidad."
622
A Brave Messenger 623
Cuba as far as the Cape Cruz." He had, however, gone from
the Jardin de la Reina to Trinidad, where he anchored, pro-
visioning the ships through the kindness of the Indians, and from
Trinidad he coasted along the island as far as the Cape Cruz.
From here, the winds and currents being contrary, they went to
the island of Jamaica, where, on the eve of St. John the Bap-
tist's Day, Jime 23, 1503, they arrived at a port of Jamaica
called Puerto Bueno, where they spent the day of St. John the
Baptist. Finding no Indians there, the Admiral the following
day went to a port called Santa Gloria. This is a cove or little
bay, called Don Christopher's Cove, and is about a mile south of
St. Ann's Bay. This region is perhaps the most beautiful in
the whole of the beautiful island of Jamaica.
In this harbour of Santa Gloria he beached his two ships,
fastening them together in such a manner that they could not
move, building fore and aft shelters for his men. The Indians,
mild and gentle of mien, came to the ships desiring to trade
their provisions and articles for the Castilian trifles. The Ad-
miral appointed two persons to receive all the things bought of
the Indians, and these each evening divided the provisions
among the Spaniards, so that each might receive his proper and
reasonable share. Some small animals, about the size of rab-
bits, but described by Las Casas as a species of rodents, were ex-
changed for a brass pin, and cakes of cassava for two or three
yellow or green beads, while things of greater value bought one
of the hawk's bells. Severe rules were adopted, the sailors not
being allowed on land without a permit, the lessons learned at
Veragua having made their impression. If the situation at
Belem had been serious, this at Jamaica was still more critical.
They were without means of escape. From time to time the
Admiral presented the chiefs with a looking-glass, a red cap, or
a pair of scissors, thus keeping them contented with their
visitors and maintaining with them amicable relations. He
bought of the natives ten canoes for the use of the Spaniards,
and thus frequent but authorised visits were made to the shore.
The Admiral now held a council with his chief men as to
what should be done to extricate themselves from this tm-
pleasant situation. It was finally concluded that an effort
should be made to communicate with Nicolas de Ovando, the
Governor of Espafiola, and with Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal,
624 Christopher Columbus
the factor of the Admiral on that island. These were to be re-
quested to send him at his own expense a ship with which to
return to Espafiola. For this difficult enterprise of reaching
Espanola he selected two persons, brave, prudent, and faithftil.
It was a voyage of the utmost danger. The east end of the
island of Jamaica was distant from their little cove thirty-five
leagues, according to Diego Mendez, or thirty-three leagues, as
given by Ferdinand in his Historie, This eastern end was called
by the Indians Aoamaquiqtie, ' From here across to the island of
Espanola was a stretch of wild sea thirty leagues wide, accord-
ing to Ferdinand, and from twenty to twenty-five, according to
Las Casas.* Between these two islands and about eight leagues
from Espanola lay the little island of Navasa. To make this
perilous journey there were no available boats save the Indian
canoes, fragile and tmstable, requiring the utmost skill to navi-
gate them in safety. The two Spaniards selected by the Ad-
miral to make this voyage were Diego Mendez de Segura, whom
Ferdinand calls the principal notary of the fleet, and with whom
Las Casas says he had a personal acquaintance, and Bartolom6
de Fresco,^ a Genoese, and, according to Las Casas, worthy of
the great errand on which he was to go. The directions given to
the two Spaniards were, first, Diego Mendez was to go to the
city of San Domingo, and after delivering news of the Admi-
ral's situation, he was to go to Spain and give the Sovereigns
an accoimt of the voyage; second, Bartolom^ de Fresco was
simply to go to the island of Espanola and then return to
Jamaica to notify the Admiral of the safe arrival of Mendez.
The Admiral confided to Mendez a letter to the Sovereigns and
another to Ovando, the Governor, while there were others
written to persons in Castile. Las Casas estimates the distance
from where the Admiral was in Jamaica to the city of San
Domingo on the island of Espanola as two hundred leagues.^
Thus the distance and the peril were double for Bartolom6 de
Fresco if he followed his directions. Mendez and Fresco each
* The Indians called the port of Santa Gloria, Maima.
' The distance is about one hundred and fifteen miles.
3 Porras and Pedro de Hinojedo write this name De Fresco, and it is so entered
on the book of the officers and sailors, he being captain of the Vizcaino. Comejo
gives it De Fryesco, while in the Memorial del Pleyto it is written De Fiesco. Still
others write this name Fieschi. Las Casas writes it Bartolom^ Flisco.
^ Ferdinand estimates the distance as two hundred and fifty leagues.
A Brave Messenger 625
had a canoe with six Spaniards and ten Indians, the latter going
as rowers. The Indians were each provided with a gourd of
water and a quantity of cassava bread, with a kind of pepper.
Each Spaniard carried his sword and shield, while for food he
had bread, water, and the flesh of an animal described as like
small rabbits. The Adelantado, with a force of seventy men,'
accompanied him by land to the extremity of the island whither
the canoes made their way. Here they remained four days for
the sea to become calm. Las Casas says the Adelantado and
his men had accompanied Mendez and Fresco to protect them
against the Indians. This makes somewhat possible the strange
narration of Diego Mendez, who tells of a preliminary attempt
made by him to carry this message to the Governor of Espaiiola,
in which attempt he was frustrated by many Indians who tried
to massacre him. Fifteen days after he left on this alleged first
attempt, he returned to the bosom of the Admiral, who received
him joyfully. It is dramatic, but it is not probable. Surely, if
it had happened, Ferdinand or Las Casas or the Admiral him-
self would have mentioned such conspicuous bravery and sacri-
fice. Diego Mendez speaks of himself as if he alone of the
Spaniards with some Indians made this journey to Espafiola.
In his first attempt Mendez had rigged a mast and sail for his
canoe, which contained himself, one other Spaniard, and six
Indians, all it would accommodate.' Therefore, when this at-
tempt failed and a second trial was made, his canoe must have
been larger, since, according to Ferdinand, it contained himself,
six Spaniards, and ten Indians.
To return, then, to this so-called second attempt, the two
canoes put out to sea one night when the weather was fair, the
Indians using their paddles and from time to time refreshing
themselves from their labours by throwing themselves into the
sea for a short swim. It was calm for a night and a day, and
they made such good headway that at the end of that time they
had lost sight of the island they had left. The next night the
Spaniards plied the paddle while the Indians rested. All were
tired the following day, and although Spaniards and Indians
" Mendez gives this number.
* This occasion miist not be confounded with a previous expedition which Men-
dez had made to the Caciques Huarco, Aguacadiba, and Ameyro, from the last of
whom he bought a canoe and in which he coasted at some length.
VOL. II.— 40.
626 Christopher Columbus
changed places frequently, they suffered constantly. The In-
dians had speedily emptied their gourds, and as the strength of
the sun increased, that of the natives lessened, until by midday
they were tmable to longer perform labour. The Spaniards
were forced to sustain the Indians from their own supply of
fresh water until the cooler air of evening visited them.* They
had not only physical pain, but they suffered mental angtdsh
at the thought that they had passed the island of Navasa which
lay in their route, and which they feared they had missed.
That afternoon one Indian had thrown himself into the sea and
perished, and the others were stretched on the bottom of the
boat unable to assist in the movement of the boat. They per-
sisted in holding salt water in their mouths, thus adding to their
pain. Night fell without their seeing the island. Ferdinand
here says that they were certain they had gone at least twenty
leagues, which should have brought them to Navasa. As the
moon arose, Diego Mendez saw that the heavenly body was
apparently undergoing a partial eclipse, and he discovered that
it was behind a tiny island, so small that they would surely have
passed it save for the good fortune of this clever navigator.
With joy they revived the Indians, showing them the island,
and abandoning to them their water casks, so that at dawn they
reached the island and disembarked and gave thanks to the
Lord.' The island was rocky and only half a league in circimi-
ference. Some rain water was found in the clefts of the rocks,
with which they satisfied their thirst and filled their casks and
bottles.^ The Indians drank so plentifully of this water that
most of them died of thirst either at once or soon after as a
result of their reckless drinking. One day they rested there,
catching and cooking shell-fish, Diego Mendez having brought
an apparatus for kindling fire. To the east they could see the
Cape of Saint Miguel,* as the Admiral had christened it, but
* The relative endurance of the Europeans and native races is here well illus-
trated.
* Mendez makes no mention of this island of Navasa. He says of his own her-
culean labours, ** I navigated during five days and foiu: nights without for one instant
quitting the oar."
3 Oviedo reports that not far from the island of Navasa in the ocean is a spring
of fresh water (Book VI., chap. xii.).
^ This was called Cabo de S. Miguel in the Ptolemy of 156 1. In the first map
ever engraved of Espafiola and found in Oviedo* s Summario de la Naturcde ei General
Historia de V Indie Occidentali, printed at Venice in 1534, this cape is down as Tiburon,
a name it still bears.
A Brave Messenger 627
which in the time of Las Casas was already known as Cape
Tiburon. As the sun set, the two boats went on their way, and
at dawn of the following morning, the beginning of the fourth
day, according to Las Casas and Ferdinand,' they landed on the
island of Espafiola. Fresco and his companions were tmwilling
to return to Jamaica, and they pass from the eyes of history,
even as Las Casas says they passed from his notice.^ It is
sufficient to say of Diego Mendez that he arrived in the pro-
vince of Azoa, twenty-four leagues west of San Domingo, where
he left his canoe and went by land to Xaragud. Here he found
the Governor, Nicolas de Ovando, to whom he delivered the
message of the Admiral. Mendez asserts that Ovando kept
him by him for seven months, and it was only after the horrible
slaughter by that Governor of eighty chiefs and the Queen Ana-
caona that he was permitted to go to San Domingo. Ovando
was suspicious of Mendez, and doubtless kept him with him all
this time imtil he could satisfy himself that his story was true,
and that he did not design working in opposition to his own
plans or ambitions. Arrived at San Domingo, Mendez bought
one of three ships which had just come in from Spain. He
loaded these ships with food, wine, pigs, sheep, fruits, which at
the end of May, in the year 1504, he forwarded to the Admiral.
He himself then proceeded with two other ships to Spain, to
render to the Sovereigns an accotmt of all that had happened
on this voyage.
* The time consumed is given by Mendez as five days and fotir nights, but as
they left at the beginning of one night this reckoning could not be true. That they
were thought by Ferdinand to have consumed but three completed days is evident
from his likening their danger and their deliverance from the storm to the three days
and nights spent by the prophet Jonah in the belly of the whale.
» Diego Porras, in his relation, gives the names of three Spaniards, Francisco de
Medina, Gonzalo Gallego, and Francisco de Cordoba, who deserted at the island of
Espaftola. Of the first, he says no one knows what became of him; of the second,
he remarks that he died; and of the third, he says he was still, in 1504, in Espafiola.
CHAPTER CX
THE LUNAR ECLIPSE
Affairs at the island of Jamaica were growing worse daily.
Food was scarce. Of wine there was none. Bodily infirmities
were experienced by all, while, to crown all, nothing was heard
of the two boats and their comrades who had gone for succoiir.
There were rumours, says Ferdinand, that the Admiral did not
dare to return to Castile since the King had exiled him, and
he was expiating his exile in that place, with themselves for
his tmwilling companions. Idleness was the worst conceivable
ground in which to nourish such fancies, and soon discontent
took the form of open rebellion. The conspirators circled
around the two Porras brothers, and as they were not without
influence at home, particularly with the Bishop Fonseca and
the Treasurer Morales,' they believed they would easily obtain
forgiveness, especially since all they wanted to do was to return
to Spain and to their own families. There were no less than
fifty of these discontented men, and choosing Francisco de
Porras to be their captain, in the morning of January 2, 1504,
the latter made his way to the Admiral and with an insolent air
demanded if the latter had resolved to have them all die in that
place, and why he did not return to Castile. The Admiral sus-
pected the design of Porras, but returned a gentle answer, say-
ing that he of all men was anxious to return to Spain and to
give an account to the Sovereigns of his voyage and of their
welfare. He added that there had been frequent councils in
which Porras had taken part, and now if there had occurred to
him any new plan or mode of escape he would be glad to again
' Ferdinand, who probably knew Court gossip, says that this Treasurer Morales
was in love with the sister of the two Porras.
638
The Lunar Eclipse 629
hold council with him. Porras replied that there was no need
of conference, and that he, the Admiral, might embark or re-
main with God. He then tiimed his back on the Admiral, say-
ing with a high voice, ** I am going to Castile with those who
wish to follow me/' The conspirators all cried out, each saying,
'*I am with him, I am with him,'' seizing the forecastles and
look-out places, continuing their cries of **0n to Castile!" and
** Captain, what shall we do?" while the most hopeless faintly
murmured '' Let us die. " The Admiral was sick in bed suffering
with the gout, but he arose in a fury, and would have probably
been involved in a serious conflict if his servants had not forced
him back into his bed. The Adelantado had made a valiant
show of authority, armiilg himself with a lance and fighting
tmtil he was overcome and shut up with his brother in the lat-
ter's cabin. Porras and his fellow-conspirators embarked with
cheers and songs in ten canoes which they had bought of the
Indians, and paddled to the east end of the island, whence
Mendez and his companions had departed several months be-
fore. They endeavoured to make their way to Espafiola, but
four leagues from land the waves frightened them with their
menaces, and they threw away all but their arms. Then, the
storm increasing, the Spaniards killed eighteen of the Indian
servants and threw them overboard to lighten the boat still
further.' Only enough of the natives were kept alive to work
the canoes. Finally, putting back to land, they held coimcil
among themselves, some desiring to go to Cuba, which was
eighteen leagues away, and some insisting on returning to the
Admiral, reconciling themselves to him, and then taking from
him arms, provisions, and articles of barter. Still others con-
sidered it better to await the approach of calmer weather, when
they might again attempt the passage to Espafiola. To this
they all finally agreed. They rested here a month, and then
made two more attempts, each failing by reason of sudden
' Las Casas takes his account almost word for word from Ferdinand, but intro-
duces a sarcastic passage which is interesting. He says:
*' It appearing that they were in danger and in order that they might placate
God and tnat He might preserve them, they decided with their devout spirit to offer
Him an agreeable sacrifice, and this was to throw into the sea all the Indians who
were rowing them, killing them with their knives: many of them seeing the work
that was going on threw themselves into the sea, confiding in their powers of swimming,
but after exhausting themselves, they approached the boats to rest themselves on
the edge of the canoes: the Spaniards cut off their hands with their swords and gave
them other cruel wounds, so tnat they killed eighteen.'*
630 Christopher Columbus
storms. They lost hope, abandoned their canoes, and travelled
over the island from habitation to habitation, a devastating
horde, committing coimtless violences, pillaging, destroying.
The Indians had now tiimed against all the Spaniards, the good
and the bad, the just and the tmjust. The Admiral and those
with him in the little bay were tmable to procure by barter and
through solicitation the necessary food for their support. It was
then that there occurred to him a happy idea, the employment
of which was full of sufficient glory without attributing to him a
scientific knowledge which he probably did not possesss. For
years books had been issued from the rapidly multiplying print-
ing-presses of Italy and Germany, giving calculations of the
future movements of the heavenly bodies. One of these books,
or a manuscript copy, Columbus had with him. We reproduce
a page from the Calendariutn of Johannes MuUer, or Regiomon-
tanus. This book has no colophon, but it was printed beyond
question in 1474, since the calendar begins with the year 1475.
In this book not only are the eclipses calculated for many years
in advance, but actual diagrams are given showing the partial
or complete concealment of the moon, the year, day, and hour
of the eclipse, together with the moment of its occurrence and
the duration of its passage. These books in the time of Coltmi-
bus were common. Doubtless one lay open on the Admirals
table. However this may be, he knew there was due on the
evening of February 29, 1504 (leap year), an eclipse, and with
this knowledge he practised magic with the simple natives.
Ferdinand tells us that the Spaniards constmied more food in
one day than the natives made in three weeks, so that the mere
preparation of the food would have taxed their resources.
After a time the Indians no longer brought provisions, nor could
they be induced by gifts, solicitation, or threats to continue the
necessary supplies. In this embarrassment the Spaniards, on
February 26, 1504, approached the Admiral, who was still ill in
bed, and communicated to him their distress. It was then that
he remembered the lunar eclipse, foretold in his calendar as due
the third night from then, and he conceived the idea of teaching
the natives a lesson in obedience and submission. He ordered
an Indian he had brought with him from Espafiola to invite the
principal natives to a grand feast which he prepared for them
the day before the eclipse. It was then that the Admiral ad-
la^i
E^lipGs Solis
^9 5
Dintidia duratio
EclipCs Luitf
l^oi
Sloucmbrts
Dimidiaduraho
EcIipGs Lunf
Mail
ft 9
I
Dimidiaduratio
Ecbpfe Solts Eciiplis Lung"
1^ iz 10
EcKpfis Lung
^9 I ; T <y
bimicludurado
(D<f^obrti
tthmidiaduratio
Februa
ni
Dimidia duratio
Facsimile of Page from Muller's ''Calendaritim/' Printed in 14^4
Predicting Lunar Eclipse of February 29, 1504,
The Lunar Eclipse 631
dressed them and informed the Indians that the Spaniards were
Christians, that they believed in one God whose home was in
the Heavens, who rewarded the good and pimished the wicked,
as they themselves had witnessed in the case of rebellious sol-
diers. He announced that this God was displeased with them
for not furnishing food to the Spaniards, and that He was about
to pimish them by sending pestilence and famine, and as a token
of His purpose He would place in the heavens a sign which all
could see, nothing less than the hiding of the moon as it rode
through the evening skies. Some feared and others mocked,
after the manner of sinful crowds. When, then, at seven
o'clock, the earth was still and the moon appeared red like fire
and a dark film came creeping over her face, abject fear seized
upon the poor Indians, and they prayed the Admiral-priest to
intercede with his Deity. The Admiral retired to his chamber,
and when one hour and fifty minutes ' had passed, and the mo-
ment of the reappearance of the luminary had come, he returned
to the Indians and told them to be of good cheer, that he had
communed with the God in the Heavens and that, promising
good behaviour in their name and a renewal and continuance
of their service to the Christians, He had patiently listened and
generously determined to forgive the Indians, and thus they
might soon expect to see the dreadful token of anger withdrawn
from the sky. And then came the diminution of the eclipse,'
' According to the diagram of Johannes Muller the middle of the eclipse occurred
at thirteen hours and thirty-six minutes, Nuremberg time. The eclipse then would
be visible at Jamaica at seven hours and forty minutes on February 29, and the
middle time would be about seven hours and twenty-eight minutes. The partial
phase began about one hour and forty-three minutes before, or, say, five hours and
forty-five minutes. The totality began about seven hours and three minutes and
lasted about fifty minutes.
The reader will find an account of Johannes Muller and his famous book in our
chapter xxxxiiii.
' In the mass of manuscript matter connected with the Book of Prophecies,
which, undoubtedly, Columbus contemplated arranging and completing in some form,
is the following allusion to two eclipses of the moon.
'• El afio de 1494. estando yo en la ysla Saona, que es el cabo oriental de la.ysla
Espafiola, obo eclipsis de la luna d 14 de setiembre, y se fall6 que habia diferenjia
de all al cabo de San Vi9ente en Portugal 9inco oras y mds de media.
** Juebes. 29 de febrero de. 1504. estando yo en las Yndias en la ysla de Janahica
en el pocrto que se diz de Santa Gloria, que es casi en el medio de la ysla, de la parte
septentrional, obo eclipsis de la luna, y porque el comien90 iu.6 primero que el sol se
pusiese, non pude notar salvo el t^rmino de quando la lima acab6 de bolver en su clari-
dad, y esto fu6 muy certificado dos oras y media pasadas de la noche 9inco ampolletas
muy 9iertas.
" La diferen9ia del medio de la ysla de Janahica en las Yndias con la ysla de
632 Christopher Columbus
the clear face of the moon again shone forth, and the miracle
was ended. The curtain dropped on the first play ever per-
formed in the New World.
Cdlis en Espana es siete oras y quynze minutos; de manera que en Cdlis se puso el
sol primero que en Janahica con siete oras y quinze minutos de ora (vide almanach^
•'En el ooerto de Santa Gloria en Janahica se alja el polo diez & ocho grados
estando las uuardas en el braco."
** In the year 1494 when I was on the island of Saona, which is the eastern point
of the island of Espafiola, there was an eclipse of the moon on September 14, and it
was found that there was a difference in time between that island and Cape St. Vin-
cent in Portugal of more than five hours and a half.
** Thursday, February 29, 1504, when I was in the Indies on the island of Jamaica
in the port which is called Santa Gloria, which is almost in the middle of the island,
in the northern part, there was an eclipse of the moon, and as it began before sunset
I was able to note only the period from the time when the moon began to appear
light again: and this was most certainly two and one- half hotu*s past the night, five
ampolletas most surely.
"The difference m time between the island of Jamaica in the Indies and the
island of Cadiz in Spain is seven hotu's and fifteen minutes; so that in Cadiz the sun
sets seven hours and fifteen minutes sooner than it sets in Jamaica.
'•In the harbour of Santa Gloria in Jamaica the pole rises eighteen degrees, the
Guards being on the arm."
CHAPTER CXI
THE ESCAPE FROM JAMAICA
More than eight months had now passed and no word had
come from Mendez or Fresco. Many believed they had per-
ished; others that the succotiring ship from Espafiola had
been lost. This was confirmed by a story the Indians told of
seeing an overturned vessel floating with the current. This
story was spread by the conspirators to take away from those
who had been faithful to the Admiral their sole remaining hope.
A new conspiracy now appeared within the ranks of the faithful.
Master Bemal, an apothecary from Valencia, and Alonzo de
Zamora, both of the Admiral's own ship Capitana, and Pedro de
Villatoro of the Santiago de Palos, together with the larger part
of those who were discontented, organised a revolt against the
Admiral and the Adelantado. Before these men could work
out their design, there arrived from Espafiola a vessel com-
manded by Diego Escobar, one of the principal characters in
the famous Roldan rebellion. This man had been despatched
by Ovando to Jamaica to investigate the situation and condition
of the Admiral. He was ordered to hold no converse with
Columbus or his men and to receive no written conmiunication.'
" In The History of the West Indies, by Bryan Edwards, the author tells us that
in his time there was preserved among the Journals of the Council of Jamaica, a very
old manuscript voltime consisting of diaries and reports of governors, and that in
that book was to be found a translation of a letter to the King of Spain, purporting
to be written by Christopher Columbus while on the island of Jamaica during his
fourth voyage. The author adds that it appeared to him to bear marks of authen-
ticity. Upon inquiry we learn from the Honotirable Colonial Secretary of Jamaica
that the manuscript voliune referred to is lost. As this letter has been frequently
confounded by writers with the letter written to the Sovereigns under date of Jtily 7,
1503, we give it in full, as found in Edwards's History. The manner in which the
Admiral speaks of himself throughout the letter as Columbus and Christopher Colum-
bus is untisual with him, and is not found, so far as we know, in any other of his writ-
ings. Moreover, in speaking of the ship which the Governor, Ovando, sent from
633
634 Christopher Columbus
Before he departed he sent a boat from the caravel and gave
or, more properly, threw him a letter from Ovando, in which the
latter complimented him on his exploration, condoled with him
over misfortimes, and announced that the Admiral must sup-
port his grievous situation a while longer tmtil an opportimity
should occur to send him a ship for his relief. In the meantime
the Governor sent him a cask of wine and some bacon, which
gives Las Casas an opportimity to remark on the extreme lib-
erality of the Governor who was enjoying all the rich fruits of
the Admiral's discovery. Las Casas says that there were then
in San Domingo and in Espaiiola many who, if the Admiral
were again among them, would favour him greatly as against
Nicolas de Ovando, and that it was because he knew this
that the latter would not send succour to Jamaica. Others
who were friendly to the Admiral asserted that there was a
deeper design which stopped not short of the death of the Dis-
coverer on that very island of Jamaica, lest should he return to
Espaflola after the arrival there of Diego Mendez, the author of the letter declares
that the Governor of St. Domingo (an unusual expression for the time) "neither de-
livered a letter, nor spoke with, nor would receive any letter from us." History
records that there was a written communication between the ship sent by the Gov-
ernor and the Admiral. It would seem to be a ciutailed translation of the Lettera.
Following is the letter:
**A LETTER FROM CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, IN JAMAICA, TO KING FERDINAND.
** Jamaica, 1504.
'* Diego Mendes, and the papers I sent by him, will show your Highness what
rich mines of gold I have discovered in Veragua, and how I intended to have left my
brother at the river Belem, if the judCTnents of Heaven and the greatest misfortunes
in the world had not prevented it. However it is sufficient that your Highness and
your successors will have the glory and advantage of all, and that the full discovery
and settlement are reserved for happier persons than the unfortunate Columbus. If
God be so merciful to me as to conduct Mendes to Spain, I doubt not but he will con-
vince your Highness, and my great mistress, that this will not only be a Castile and
Leon, but a discovery of a world of subjects, lands and wealth, greater than man's
unbounded fancy could ever comprehend, or avarice itself covet; but neither he,
this paper, nor the tongue of mortal man, can express the anguish and affliction of
mv body and mind; nor the misery and dangers of my son, brother and friends.
Already have we been confined ten months in this place, lodged on the open decks of
our ships, that are run on shore and lashed together; those of my men that were in
health nave mutinied under the Porras brothers of Seville; my friends that were
faithful are mostly sick and dying; we have consumed the Indians' provisions, so
that they abandon us; all therefore are like to perish by hunger, and these miseries
are accompanied by so many aggravating circumstances, that render me the most
wretched object of misfortune this world shall ever see; as if the displeasure of Heaven
seconded the envy of Spain, and would punish as criminal those undertakings and
discoveries which former ages would have acknowledged as great and meritorious
actions. Good Heaven, and you holy saints that dwell in it, let the King Don Fer-
dinand and my illustrious mistress Donna Isabella know, that my zeal for their serv-
ice and interest hath brought me thus low; for it is impossible to live and have
afflictions equal to mine. I see, and with horror apprehend, my own, and for my
sake, my unfortunate and deserving people's destruction. Alas, piety and justice
have retired to their habitations above, and it is a crime to have undertaken and per-
formed too much. As my misery makes my life a burthen to myself, so I fear the
The Escape from Jamaica 635
Spain the Sovereigns would restore to him the active enjoyment
of his privileges and honours, when there would be a terrible
day of reckoning, in which many heads would fall and great
restitution be exacted. As the commimication of Ovando to
the Admiral had not been revealed to the men, and as Diego
d 'Escobar had held no converse with any of the rebellious
Spaniards (indeed, the caravel had remained in the bay only
part of a day), Coltimbus thought it opportime to send word of
the new situation to the conspirators. Therefore, he selected
two men of merit and commissioned them to go to Porras, the
captain, and the other conspirators, and to indicate his good-
will he sent with them a portion of the wine and provisions left
by Escobar. Porras, when he saw the Ambassadors approach-
ing, endeavoured to converse with them alone, but his men in-
sisted upon witnessing the interview. No good resulted from
empty titles of viceroy and admiral, render me obnoxious to the hatred of the Span-
ish nation. It is visible that all methods are adopted to cut the thread that is break-
ing; for I am, in my old age, oppressed with insupportable pains of the gout, and am
now languishing and expiring with that and other infirmities, among savages, where
I have neither medicines nor provisions for the body, priest nor sacrament for the
soul. My men in a state of revolt; my brother, my son, and those that are faithful,
sick, starving, and djdng; the Indians have abandoned us, and the governor of St.
Domingo, has sent rather to see if I am dead, than to succour us, or carry me alive
from hence; for his boat neither delivered a letter, nor spoke with, nor would receive
any letter from us; so I conclude your Highness's officers intend that here my voyages
and life should terminate. O blessed mother of God, that compassionates the miser-
able and oppressed, why did not cruel Bovadilla kill me when he robbed me and my
brother of our dearly purchased gold, and sent us to Spain in chains, without trial,
crime, or shadow of misconduct? These chains are all the treasures I have, and they
shall be buried with me, if I chance to have a coffin or grave; for I would have the
remembrance of so unjust an action perish with me, and, for the glory of the Spanish
name, be eternally forgotten. Let it not bring a further infamy on the Castilian
name, nor let future ages know, there were wretches so vile in this, that think to
recommend themselves to your Majesty by destroying the unforttmate and miserable
Christopher Columbus: not for his crimes, but for his services in discovering and
giving Spain a New World. As it was Heaven itself that inspired and conducted me
to it, the Heavens will weep for me, and shew pity. Let the earth and every soul in
it, that loves justice and mercy weep for me. And you, O glorified saints of God,
that know my innocency and see my sufferings here, have mercy. For though this
present age is envious or obdurate, surely those that are to come will pity me, when
they are told that Christopher Columbus, with his own fortime, ran the hazard of his
own and his brother's lives, and, with little or no expense to the crown of Spain, in
ten years, and four voyages, rendered greater services than ever mortal man did to
prince or kingdom, yet was left to perish, without being charged with the least crime,
in poverty and misery; all but his chains being taken from him; so that he who
gave Spain another world, had neither safety in it, nor yet a cottage for himself, nor
his wretched family; but, should Heaven still persecute me, and seem displeased
with what I have done, as if the discovery of this new world may be fatal to the old,
and as a ptmishment bring my life to a period in this miserable place, yet do you, good
angels, you that succour the oppressed and innocent, bring this paper to my j;reat
mistress. She knows how much I have done, and will believe what I have suffered
for her glory and service, and will be so just and pious, as not to let the children of
him that has brought to Spain such immense riches, and added to it vast and im-
known kingdoms and empires, want bread, or subsist only on alms. She, if she lives,
will consider that cruelty and ingratitude will bring down the wrath of Heaven, so
that the wealth I have discovered, shall be the means of stirring up all mankind to
revenge and rapine, and the Spanish nation suffer hereafter, for what envious, mali-
cious, and imgrate^ people, do now."
636 Christopher Columbus
the meeting, and as the commissioners departed, Porras ha-
rangued his men and persuaded them to advance against the
Admiral and seize his person. When the rebels arrived at
Maima, about one quarter of a league from Santa Gloria, Co-
lumbus eariy in the morning of May 17, 1504,' sent his brother
with fifty soldiers to meet them. The Adelantado was ready
for a peaceful meeting, and he was also prepared, as he ever was,
for war. The rebels began the conflict, which was warm but
short. At the first onset the Adelantado and his men woimded
five or six and killed two, Juan Sanchez and Juan Barba. Juan
Sanchez de Caliz was the pilot-major of the fleet and one of the
officers of the Admiral's ship. It will be remembered that he it
"was to whom was confided the person of Quibia, the Indian
chief, and who offered the very hair of his head as reprisal if
the latter escaped his hand. Juan Barba also belonged to the
Admiral's ship. He was a skilled gimner and in his charge
were the lombards.^ The rebels retired from the fight well
worsted, and it was with difficulty the men restrained the
Adelantado from pursuing them and seeking further ven-
geance. It was feared that the Indians, seeing them all
wearied and fatigued and separated into various bands, might
take advantage of their situation to attack them. Francisco
de Porras was carried prisoner to the Admiral, and Pedro de
Ledesma, whose bravery at Belem we have had occasion to
relate, was wounded from falling into a hollow place, where
he remained two days and a night before he was rescued.^ The
force of the Admiral escaped with a wound in the hand to the
account of the Adelantado and some severe wounds to that of
the brave Pedro de Terreros, the captain of the abandoned ship
Gallego. This faithful sailor died of his wounds on Wednesday,
May 29, 1504.
On May 20, 1504, the rest of the rebels gave in their alle-
giance, and the Admiral assigned them a dwelling-place not far
' Irving makes this event occtir on May 19, 1504, at least he says the rebels peti-
tioned the Admiral on May 20, which he says was the day after the fight. Porras, who
was in the fight, and who was a professional annotator, wrote down May 1 7 as the
day on which Juan Sanchez died, and we accept that date as fixing the day of the
battle.
* In the relation of Diego Porras he assigns May 17, 1504, as the date of the
death of Juan Sanchez, and May 20, 1504, as that on which Juan Barba died.
3 Ledesma lived to return to Spain, where Las Casas saw him in Seville, and then
learned a few days afterward that he had been assassinated.
The Escape from Jamaica 637
away on the shore, appointing one of his own reliable men as
captain over them.
And now fell on the little divided settlement a few weeks of
peace, and then in Jime, 1504, appeared in the Bay of Santa
Gloria two vessels, the tardy ship bought by Diego Mendez at
the Admiral's expense, and one furnished by Nicolas Ovando,
the Governor of Espafiola. On June 28, 1504,' the entire party
set sail for Espanola. Thus the Admiral departed for ever from
the island of Jamaica.* They were many days beating around
in the broad gulf between the two islands, and finally on August
3, 1504, they reached the little island of Beata, twenty leagues
from Yaquimo, which the Admiral called Puerto del Brasil.
The course from here to San Domingo was difficult because of
the opposing winds and currents, and the Admiral resolved to
send a letter by land to the Governor, who was at the capital,
San Domingo, fifty leagues to the east. The letter was as
follows:
**MuY NOBLE Senor: —
*' Diego de Salcedo lleg6 ^ m£ con el socorro de los navios que vuestra
merced me envi6, el cual me 616 la vida y d todos los que estaban conmigo:
aquf no se puede pagar d precio apreciado. Yo estoy tan alegre, que,
despues que le vide, no duermo de alegria: no que yo tenga en tanto la
muerte como tengo la victoria del Rey y de la Reina, nuestros Senores,
que han rescebido. Los Porras volvieron d Jamaica, y me enviaron d
mandar que yo les enviase lo que yo tenia, so pena de venir por ello d mi
costa, y de hijo y de hermano y de los otros que estaban conmigo, y porque
no cumplf su mando, pusieron en obra, por su dano, de ejecutar la pena;
hobo muertes y hartas feridas, y en fin, nuestro Senor, que es enemigo de
la soberbia 6 ingratitud, nos los di6 d todos en las manos ; perdon^los y los
restituf, d su ruego, en sus honras. El Porras, Capitan, llev6 d Sus Altezas,
porque sepan la verdad de todo. La sospecha de m£, se ha trabajado de
matar d mala muerte, mas Diego de Salcedo todavfa tiene el corazon in-
' It is sad to recall that just as the siimmons came to depart out of captivity, just
as there came to his passing senses a reminder of Andalusia and a memory of home,
Grigorio Sollo, of the Capitana, was taken in death. We know nothing of him, but
the cruel fate of succumbing to death with the rescuing ships in sight impels us to
write his name in history. He died Jtme 27, 1504.
" It was from this island of Jamaica that his grandson, Don Luis Colon, was to
derive a new title, Marqxiis of Jamaica, and a considerable grant of land in view of his
abandoning a higher title and one dearly cherished by the Admiral, — that of Vice-
roy of the Indies.
By a Royal cedula in the year 15 14, it was ordered that the island of Jamaica
should be known as Santiago, and that Cuba should be called Femandina, neither of
which designations was adopted (Herrera, Dec. /., Book X.)-
638 Christopher Columbus
quieto: lo por qu^, yo se que no lo pudo ver ni sentir, porque mi intencion
es muy sana, y por esto yo me maravillo. La firma de vuestra carta pros-
trera folgu^ de ver, como si fuera de D. Diego 6 de D. Fernando: per
muchas honras y bien vuestro, senor, sea, y que presto vea yo otra que
diga, *el maestre.* Su noble persona y casa, nuestra Senor guarde. De la
Beata, d donde forzosamente me detiene la brisa. Hoy sdbado, d 3 de
Agosto. Fard, senor, vuestro mandado.
**[La firma que hacia era desta manera:]
*\S.
.S. A .S.
XMY
Xpo. Ferens."
"Most noble Lord: —
** Diego de Salcedo reached me with the assistance of the ships which
your Worship sent me, which restored life to me and to all those who were
with me: here it cannot be repaid in a suitable manner. I am so happy
that since I saw the ships, I do not sleep from joy, not that I consider
death as much as the victory which the King and Queen, our Lords, have
received. The Porrases returned to Jamaica and sent to me commanding
me that I should send them what I had under penalty of their coming for
it, to my cost, and that of my son and brother and the other persons who
were with me, and because I did not comply with their commands, they
started to enforce the penalty to their own harm: there were deaths and
many woimds, and finally our Lord, who is an enemy to pride and in-
gratitude, delivered them all into our hands: I pardoned them and re-
instated them, at their entreaty, in their honours. I am taking Porras,
the Captain, to their Highnesses, that they may know the truth of every-
thing. The utmost endeavours have been made to entirely destroy the
suspicions about me, but the heart of Diego de Salcedo is still tmeasy. I
know that he was not able to see or feel why it was so, because my intention
is most harmless, and I wonder on this accoimt. I rejoiced to see the sig-
nature of your last letter, as though it had been that of Don Diego or Don
Ferdinand. May it be for many honours and your benefit, Lord, and may
I soon see another which says 'The Master.* May our Lord have your
noble person and house in His keeping. From Beata, where the wind
forcibly detains me. Saturday, August 3. Your command, Lord, shall be
obeyed.
'*[His signature is as follows:]
*'.S.
.S. A .S.
XMY
Xpo. Ferens.'*
Not more than a week had passed after this before the winds
changed, and on August 13, 1504, the Admiral landed on the
island of Espafiola and in the city of San Domingo. Here,
The Escape from Jamaica 639
while he was well and hospitably received by the Governor, his
authority was broken, his office disregarded, and he had the
disappointment of seeing Francisco de Porras set at liberty as
if he had done no wrong. However, if there was a Jamaica,
there was also a Castile. If there had been a traitor, just
Sovereigns still sat upon the throne in Spain. Thither he
would go, and in the sunny land of his adoption and of his
glorious service he would have his wrongs avenged and his
rights restored. Alas! These dreams were as imsubstantial
as his visions of the new Crusade and the terrestrial Paradise.
He had been destined to do great things, but not to see the re-
sults. He was like another great man who led a people out of
bondage to a Land of Promise into which his feet never entered.
Even the privilege of stepping on the continental land of the
New World seems to have been denied this great Discoverer.
But his work was accomplished, and it mattered little to him if
he was to lag a few more days superfluous on the stage. All the
days of his life he had been more acquainted with grief than joy.
He sailed from San Domingo on September 12, 1504, and
on November 7, 1504, there came into the harbour of San Lucar
de Barrameda in fair Castile a weary soul and a broken man.
Christopher Columbus returned from his fourth voyage, but
still Admiral of the Ocean-sea and forever the Discoverer of the
New World, from whom strength might go as from a thing that
is used, but from whose name the honour of his labour should
never, never pass.
CHAPTER CXII
THE PORRAS NARRATIVE
'' Relacion del Viage ^ de la Tierra agora nuevamente Descubierta por el Almi-
rante D. Cristobal Colon
*'FlzosE i, la vela de la bahfade Cddiz con loscuatro navfos que llev6,
mi^rcoles A once dias de Mayo ano de mil € quinientos € dos anos. Llev6
la via de las Islas de Canada de la Isla del Fierro. Mand6 tomar la derrota
para las Indias al oueste cuarta al Sudueste; despididse de vista destas
islas jueves 4 veinte € seis dias deste dicho mes.
"Miercoles de manana, quince dias de Junio, tom6 tierra de una isla
que se dice Matinino, que son aquellas las primeras islas de las Indias:
estan trescientas leguas antes de la Isla Espanola y en su camino: aquf
pidi6 el Almirante parescer d los hombres de la mar, d^ndoles cuenta por
do queria y podia seguir su viage : ^1 sigui6 la via de la Isla Espanola ; en
ella se detuvo algunos dias sin surgir ni entrar en el puerto de Santo Do-
mingo, mas de cuanto mand6 ir un suyo d tierra de la isla: & que fue no se
sabe ; la salida fue abajo del puerto do estaba el Gobemador.
" Desta isla se despidi6 jueves i. catorce dias de Julio la via del Oueste.
Sabado siguiente lleg6 d vista de la isla Jamaica, do antes habia de tomar su
derrota para de alii ir i, descubrir, no par6 en ella : fue cuatro dias la via
del Oueste cuarta al Sudueste, sin fallar otra tierra: fue otros dos dias al
Nomorueste, ^ otros dos al Norte. Domfngo veinte € cuatro dias deste mes
vieron tierra: estaban los navfos mas decaidos de lo que pensaban por las
muchas corrientes. Fue i. tomar una isla baja donde tom6 su derrota
para ir A descubrir. Desta isla, que ya antes era descubierta, que estd
comarcana con la tierra de Cuba, tom6 su derrota para ir i. descubrir.
Parti6 de aquf miercoles i. veinte y siete dias deste dicho mes; atraves6 un
golfo pequefio en que habrd poco mas de noventa leguas: fue la via del Sur
cuarta al Surueste.
** Sabado siguiente vieron tierra. Fue de tma isla la primera tierra que
descubri6: es pequena, bojar^ veinte leguas, no tiene cosa de provecho:
mostrdronles i, los indios oro en grano € perlas; maravilldronse de vello, €
demanddbanlo: es gente de guerra, son flecheros, son hombres de buena
estatura.
640
The Porras Narrative 641
** Desta isla pareci6 otra tierra muy alta 6 cercana, fue ^ ella por el Sur;
estard desta isla diez leguas: de aquf de tom6 un indio para levar por
lengua i. esta tierra grande, 6 este dijo algunos nombres de provincias desta
tierra: tom6 puerto al cual nombr6 el Almirante la Punta de Caxinas: de
esta punta conienz6 i. ir descubriendo por esta costa, y por ser los vientos
contrarios anduvo muy poco : nunca de la costa desta tierra se apart6 dia,
€ todas las noches venia i. surgir junto con tierra: la costa es bien temerosa,
6 lo fizo parescer ser aquel aflo muy tempestuoso, de muchas aguas 6 tor-
menta del cielo : iba contino viendo la tierra, como qtiien parte de cabo de
S. Viceinte hasta el cabo de Finisterre, viendo contino la costa: qtiince
leguas adelante desta punta hizo tomar la posesion en un rio que salia
grande de la tierra alta, € dfcese el Rio de la Posesion,
** Pasando de aquf adelante fue toda la tierra muy baja, de gente muy
salvage, y de muy poco provecho: hizo la tierra ya casi al fin dela tierra
baja un cabo que fasta aqui fue lo peor de navegar, € ptisole nombre de
Cabo de Gracias d Dios,
**Pas6 adelante; lleg6 una provincia que se nombra Cariay, tierra de
muy gran altura: hallase gente de muy buenas disposiciones, muy agudos,
deseosos de ver: extraflaban mucho cualquier cosa que les mostraban:
aquf paresci6 entre algimos de los principales algun Guani: tenian algodon
tejido ; todos andan desnudos por toda la costa, salvo que traen mugeres 6
hombres cubiertas sus partes secretas con imas telas que sacan debajo de
las cortezas de los ^rboles : traen los cuerpos 6 las caras todos pintados como
los berberiscos: aquf viemos puercos y gatos grandes monteses, 6 los tra-
jeron d los navf os : aquf se tomaron indios para lengua, 6 quedaron algo
escandalizados.
**De aquf pas6 adelante, 6 como iba reqiiiriendo puertos 6 bahfas, pen-
sando hallar el estrecho, lleg6 d una muy gran bahfa: el nombre de esta
tierra se dice Cerabaro: aquf se fall6 la primera muestra de oro fino que
trafa un indio ima como patena en los pechos, 6 se resgat6 : aquf se tomaron
indios para informarse donde habia aquel oro 6 donde se trafa, de aquf
comenz<5 d ir resgatando por toda la costa.
**Por informacion de los indios fue d otra gran bahfa, que se dice Abu-
rema: era por allf la tierra muy alta 6 fragosa, las poblaciones puestas en
las montanas : hobose aquf un indio el cual dijo que adelante por la costa
andadura de medio dia habia de aquello que pediamos: es la gente por
toda esta costa tan salvage y tan sobre sf cada Sefiorfo, que de veinte en
veinte leguas no se entienden unos d otros.
"Pas6 desta bahfa y fue d un rio que se nombra Guyga, do salieron i,
la ribera muchos indios armados con sus lanzas 6 flechas, ^ algunos dellos
con espejos de oro puestos en los pechos: es esta gente de manera que
despues de habido nuestro resgate luego lo aborrecian que parescian bien
tener en mas sus joyas que las nuestras : es esta tierra i. la costa de la mar
fragosa, de arboledas muy espesas; ninguna poblacion estd A la costa,
salvo dos 6 tres leguas la tierra adentro, € no pueden ir dende la mar i, las
poblaciones por tierra, sino por los rios en sxis canoas.
VOL. II.— 41.
642 Christopher Columbus
" De aquf pas6 adelante i. otra provincia que se dice Cobraba, y por es-
tonces, d causa de no haber puerto, no se cat6 mas de tomar un indio para
lengua: pas6 d la ida por toda esta costa de Veragua sin saber el secrete,
salvo seguir adelante d descubrir mas tierra, y despues que de aqui pas6
iba paresciendo menos oro.
"Fue lo postrero que descubri6 una tierra do fall6 un puerto muy pe-
queno que puso nombre el Puerto del Retrete, y aquf no trafan los indios
sino sarcillos de oro bajo: ya por aquf parescian muchas muestras de la
costumbre 6 uso de los indios de la tierra de las perlas, y en algunas cartas
de navegar de algunos de los marineros juntaba esta tierra con la que
habia descubierto Hojeda y Bastidas, que es la costa de las perlas: serd en
suma la tierra que agora descubri6 trecientas € cincuenta leguas.
** De aquf deste puerto di6 la vuelta a la tierra que atras quedaba por
informacion del indio que trafa por lengua, que adelante no habia mas oro,
sino que las minas quedeban en la tierra de Veragua : lleg6 al rio de Veragua,
no hobo entrada para los navios, hallos^ cerca otro rio que se dice Y. n.
ebra, aquf fizo meter los navfos ^ mucho peligro: martes diez dias de Enero
de quinientos tres anos entraron los navfos en este rio; es en la misma
tierra de Veragua.
**Luego se inform6 el Almirante del Cacique i. do estaban las minas:
de muy buena voluntad lo dijo, € asf lo fizo que envi6 dos fijos suyos con
los cristianos, i, que nos ensefiasen las minas: mostraba mucha volimtad
i, los cristianos : dende en veinte y seis dias que los navfos estaban dentro
en este rio se descubrieron las minas, estan del puerto do nombran Santa
Maria de Belen hasta ellas ocho leguas : es tierra trabajosa asf de montana
como de muchos rios, que rio hay que se pasa treinta € nueve veces: hal-
lamos muchas minas afondadas de los mismos indios fondura de medio
estado : son muy diestros en el sacar del oro : f uemos setenta € cinco hom-
bres 6. ellas, € en obra de un dia sacamos dos 6 tres castellanos sin aparejo
ninguno, sino de las mismas minas que los indios tenian fechas, es el oro
muy menudo : no volvimos mas a ellas : lo que mas se anduvo por la tierra
dentro fueron diez leguas: no se supo mas secreto de decir que dentro
la tierra habia mayores poblaciones, y por ser gente de poca verdad no
quiso el Almirante que fuese gente d vella; y como luego mand6 prender
al Cacique do se le fizo mucho dafio que le quemaron su poblacion, que era
la mejor que habia en la costa € de mejores casas, de muy buena madera,
todas cubiertas de fojas de palmas, € prendieron ^ sus fijos, 6 aquf traen
algunos dellos de que quedd toda aquella tierra escandalizada, desto no
s^ dar cuenta sino que lo mandd facer € aim a pregonar escala franca.
**De aqiif se partid porque los indios, despues de preso su Cacique,
dieron en el real de los cristianos do mataron y firieron muchos, quedd
dentro deste rio uno de los navfos que no podia salir porque pedia mucha
agua, otro quedd en otro puerto de la costa que habia recibido mas dafio de
la bruma € era mas viejo: en los otros dos navfos se vino con la gente la
vuelta de la Espafiola que decia que no habia fasta ella ciento € cincuenta
leguas, fue i. parar d tierra de Cuba mas de ciero leguas abajo de la Espa-
The Porras Narrative 643
flola: los marineros no traian ya carta de navegar que se las habia el
Almirante tornado d todos : se decian que el yerro que se hizo al principio
habia causado gran desconcierto en el descubrir. Vinose por esta costa de
Cuba fast a cabo de Cruz, cincuenta leguas de la Espanola, que pudiera ir
muy bien ^ ella, y fuera el viage mas breve y no hobiera el dano que hobo
por irse d la Isla Jamaica do estuvimos catorce meses ganando la gente y
los navfos sin facer ningun servicio : la causa desta ida d Jamaica no hay
quien lo sepa mas de querello facer. Llego d surgir d S. Lticar jueves siete
de Noviembre de quinientos cuatro afios."
''Diego de Porras
Relation of the Voyage and of the Lajid now newly Discovered by the Admiral
Don Christopher Columbus
**He sailed from the bay of Cadiz with the four ships which he took
with him, Wednesday, May ii, 1502. He followed the way to the Canary
Islands,* to the island of Fierro. He ordered that the course should be
laid for the Indies to the west quarter south-west: [these islands the
Canaries] were lost to view, Thursday, May 26. Wednesday morning, June
15, he landed at an island which is called Matinino ': those are the first
islands of the Indies. They are 300 leagues this side of the island of Es-
panola and on the way to it. Here the Admiral asked the opinion of the
seamen, telling them how he wished to continue and could continue his
journey. He took the way to the island of Espanola: there he tarried
some days without anchoring or entering the port of San Domingo, except
that he sent one of his people on land; who it was, is not known. His de-
parture was from below the port where was the Governor.
**This island was left Thursday, July 14, and he sailed westward. The
Sunday following he arrived in sight of the island of Jamaica,^ where
previously he was to take his course, in order to go from there to make
discoveries : he did not stop there. He sailed four days west, quarter south-
west, without finding other land. He went two more days to the north-
north-west and two more to the north. Sunday, the 24th of this month
[July], they saw land. The ships were more damaged than they thought
by the many currents. He went to a low island -» from whence he took his
course to go and make discoveries. From this island, which had already
been discovered and which is near the island of Cuba, he took his course to
go and make discoveries. He left there Wednesday, July 27: he crossed
a small gulf which was a little more than 90 leagues : he continued his
course south quarter south-west. The Saturday following they saw land.s
' He arrived at the Grand Canary May 20. (See Ferdinand Columbus's Historic,
chap. Ixxxviii.)
" Island of Santa Lucia, according to some. We identify it with the island of
Martinique.
3 At Cayas de Moranie.
4 Cayo Largo.
5 Guanaja, or Bonacca, thirty miles north of Cape Honduras.
644 Christopher Columbus
It was an island, the first land that he discovered. It is small, will measure
20 leagues arotmd, contains nothing of value. They showed the Indians
grains of gold and pearls: they marvelled at seeing it and demanded it.
They are warriors, bowmen and of good height.
**From this island appeared another very high land' and near. He
went to it towards the south; it is about ten leagues from this island.
From here he took an Indian to go as interpreter to this great land, and the
Indian told the names of some of the provinces of this land. The Admiral
found a port which he named Puerta de Caxinas.^ From this port he
started to go and make discoveries along this coast, but because of the
winds being contrary he advanced very little. He never left the coast of
this land during the day, and every night he anchored near the land. The
coast is very fearful, or much water and many tempests from heaven made
it appear very tempestuous that year. He went on, continually in sight of
land, as whoever goes from Cape St. Vincent to Cape Finisterre is continu-
ally in sight of the coast. Fifteen leagues beyond this point he took pos-
session of a large river which flows from the high land and is called Rio de
la Posesion.^ From there onward the land was very low and the people
very savage and possessing very little of value. Almost at the end of the
low land there is a cape which was the worst yet seen to sail arotmd, and he
named it Cape Gracias a DiosA
"He went onward; he arrived at a province which is called Cariay.s
a very high land; found the people very well disposed, very intelligent and
desirous of seeing. They marvelled greatly at whatever we showed them.
Here there appeared in the possession of some of the principal Indians
some guanifi They had woven cotton. Every one on all the coast went
naked, except that the women and men had the private parts covered with
some fibres which they got from under the bark of the trees. Their bodies
and faces were all painted like the natives of Barbary. Here we saw boars 7
and large cats [very savage] and took them to the ships. Here they took
two Indians as interpreters and some of the Indians were discontented.*
From there, he went onward and as he was seeking ports and bays, thinking
to find the strait, he arrived at a very large bay.«> The name of this land is
Cerabaro "; there, was fotmd the first trace of fine gold which an Indian
wore like a medal [mirror] on his breast and traded it. Here they took
two Indians to inform themselves where that gold was and from whence it
could be brought: from here he commenced to go trading along all the
coast. Through information from the Indians he went to another large
' The coast of Trujillo, Truxillo, a seaport town of Honduras.
' Point Costilla and port of Trujillo.
3 River Tinto.
* He arrived at this cape September 14.
s Mosquito Coasts where he anchored, September 25.
6 They call the poor gold guani or guanin.
7 In the ports of Bluefields and S. Juan de Nicaragua,
8 See Historic , chap. xci.
^ Bay of the Admiral and Boca del Toro.
'** Ferdinand Coltmibus calls it Zerabora.
The Porras Narrative 645
bay called Aburema. The land about there was very high and rough and
the people were located in the mountains. There was an Indian here who
said that half a day's journey farther along the coast, what we were seeking
was to be found : the people on all the coast are so savage and the people of
each tribe keep so much to themselves that from 20 leagues to 20 leagues
they do not understand each other.
**He left this bay and went to a river which was called Guyga « from
whence many Indians came out on the banks armed with their lances and
arrows and some of them golden mirrors on their breasts. These people
are of such a disposition that after having obtained our articles of exchange
they disliked them and appeared to value their jewels more than ours. In
this land the seacoast is very rough, with very thick groves. There are
no villages on the coast, but there are villages two or three leagues inland,
and one cannot go to the villages from the coast by land but only by the
rivers, in their canoes.
**From here he went onward to another province called Cobraba,^ and
there, on account of there being no port, he did not make investigations
except to take an Indian as interpreter. He went rapidly along this coast
of Veragua without investigating it, save to go forward and discover more
land: and after he passed it, less gold appeared. The last that he dis-
covered was a land where there was a very small port which he named
Puerto del Retrete,^ and there the Indians brought only some small imple-
ments of very poor gold. Here many of the customs and uses of the In-
dians of the land of pearls were apparent, and in some of the charts of some
of the mariners, they joined this land to that which Hojeda and Bastidas
had discovered, which is the Pearl Coast. The land which he now dis-
covered is, in short, 350 leagues.
*'From this port he returned to the land lying behind him, on account
of the information of the Indian he carried as interpreter that there was no
more gold farther on, but that the gold mines were in the land of Veragua.
He arrived at the river of Veragua: there was no entrance for the ships.
He foimd another river near, called Y.n. ebra s; here the ships were sub-
jected to a great deal of danger. Tuesday, January 10, 1503, the ships
entered this river. It is in the same land of Veragua.
** There, the Admiral informed himself from the Cacique where the
mines were. He told him with very good- will, so much so that he sent his
two sons with the Christians that they might show us the mines. They
showed great good-will toward the Christians. The ships had been in the
river 26 days ^ when the mines were discovered. They were eight leagues
* Lake Chiriqui.
* River Veragua. Ferdinand Columbus calls it ''Guaig**
^ Ferdinand Columbus calls it Cobrara.
* Port Escribanos, where he entered, Saturday, November 26.
s Ferdinand Columbus says the Indians called it Kiebra. The Admiral called it
Belen, because he cast anchor near there Thursday of the Epiphany, and Monday,
January 9, 1503, he entered the river with two ships: the other two entered the fol-
lowing day.
6 River Belent,
646 Christopher Columbus
from the port called Santa Maria de Belen, It is a rough land with moun-
tains as well as many rivers. There is a river which is crossed 29 times.
We found many mines sunken by the Indians themselves to the depth of
half an estado. They are very skilful in taking out the gold. Seventy-
five of our men went to the mines and in one day's work we took out two
or three castellanos without any preparation; but from the same mines
which the Indians had made, the gold is very poor. We did not return
again to them. The farthest inland we went was ten leagues. More was
not learned than that there were larger villages inland and because of their
being untruthful people, the Admiral would not send people to see them.
And he then ordered the Cacique to be taken, to whom was done much
harm, as his village was burned — which was the best on the coast with the
best houses, of very good wood all covered with palm-leaves, and they took
his sons and are bringing some of them here, because of which all the land
remained in a disturbed condition, — of this, I cannot give account except
that he ordered it done and even declared it a free port.^
" He left there because the Indians, after the capture of the Cacique, fell
on the camp of the Spaniards, where they killed and wounded many. One
of the ships remained in the river and could not get out because it drew a
great deal of water; another, which was the oldest and had received the
greatest injury from the worms, remained in another port on the coast.'
In the other two ships with the people he returned toward Espanola which
he said was not more than 150 leagues 3 distant, and came to the land of
Cuba, which was more than 100 leagues ^ below Espanola. The seamen no
longer carried charts because the Admiral had taken them all. 5 It was
said that the error which had been made in the beginning had caused great
confusion in the discoveries. They came along this coast of Cuba as far as
the Cape of Cruz, 50 leagues from Espanola, where he might very easily
have gone and the voyage would have been shorter and there would not
have been the damage that he underwent by going to the island of Jamaica,
where he remained fourteen months, paying the people and for the ships,
without accomplishing an5rthing.^
"He cast anchor at San Lucar Thursday, November 7, 1504."
* See Historie, chapters xcxHi. , xcviii., xcix.
^ He left the ship Vizcaino in Puerto Bella because it was ttseless.
3 The true distance is two hundred and twenty-five leagues.
^ It was one hundred and fifty leagues, and the place where he put into harbour
was at the islands situated at the south of Cuba, called in another voyage, Jardin de
la Reina.
5 This is further evidence that Columbus did not desire geographical information
concerning the New World to be common property. Hence it accords with our be-
lief that the Admiral sometimes wilfully misled the Sovereigns by talking of Ophir,
Cathay, and Mdngi.
6 This relation was made by Diego de Porras, and it is well known that he and
his brother Francisco were the leaders of the rebellion against the Admiral in Jamaica.
CHAPTER CXIII
THE MENDEZ NARRATIVE
*'Relacion
Hecha por Diego Mefidez, de Algunos Acontecimientos del Mtimo Viage del
Almirante Don Cristdbal Colon
** Diego Mendez, vecino de la ciudad de Santo Domingo de la Isla
Espaiiola, halldndose en la villa de Valladolid, donde d la sazon estaba la
Corte de SS.MM., otorg6 testamento en seis dias del mes de Junio del afio
de mil quinientos treinta y seis, por testimonio de Feman Perez, escribano
de SS.MM., y su notario publico en la su Corte y en todos los sus Reinos y
Senorfos; siendo testigos al otorgamiento Diego de Arana, Juan Diez
Miranda de la Cuadra, Martin de Ordufia, Lucas Fernandez, Alonso de
Angulo, Francisco de Hinojosa y Diego de Aguilar, todos criados de la
Senora Vireina de las Indias. Y entre otros capftulos del mencionado tes-
tamento hay uno que d la letra dice asf .
''Cldiisula del testamento. Item: Los muy ilnstres Sefiores, el Al-
mirante D. Cristobal Colon, de gloriosa memoria, y su hijo el Almirante D.
Diego Colon, y su nieto el Almirante D. Luis, d quien Dios d^ largos dias de
vida, y por ellos la Vireina mi Senora, como su tutriz y curadora, me son
en cargo de muchos y grandes servicios que yo les hice, en que constunf y
gast^ todo lo mejor de mi vida hasta acaballa en su servicio ; especialmente
servf al gran Almirante D. Crist6bal andando con su Senorfa descubriendo *
Islas y Tierra firme, en que puse muchas veces mi persona d peligro de
muerte por salvar su vida y de los que con ^1 iban y estaban; mayormente
cuando se nos cerr6 el puerto del rio de Belen 6 Yebra, donde estdbamos
con la fuerza de las tempestades de la mar y de los vientos que acarrearon
y amontonaron la arena en cantidad con que cegaron la entrada del puerto.
Y estando su Senorfo allf muy congojado, jimt6se gran multitud de Indios
de la tierra para venir d quemamos los navfos y matamos d todos, con color
que decian que iban d hacer guerra d otros Indios de las provincias de
Cobrava Aurira, con quien tenian guerra: y como pasaron muchos dellos
por aquel puerto en que teniamos nosotros las naos, ningtmo de la armada
cara en el negocio sino yo, que fuf al Almirante y le dije :
'' Senor: Estas gentes que por aqui han pasado en orden de giierra dicen
647
648 Christopher Columbus
que se han de juntar con los de Veragoa para ir contra los de Cobrava Aurira:
yo no lo creo sino el contrario, y es que se juntan para quemarnos los navios y
matarnos d todos, come de hecho lo era. Y dici^ndome el Almirante c6mo
se remediaria, yo dije d su Sefiorfa que saldria con una barca 6 iria por la
costa hdcia Veragoa, para ver donde asentaban el real. Y no hube andado
media legua cuando hall^ al pie de mil hombres de guerra con muchas
vituallas y brevages, y salt^ en tierra solo entre ellos, dejando mi barca
puesta en flota: y habl^ con ellos segun pude entender, y ofrecfme que
queria ir con ellos ^ la guerra con aquella barca armada, y ellos se escusaron
reciamente diciendo que no le habian menester: y como yo me volviese d
la barca y estuviese allf d vista dellos toda la noche, vieron que no podian ir
^ las naos para quemallas y destruillas, segtm tenian acordado, sin que yo
lo viese, y mudaron prop6sito ; y aquella noche se vol vieron todos d Veragoa,
y yo me volvf d las naos y hice relacion de todo d su Senorfa, 6 no lo tuvo
en poco. Y platicando conmigo sobrello sobre que manera se ternia para
saber claramente el intento de aquella gente, yo me of reef de ir alld con un
solo compafiero, y lo puse por obra yendo mas cierto de la muerte que de
la vida: y habiendo caminado por la playa hasta el rio de Veragoa hal\6
dos canoas de Indios extrangeros que me contaron muy d la clara como
aquellas gentes iban para quemar las naos y matarnos d todos, y que lo de-
jaron de hacer por la barca que allf sobrevino, y questaban todavia de pro-
p6sito de vol ver d hacello dende d dos dias, 6 yo les rogu^ que me llevasen
en sus canoas el rio amba, y que gelo pagaria : y ellos se escusaban aconse-
jdndome que en ninguna manera fuese, porque cierto que en Uegando me
matarian d mf y al compafiero que llevaba. E sin embargo de sus consejos
hice que me llevasen en sus canoas el rio arriba hasta Uegar d los pueblos de
los Indios, los cuales hall^ todos puestos en orden de guerra, que no me
querian dejar ir al asiento principal del Cacique; y yo fingiendo que le iba
d curar como cirujano de una llaga que tenia en una piema, y con dddivas
que les df me dejaron ir hasta el asiento Real, que estaba encima de un
cerro llano con ima plaza grande, rodeada de trescientas cabezas de muertos
que habian ellos muerto en una batalla : y como yo hubiese pasado toda la
plaza y llegado d la Casa Real hubo grande alboroto de mugeres y mucha-
chos que estaban d la puerta, que entraron gritando dentro en el palacio.
Y sali6 de ^1 un hijo del Senor muy enojado diciendo palabras recias en su
lenguage, 6 puso las manos en mf y de un empellon me desvi6 muy lejos de
sf : dici^ndole yo por amansarle como iba d curar a su padre de la piema, y
mostrdndole cierto unguento que para ello llevaba, dijo que en ninguna
manera habia de entrar donde estaba su padre. Y visto por mf que por
aquella via no podia amansarle, saqu^ un peine y tmas tijeras y im espejo,
y hice que Escobar mi compafiero me peinase y cortase el cabello. Lo cual
visto por ^1 y por los que allf estaban quedaban espantados; y yo entonces
hice que Escobar le peinase d 6\ y le cortase el cabello con las tijeras, y
dfselas y el peine y el espejo, y con esto se amans6; y yo pedf que trajesen
algo de comer, y luego lo trajeron, y comimos y bebimos en amor y com-
pafia, y quedamos amigos ; y despedime d^l y vine d las naos, y hice relacion
The Mendez Narrative 649
de todo esto al Almirante mi Senor, el cual no poco holg6 en saber todas estas
circunstancias, y cosas acaecidas por mf ; y mand6 poner gran recabdo en
las naos y en ciertas casas de paja, que teniamos hechas allf en la playa con
intencion que habia yo de quedar allf con cierta gente para calar y saber
los secretos de la tierra.
**Otro dia de manana su Sefiorfo me llam6 para tomar parecer conmigo
de lo que sobre ello se debia hacer, y fue mi parecer que debiamos prender
aquel Senor y todos sus Capitanes, porque presos aquellos se sojuzgaria
la gente menuda; y su Senorfo fue del mismo parecer: ^ yo df el ardid y
la manera con que se debia hacer, y su Seiiorlo mand6 que el Senor Adelan-
tado, su hermano, y yo con 6\ fuesemos d poner en efecto lo sobredicho con
ochenta hombres. Y fuimos, y di6nos Nuestro Senor tan buena dicha que
prendimos el Cacique y los mas de sus Capitanes y mugeres y hijos y nietos
con todos los principales de su generacion; y envidndolos d las naos ans£
presos, solt6se el Cacique al que le llevaba por su mal recabdo, el cual des-
pues nos hizo mucho dano. En este instante plug6 d Dios que llovi6 mucho,
y con la gran avenida abri6senos el puerto, y el Almirante sac6 los navfos ^
la mar para venirse d Castilla, quedando yo en tierra para haber de quedar
en ella por Contador de su Alteza con setenta hombres, qued^bame alH la
mayor parte de los mantenimientos de bizcocho y vino y aceite y vinagre.
"Acabado de salir el Almirante d la mar, y quedando yo en tierra con
obra de veinte hombres porque los otros se habian salido con el Almirante
d despedir, subitamente sobre vino sobre mf mucha gente de la tierra, que
serian mas de cuatrocientos hombres armados con sus varas y fiechas y
tiraderos, y tendier6nse por el monte en haz y dieron una grita y otra y
luego otra, con las cuales plugo d Dios me apercibieron d la pelea y defensa
de ellos: y estando yo en la playa entre los bohios que tenia hechos, y ellos
en el monte d trecho de tiro de dardo, comenzaron d fiechar y d garrochar
como quien agarocha toro, y eran las fiechas y tiraderas tantas y tan con-
tinuas como granizo; y algunos dellos se desmandaban para venirnos d
dar con las machadasnas ; pero ninguno dellos volvian porque quedaban
allf cortadas brazos y piemas y muertos d espada: de lo cual cobraron
tanto miedo que se ret* raron atras, habi^ndonos muerto siete hombres en
la pelea de veinte que eramos, y de ellos murieron diez 6 nueve de los que
se venian d nosotros mas arriscados-. Dur6 esta pelea tres horas grandes,
y Nuestro Sefior nos di6 la vitoria milagrosamente, siendo nosotros tan
poquitos y ellos tanta muchedumbre.
**Acabada esta pelea vino de las naos el Capitan Diego Tristan con las
barcas para subir el rio arriba d tomar agua para su viage; y no embar-
gante que yo le aconsej6 y amonest6 que no subiese el rio arriba no me
qiiiso creer, y contra mi grado subi6 con las dos barcas, y doce hombres
el rio arriba, donde le toparon aquella gente y pelearon con ^1, y le mataron
d 41 y todos los que llevaba, que no escap6 sino uno d nado que trujo la
nueva; y tomaron las barcas y hici^ronlas pedazos, de que quedamos en
gran fatiga, ansf el Almirante en la mar con sus naos sin barcas como noso-
tros en tierra sin tener con que poder ir d el. Yd todo esto no cesaban los
650 Christopher Columbus
Indies de venirnos a acometer cada rato taniendo bocinas y atabales, y
dando alaridos pensando que nos tenian vencidos. El remidio contra esta
gente que teniamos eran dos tiros falconetes de fruslera muy buenos, y
mucha p61vora y pelotas con que los oje^bamos que no asaban llegar a
nosotros. Y esto dur6 por espacio de cuatro dias, en los cuales yo hice
coser muchos costales tie las velas de una nao que nos quedaba, y en aquel-
los puse todo el bizcocho que teniamos, y tom^ dos canoas y at^ la una
con la otra pare j as, con unos palos atravesados por encima, y en estos
cargu6 el bizcocho todo en viages, y las pipas de vino y aziete y vinagre
atadas en una guindaleja y d jorno por la mar, tirando por ellas las canoas,
abonanzando la mar, en siete caminos que hicieron lo llevaron todo d las
naos, y la gente que conmigo estaba poco d poco la llevaron, 6 yo quede
con cinco hombres d la postre siendo de noche, y en la postrera barcada
me embarqu^: lo cual el Almirante tuvo d mucho, y no se hartaba de me
abrazar y besar en los carillos por tan gran servicio como alii le hice, y me
rog6 tomase la capitanfa de la nao Capitana y el regimiento de todo la
gente y del viage, lo cual yo acept6 por le hacer servicio en ello por ser,
como era, cosa de gran trabajo.
** Postrero de Abril de mil quinientos y tres partimos de Veragoa con
tres navios, pensando venir la vuelta de Castilla: y como los navlos esta-
ban todos abujerados y comidos de gusanos no los podiamos tener sobre
agua; y andadas treinta leguas dejamos el imo, queddndonos otros dos
peor acondicionados que aquel, que toda la gente no bastaba con las bom-
bas y calderas y vasijas i. sacar el agua que se nos entraba por los abujeros
de la broma: y de esta manera, no sin grandfsimo trabajo y peligro, pen-
sando venir d Castilla navegamos treinta y cinco dias, y en cabo dellos
llegamos i. la isla de Cuba i, lo mas bajo della, d la provincia de Homo, alM
donde agora estd el pueblo de la Trinidad; de manera que estdbamos mas
lejos de Castilla trescientas leguas que cuando partimos de Veragoa para
ir a ella; y como digo los navfos mal acondicionados, innavegables, y las
vituallas que se nos acababan. Plug6 i. Dios Nuestro Senor que pudimos
llegar i. la isla de Jamaica, donde zabordamos los dos navfos en tierra, y
hicimos de ellos dos casas pajizas, en que estabamos no sin gran peligro de
la gente de aquella isla, que no estaba domada ni conquistada, nos pusiesen
fuego de noche, que fdcilmente lo podian hacer por mas que nosotros vela-
bamos.
'* Aquf acab6 de dar la postrera racion de bizcocho y vino, y tom^ una
espada en la mano y tres hombres conmigo, y fufme por esa isla adelante,
porque ninguno osaba ir i. buscar de comer para el Almirante y los que
con €[ estaban : y plugo d Dios que hallaba la gente tan mansa que no me
hacian mal, antes se holgaban conmigo y me daban de comer de buena
voluntad. Y en un pueblo que se llama Aguacadiba, concert^ con los
Indios y Cacique que harran pan cazabe, y que cazarian y pescarian, y que
darian de todas las vituallas al Almirante cierta cuantfa cada dia, y lo
llevarian d las naos, con que estuviese allf persona que ge lo pagase en
cuentas azules y peines y cuchillos y cascabeles y anzuelos y otros rescates
■*■ -^ -" - ^^
The Mendez Narrative 651
que para ello llevabamos: y con este concierto despachd uno de los cris-
tianos que conmigo trafa al Almirante, para que enviase persona dos que
tuviese cargo de pagar aquellas vituallas y enviarlas.
** Y de alU fui d otro pueblo que estaba tres leguas de este y hice el mismo
concierto con el Cacique y Indios de ^1, y envi^ otro cristiano al Almirante
para que enviase alli otra persona al mismo cargo.
** Y de allf pas^ adelante y llegu^ d un gran Cacique que se llamaba
Huareo, donda agora dicen Melilla, que es trece leguas de las naos, del cual
fu£ muy bien recebido, que me dio muy bien de comer, y mand6 que todos
sus vasallos trajiesen dende i. tres dias muchas vituallas, que le presentaron,
€ yo ge las pagu^ de manera que fueron contentos : y concerts que ordinari-
amente las traerian, habiendo allf persona que ge las pagase, y con este
concierto envi^ el otro cristiano con los mantenimientos que alU me dieron
al Almirante, y pedi al Cacique que me diese dos Indios que fuesen con-
migo fasta el cabo de la isla, que el uno me llevaba la hamaca en que dormia
€ el otro la comida. Y desta manera camin^ hasta el cabo de la isla, d la
parte del Oriente, y Uegu^ i, un Cacique que se llamaba .4 m^>To, € hice con
^1 amistades de hermandad, y dfle mi nombre y tom6 el suyo, que entre
ellos se tiene por grande hermandad. Y compr^le una canoa muy buena
que ^1 tenia, y dfle por ella una bacineta de laton muy buena que llevaba
en la manga y el sayo y una camisa de dos que llevaba, y embarqu^me en
aquella canoa, y vine por la mar requiriendo las estancias que habia dejado
con seis Indios que el Cacique me di6 para que me la ayudasen i. navegar,
y venido i. los lugares donde yo habia proveido, hall^ en ellos los cristianos
que el Almirante habia enviado, y cargu^ de todas las vituallas que les
hall6, y fuime al Almirante, del cual fuf muy bien recebido, que no se har-
taba de verme y abrazarme, y preguntar lo que me habia sucedido en el
viage, dando gracias i. Dios que me habia llevado y traido i. salvamiento
libre de tanta gente salvage. Y como al tiempo que yo llegu^ d las naos
no habia en ellas un pan que comer, fueron todos muy alegres con mi
venida, porque les mat^ la hambre en tiempo de tanta necesidad, y de allf
adelante cada dia venian los Indios cargados de vituallas d las naos de
aquellos lugares que yo habia concertado, que bastaban para doscientas y
treinta personas que estaban con el Almirante.
•'Dende i, diez dias el Almirante me llam6 a parte y me dijo el gran
peligro en que estaba, dici^ndome ansi:
** 'Diego Mendez, Hijo: Ninguno de cuantos aqui yo tengo siente el gran
peligro en que estamos sine yo y vos, porque somos muy poquitos, y estos
Indios salvages son muchos y muy mudables y aniojadizos, y en la hora que
se les antojare de venir y quemarnos aqui donde estamos en estos dos navios
hechos casas pajizas, fdcilmente pueden echar fuego dende tierra y abrasarnos
aqui d todos: y el concierto que vos habeis hecho con ellos del trcsr los man-
tenimientos que trcen de tan buena gana, manana se les antojard otra cosa
y no nos trcerdn nada, y nosotros no somos parte para tomargelo por fuerza
si no estar d lo que ellos quisieren. Yo he pensado un remedio si d vos os
parece: que en esta canoa que comprastes se aventurarse alguno d pasar d la
652 Christopher Columbus
Isla Espartola d comprar una nao en que pudiesen salir de tan gran peligro
como este en que estamos. Decidme vuestro parecer.'
**Yo le respondf:
** * SeHor: El peligro en que estamos hien lo veo, que es muy mayor de lo que
se puede pensar. El pasar desta Isla d la Isla Espanola en tan poca vasija
como es la canoa, no solamente lo tengo por dificultoso, sino por imposible:
porque haber de atravesar un golfo de cuarenta leguas de mar y entre islas
donde la mar es mas impetuosa y de menos reposo, no s^ quien se ose aven-
turar d peligro tan notorio.'
**Su Seilorfo no me replied, persuadiendome reciamente que yo era el
que lo habia de hacer, 6. lo cual yo respondf:
*'*Senor: Muchas veces he puesto mi vida d peligro de muerte por salvar
la vuestra y de todos estos que aqui estan, y nuestro Sefior milagrosamente me
ha guardado y la vida; y con todo no han faltado murmuradores que dicen
que vuestra Senoria me acomete d mi todas las cosas de honra, habiendo en la
compania otros que las harian tan bien como yo: y por tanto par^ceme d mi que
vuestra Senoria los haga llamar d todos y los proponga este negocio, para ver
si entre todos ellos habrd alguno que lo quiera emprender, lo cual yo dudo; y
cuando todos se echen de fuera, yo pondr^ mi vida d muerte por vuestro ser-
vicio, como muchas veces lo he hecho.'
'*Luego el dia sigtiiente su Senoria los hizo juntar ^ todos delante sf,
y les propuso el negocio de la manera que dmi: 6 oido, todos enmudecieron,
y algunos dijeron que era por demas platicarse en semejante cosa, porque
era imposible en tan pequefla vasija pasar tan impetuoso y peligroso golfo
de cuarenta leguas como este, entre estas dos islas donde muy recias naos
se habian perdido andando d descubrir, sin poder romper ni forzar el fmpetu
y furia de las corrientes. Entonces yo me levant^ y dije:
***Senor: Una vida tengo no mas, yo la quiero aventurar por servicio de
vuestra Senoria y por el bien de todos los que aqui estan, porque tengo esper-
anza en Dios nuestro Senor que vista la intencion con que yo lo hago me librard,
como otras muchas veces lo ha hecho.'
**Oida por el Almirante mi determinacion levan6se y abraz6me y
bes6me en el carrillo, diciendo :
'''Bien sabia yo que no habia aqui ninguno que osase tomar esta empresa
sino vos: esperanza tengo en Dios nuestro Seitor saldreis della con vitoria como
de las otras que habeis emprendido. *
**E1 dia siguiente yo puse mi canoa a monte, y le ech^ ima quilla pos-
tiza, y le df su brea y sebo, y en la popa y proa clav61e algunas tablas para
defensa de la mar que no se me entrase como hiciera siendo rasa ; y pusele
un mastfl y su vela, y metf los mantenimientos que pude para mf y para im
cristiano y para seis indios, que 6ramos ocho personas, y no cabian mas en
la canoa: y despedfme de su Senorfa y de todos, y fuime la costa arriba
de la Isla de Jamaica, donde estdbamos, que hay dende las naos hasta el
cabo della treinta y cinco leguas, las cuales yo navegu6 con gran peligro y
trabajo, porque fuf preso en el camino de Indios salteadores en la mar, de
que Dios me libr6 milagrosamente. Y Uegado al cabo de la isla, estando
The Mendez Narrative 653
esperando que la mar se amansase para acometer mi viage, juntdronse
muchos Indies y determinaron de matarme y tomar la canoa y lo que en
ella llevaba; y asf juntos jugaron mi vida d la peLota para ver d cual dellos
cabria la ejecucion del negocio. Lo cual sentido por mf vineme ascondi-
damente d mi canoa, que tenia tres leguas de allf, y hfcime d la vela y
vfneme donde estaba el Almirante, habiendo quince dias que de alli habia
partido: y cont^le todo lo sucecido, y c6mo Dios milagrosamente me habia
librado de las manos de aquellos salvages. Su Senorfa fue muy alegre de
mi venida, y preguntdme si volveria al viage. Yo dije que sf, llevando
gente que estuviese conmigo en el cabo de la isla hasta que yo entrase en la
mar d proseguir mi viage. Su Senorfa me di6 setenta hombres y con ellos
d su hermano el Adelantado, que fuesen y estuviesen conmigo hasta em-
barcarme, y tres dias despues. Y desta manera volvf al cabo de la isla
donde estuve cuatro dias. Viendo que la mar se amansaba me despedf
dellos y ellos de mf, con hartas Idgrimas; y encomend^me d Dios y ^ nuestra
Senora del Antigua, y navegu6 cinco dias y cuatro noches que jamas perdf
el remo de la mano gobemando la canoa y los companeros remando. Plugo
d Dios nuestro Senor que en cabo de cinco dias yo amb6 d la Isla Espanola,
al Cabo de S. Miguel, habiendo dos dias que no comiamos ni bebiamos por
no tenello; y entre con mi canoa en una ribera muy hermosa, donde luego
vino mucha gente de la tierra y trajeron muchas cosas de comer, y estuve
allf dos dias descansando. Y tom6 seis Indios de allf, dejados los que
llevaba, y comenc^ d navegar por la costa de la Isla Espanola, que hay
dende allfhasta la cibdad de Santo Domingo ciento y treinta leguas que yo
habia de andar, porque estaba allf el Gobemador, que era el Comendador
de Lares; y habiendo andado por la costa de la isla ochenta leguas, no sin
grandes peligros y trabajos, porque la isla no estaba conquistada ni alla-
nada, llegu^ d la Provincia deAzoa, que es veinte y cuatro leguas antes de
Santo Domingo, y allf supe del Comendador Gallego como el Gobemador
era partido d la Provincia de Xuragoa d allanarla ; la cual estaba cincuenta
leguas de allf. Y esto sabido dej^ mi canoa y tom6 el camino por tierra de
Xuragoa, donde hall6 el Gobemador, el cual me detuvo allf siete meses
hasta que hizo quemar y ahorcar ochenta y cuatro Caciques, Sefiores de
vasallos, y con ellos d Nacaona la mayor Senora de la isla, d quien todos
ellos obedecian y Servian. Y esto acabado vine de pie d tierra de Santo
Domingo, que era setenta leguas de allf, y estuve esperando que viniesen
naos de Castilla, que habia mas de un ano que no habian venido. Y en
este comedio plugo d Dios que vinieron tres naos, de las cuales yo compr^
la una y la cargu6 de vituallas, de pan y vino y came y puercos y carneros
y f rut as, y la envi^ adonde estaba el Almirante para en que viniesen ^1 y
toda la gente como vinieron allf d Santo Domingo y de allf a Castilla. E yo
me vine delante en las otras dos naos d hacer relacion al Rey y ^ la Reina
de todo lo sucedido en aquel viage.
" Pareceme que ser^ bien que se diga atgo de lo acaecido al Almirante y d
su f amilia en un ano que estuvieron perdidos en aquesta isla : y es que
dende d pocos dias que yo me partf los Indios se amotinaron y no le querian
654 Christopher Columbus
traer de coiner como antes ; y ^1 los hizo Uamar d todos los Caciques yles dijo
que se maravillaba dellos en no traerle la comida como solian, sabiendo, como
^1 les habia dicho, que habia venido allfpor mandado de Dios, y que Dios
estaba enojado dellos, y que ^1 ge lo mostraria aquella noche por senales
que haria en el cielo ; y como aquella noche era el eclipse de la luna que
casi toda se escureci6, dijoles que Dios hacia aquello por enojo que tenia
dellos porque no le traian de comer, y ellos lo creyeron y fueron muy espan-
tados, y prometieron que le traerian siempre de comer, como de hecho lo
hicieron, hast a que lleg6 la nao con los mantenimientos que yo envi^, de
que no pequeno gozo fue en el Almirante y en todos los que con ^1 estaban :
que despues en Castilla me dijo su Senoria que en toda su vida habia visto
tan alegre dia, y que nunca pens6 salir de alU vivo : y en esta nao se em-
barc6 y vino i, Santo Domingo y de allf d Castilla.
"He querido poner aquf esta breve suma de mis trabajos y grandes y
senalados servicios, cuales nunca hizo hombre d Senor, ni los har^ de aqui
adelante del mundo ; y esto i, fin que mis hijos lo sepan y se animen i. ser-
vir, ^ su Senorfo sepa que es obligado i, hacerles muchas mercedes.
** Venido su Senorfa i, la Corte, y estando en Salamanca en la cama
enfermo de gota, andando yo solo entendiendo en sus negocios y en la
restitucion de su estado y de la gobemacion para su hijo D. Diego, yo le
di je ansi :
''Senor: Ya vuestra Senoria sabe lo niucho que os he servido y lo mas que
trabajo de noche y de dia en vnesiros negocios: suplico d vuestra Senoria me
senale algun galardon para en pago dello: y el me respondi6 alegremente
que yo lo senalase y ^1 lo cumpliria, porque era mucha razon. Y entonces
yo le senal6 y supliqu6 i, su Senorfa me hiciese merced del oficio del
Alguacilazgo mayor de la Isla Espanola para en toda mi vida : y su Senorfa
dijo que de muy buena voluntad, y que era poco para lo mucho que yo habia
servido: y mand6me que lo dijese ansi al Sr. D. Diego, su hijo, el cual fue
muy alegre de la merced i. mf hecha de dicho oficio, y dijo que si su padre
me lo daba con una mano, ^1 con dos. Y esto es ansi la verdad para el
siglo que i. ellos tiene y i mi espera.
"Habiendo yo acabado, no sin grandes trabajos mios, de negociarla
restitucion de la gobemacion de las Indias al Almirante D. Diego, mi Sedor,
siendo su padre fallecido, le pedf la provision del dicho oficio. Su Senorfa
me respondi6 que lo tenia dado el Adelantado su tio ; pero que ^1 me daria
dtra cosa eqtdvalente o aquella. Yo dije que aquella diese ^1 i, su tio, y
d mi me diese lo que su padre y ^1 me habian prometido, lo cual no se hizo;
y yo qued^ cargado de servicios sin ningun galardon, y el Sr. Adelantado,
sin haberlo servido, qued6 con mi oficio y con el galardon de todos mis
afanes.
*'Llegado su Senorfa i, la cibdad de Santo Domingo por Gobemador
tom6 las varas y di6 este oficio i, Francisco de Garay, criado del Sr. Ade-
lantado, que lo sirviese por ^1. Esto fue en diez dias del mes de Julio de
mil quinientos diez aiios. Valia entonces el oficio ^ lo menos un cuento de
renta, del cual la Vireina, mi Seiiora, como tutriz y curadora del Virey, mi
The Mendez Narrative 655
Sefior, y €1 me son en cargo realmente y me lo deben de justicia y de foro
conscientue, porque me fue hecha la merced de ^1, y no se cumpli6 conmigo
dende el dia que se di6 al Adelantado hasta el postrero de mis dias, porque
si se me diera yo fuera el mas rico hombre de la isla y mas honrado; y por
no se me dar soy el mas pobre della, tanto que no tengo una casa en que
more sin alquiler.
** Y porque haberseme de pagar lo que el oficio ha rentado seria muy
dificultoso, yo quiero dar un medio y ser^ este: que su Senorfa haga merced
del Alguacilazgo mayor de la Cibdad de Santo Domingo, d uno de mis hijos
para en toda su vida, y al otro le haga merced de su Teniente de Almirante
en la dicha Cibdad : y con hacer merced destos dos oficios d mis hijos de
la manera que he aqui dicho, y poni^ndolos en cabeza de quien los sirva
por ellos hasta que scan de edad, su Senoria descargara la conciencia del
Almirante su padre, y yo me satisfar^ de la paga que se me debe de mis
servicios ; y en esto no dir6 mas de dejallo en sus conciencias de sus Senori^s,
y hagan en ello lo que mejor les pareciere.
*'Item: Dejo por mis albaceas y ejecutores deste mi testamento, aquf
en la corte, al Bachiller Estrada y d Diego de Arana, jimtamente con la
Vireina, mi Senora, y suplico yo d su Senorfa lo acepte y les mande d ellos
lo mismo.
''Otra Cldtisula. Item: Mando que mis albaceas compren una piedra
grande, la mejor que hallaren, y se ponga sobre mi sepultura, y se escriba
en derredor della estas letras :
''Aqui yace el honrado caballero Diego Mendez que sirvid mticho d la
Corona Real de Espana en el descubrimiento y conquista de las Indias con el
Almirante D. Cristobal Colon, de gloriosa memoria, que las descubridy y
despues por si con naos suyas d su casta: fallecio, &c, Pido de limosna un
Pater Noster y una Ave Maria.
"Item: En medio de la dicha piedra se haga una canoa, que es un
madero cavado en que los Indios na vegan, porque en otra tal na veg6
trescientas leguas, y encima pongan unas letras que digan: Canoa.
**Caros y amados hijos mios, y de mi muy cara y amada muger Dona
Francisca de Ribera, la bendicion de Dios Todopoderoso, Padre y Hi jo y
Espiritu Santo y la mia descienda sobre vos y vos cubra y os haga cat61icos
cristianos, y os d^ gracia que siempre le ameis y temais. Hijos: encomi-
endoos mucho la paz y concordia, y que seais muy conformes y no sober-
bios, sino muy humildos y muy amigables i. todos los que contratdredes,
porque todos os tengan amor: servid lealmente al Almirante mi Seiior, y
su Senorfa os har^ muchas mercedes por qtiien ^1 es, y porque mis grandes
servicios lo merecen; y sobre todo os mando, hijos mios, seais muy devotos
y oyais muy devotamente los Oficios Di vinos, y haci^ndolo ansi Dios nues-
tro Sefior os dard largos dias de vida. A ^1 plega por su infinita bondad
haceros tan buenos como yo deseo que seais, y os tenga siempre de su mano.
Amen.
'*Los libros que de ac^ os envio son los siguientes:
**Arte de bien morir de Erasmo. Un sermon de Erasmo en romance.
656 Christopher Columbus
Josefo De Bello Jtidaico, La Filosofia moral de Arist6teles. Lros libras que
se dicen Lingua Erasmi. El libro de la Tierra santa. Los coloquios de
Erasmo. Un tratado de las querellas de la Paz. Un libro de Contem-
placiones de la Pasion de nuestro Redentor. Un tratado de la Venganza
de la muerte de Agamenon, y otros tratadillos.
**Ya dije, hijos mios, que estos libros os dejo por mayorazgo, con las
condiciones que estan dichas de suso en el testamento, y quiero que vayan
todos con algunas Escrituras mias, que se hallardn en el area que est^ en
Se villa, que es de cedro, como ya est^ dicho: pongan tambien en esta el
mortero de m^rmol que est^ en poder del Sr. D. Hernando, 6 de su mayor-
domo.
** Digo yo Diego Mendez que esta Escritura contenida en trece hojas es mi
testamento y postrimera voluntad, porque yo lo orden^ 6 hice escribir, y lo
firm^ de mi nombre, y por ^1 revoco y doy por ningunos otros cualesquier
testamentos hechos en cualesquier otros tiempos 6 lugar; y solo este quiero
que valga, que es hecho en la villa de Valladolid en diez y nueve dias del mes
de Junio, aiio de nuestro Redentor de mil quinientos treinta y seis anos. —
Diego Mendez. — E yo el dicho Garcfa de Vera, Escribano Notario publico,
presente fuf d todo lo que dicho es, que de mi se hace mencion, por man-
dado del dicho Sr. Teniente 6 pedimento del dicho Bachiller Estrada, este
testamento en estas veinte 6 seis hojas de papel, pliego entero, como aqui
parece, fice escrebir como ante mf se present6 6 abri6, 6 ansi queda original-
mente en mi poder. E por ende fice aqui este mi signo tal en [estd signado]
testimonio de verdad. — Garcia de Vera. — [Estd firniado.]
**Concuerda literalmente con las cUusulas copiadas de un testimonio
signado y firmado por el expresado Escribano Garcfa de Vera, que obra
originalmente en el Archivo del Excmo. Sr. Almirante Duque de Veraguas,
de donde lo copi^ en Madrid d veinte y cinco dias del mes de Marzo de mil
ochocientos veinte y cinco afios. Tomas Gonzalez.
*'NoTA. — Las demas cUusulas de este testamento de Diego Mendez son
relativas d sus disposiciones funerales, declaracion de deudas, tanto en su
favor como contra s£ en Espana y en la Isla Espanola, y otros negocios
meramente personales y de su familia, que ninguna relacion ni alusion
dicen al Almirante Colon ni a sus viages, navegaciones y descubrimientos,
por lo cual no se han copiado."
*' Relation
Made by Diego Mendez of some Events of the Last Voyage of the Admiral
Don Christopher Columbus
** Diego Mendez, citizen of the city of San Domingo of the island of
Espafiola, being in the city of Valladolid, where the royal Coiut of their
Majesties was at that time, executed a Will June 6, 1536, in the presence of
Feman Perez, Clerk of the Court of their Majesties, and their Notary Pub-
lic in their Court and in all their realms and dominions; the witnesses of
The Mendez Narrative 657
the execution of the Will being Diego de Arana, Juan Diez Miranda de la
Cuadra, Martin de Orduna, Lucas Fernandez, Alonso de Angulo, Francisco
de Hinojosa and Diego de Aguilar, all servants of the Lady Vice-Queen '
of the Indies. And among other chapters of the mentioned Will, there is
one which says literally as follows :
''Clause of the Will. Item. The very Illustrious Lords, the Admiral
Don Christopher Coltunbus, of glorious memory, and his son the Admiral
Don Diego Columbus and his grandson the Admiral Don Luis, to whom
may God give long life, and for them the Vice-Queen, my Lady, as their
tutor and guardian, are in my debt for many great services which I ren-
dered them, in which I consumed and spent all the best of my life, as far
as to finish it in their service ; especially I served the great Admiral Don
Christopher, going with his Lordship discovering islands and mainland, in
which I placed my person in danger of death many times, in order to save
his life and those who went and were with him ; principally when we were
shut up in the port of the river of Belem or Yebra, where the force of the
tempests from the sea and of the winds heaped up the sand so as to close
the entrance of the port. And his Lordship being there very much dis-
turbed, a great multitude of Indians of the country gathered in order to
come and burn our ships and kill us all, pretending that they were going
to make war on other Indians of the provinces of Cobrava Aurira, with
whom they were at war; and as many of them passed by that port where
we had our ships, no one of the people understood the matter except myself,
and I went to the Admiral and said: *Senor, — ^these people who have
passed here in readiness for war say that they are to unite with those of
Veragua to proceed against the people of Cobrava Aurira; I do not believe
it, but the contrary, which is that they are uniting in order to bum our
ships and kill us all,' — as in fact was true. And the Admiral asking me
how it could be prevented, I said to his Lordship that I would go out with
a boat and go along the coast towards Veragua, in order to discover where
they had their camp. And I had not travelled half a league when I found
myself in the midst of a thousand warriors with many provisions and
'brevages,* and I landed alone among them, leaving my boat in the water;
and I talked with them, as well as I could understand, and offered myself
as wishing to go with them to war with that boat manned, and they ex-
cused themselves emphatically, saying that it was not necessary; and as
I returned to the boat and remained there in their sight all the night, they
saw that they could not go to the ships to bum them and destroy them, as
they had determined, without my seeing them, and they changed their minds ;
and that night they all returned to Veragua and I returned to the ships and
related everything to his Lordship, and he did not esteem it a small matter.
And as he talked with me in regard to how we could know clearly the in-
tentions of that people, I offered to go with one companion, and considered
it a work more certain of death than of life; and having gone along the
beach as far as the river of Veragua, I found two canoes of strange Indians,
' Maria of Toledo, widow of Diego Columbus, the second Admiral of the Indies.
VOL. II.— 4a.
658 Christopher Columbus
who told me very clearly that the other Indians were going to bum the
ships and kill tis all and that they had given it up on account of the boat
which had appeared there, and that they remained with the purpose of
returning to do it at the end of two days, and I begged them that they
would take me up the river in their canoes, and offered to pay them for
it; but they excused themselves, coimselling me in no manner to do it,
because they would certainly kill me and the companion I had with me,
on our arrival. And notwithstanding their coimsels I induced them to
take me up the river as far as the villages of the Indians, whom I found
all prepared for war, and who did not wish to allow me to go to the prin-
cipal dwelling of the Cacique; but because I pretended that I was going
as a surgeon to cure him of a wound he had in his leg, and because of pres-
ents which I gave them, they allowed me to go to the royal dwelling place,
which was at the top of a smooth hill with a great square, surrounded by
the heads of three hundred of the dead they had killed in battle ; and as I
had passed through the square and arrived at the royal house there was a
great outcry of women and children who were at the door and who entered
the palace crying out. And a son of the Chief, greatly irritated, came out
saying rude words in his language, and he laid his hands on me and with
one impulse repulsed me far from him ; upon my saying to him in order to
pacify him that I was going to cure his father's leg and showing him a cer-
tain ointment which I carried for the purpose, he told me that in no manner
should I enter where his father was. And seeing that I could not pacify
him in that manner, I drew out a comb and some scissors and a looking-
glass, and had Escobar, my companion, comb and cut my hair. When the
son of the Chief and the other Indians who were there saw this, they were
frightened; and I then had Escobar comb his [the son's] hair and cut it
with the scissors, and I gave them to him with the comb and looking-glass,
and this pacified him; and I begged him to bring something to eat, and
then they brought it, and we ate and drank in love and companionship
and were friends; and I took leave of him and came to the ships, and
related all this to the Admiral, my Lord, who was pleased in no small degree
to know all these circumstances and the things which had happened to me;
and he ordered that great caution should be taken on the ships and in cer-
tain straw houses, which we had constructed there on the shore, because
of the intention I had of remaining there with certain of the people, to dis-
cover and know the secrets of the land.
*' The next day, in the morning, his Lordship called me in order to take
counsel with me as to what should be done, and it was my opinion that we
ought to take that Chief and all his Captains, because they being captured,
the common people would be subjugated ; and his Lordship was of the same
opinion ; and I explained the stratagem and the manner in which it should
be done, and his Lordship ordered that the Lord Adelantado, his brother,
and I, with eighty men, should go and put in effect the aforesaid stratagem.
And we went, and our Lord gave us such good fortune that we took the
Cacique and most of his Captains, and his wives and sons and grandsons,
The Mendez Narrative 659
with all the principal members of his family ; and having thus sent them
to the ships as prisoners, the Cacique escaped from the ship which carried
him, by reason of being carelessly guarded, and afterwards did us much
injury. At this time it pleased God that it rained greatly, and with the
great flood the port was opened for us, and the Admiral took the ships out
into the sea to come to Castile, leaving me to remain on land as Accountant
of your Highness with seventy men, and leaving with me there the greater
part of the rations of biscuit and wine and oil and vinegar.
" The Admiral had just gotten out to sea, and I was on land with about
twenty men because the others had gone out with the Admiral to take
leave, when suddenly there appeared before me from the land many people ;
there might have been more than 400 men armed with their rods, darts
and arrows, and spreading themselves out upon the face of the mountain
they gave a cry and another, and then another, by which it pleased God
that they warned me of the battle and gave me an opportunity to defend
myself against them. And I being on the shore between the huts which
we had made, and they on the mountain at a distance of the cast of a dart,
they commenced to throw darts and to goad us as when one goads bulls,
and the darts and arrows were as many and as continuotis as hail; and
some of them came near in order to reach us with the machadasnas [a sort
of club] ; but none of these returned because they remained there killed
with the sword, and with their arms and legs cut off; and they were in-
spired with so much fear by this that they retired backwards, having killed
in the battle seven men out of our twenty, and there being dead ten or
nine out of those who had advanced upon us most audaciously. This
fight lasted full three hours, and our Lord gave us the victory miraculously,
we being so few in nimibers and they being so many.
"The fight being finished, the Captain Diego Tristan came from the
ships with the boats in order to ascend the river and take water for his
voyage ; and notwithstanding that I advised him and admonished him not
to ascend the river, he would not believe me and against my will he went
up with the two boats and twelve men, where he encountered the Indians
and they fought with him and killed him and all those who were with him,
except one who escaped by swimming and brought us the news ; and they
took the boats and broke them in pieces, by which we were left in great
trouble, both the Admiral on the sea with his ships without boats and we
upon land without power to reach him. And with all this, the Indians did
not cease from attacking us at every moment, sounding trumpets and
kettle-drums and howling, thinking we were vanquished. For defence
against these people we had two very good falconets of fruslera ' and a large
quantity of powder and bullets with which we frightened them so that they
dared not come up to us. And this lasted four days, during which I had
many sacks sewn from the sails of a ship, which remained to us, and in
them I put all the biscuit that we had, and I took two canoes and fastened
them together with some timbers laid athwart over them, and in them I
" Falconets of fruslera, these were small pieces of ordnance cast from brass filings.
66o Christopher Columbus
loaded the biscuit, all in loads, and the casks of wine and oil and vinegar,
and having fastened them by a hawser and towing the canoes with it, the
sea having become favourable, in seven journeys which they made they
took everything to the ships, and little by little they took the people who
were with me, and I remained until the last with five men, it being then
night ; and in the last load I embarked ; which the Admiral held in high
estimation and could not enough embrace me and kiss me upon the cheeks,
for such a great service as I rendered him there, and he begged me to take
command of the ship Capitana and of all the crew and of the voyage, which
I accepted in order to serve him in so doing, as it was a service of great
hardship.
*'The last of April, 1503, we started from Veragua with three ships,
thinking to return to Castile; and as the ships were all bored and eaten by
worms we could not keep them upon the water; and having gone thirty
leagues we left one, the other two remaining to tis in worse condition than
this one, so that all the people with pumps, cauldrons and small vessels
were not sufficient to throw out the water which entered by the worm-
holes ; and in this manner, not without great labour and danger, we sailed
thirty-five days expecting to arrive at Castile, and at the end of that time
we arrived at the lowest part of the island of Cuba, at the province of
Homo, where the city of Trinidad is now; so that we were three hundred
leagues farther from Castile than when we left Veragua to go there ; and as
I said, with ships in bad condition, unnavigable and not enough provisions.
It pleased God, our Lord, that we should arrive at the island of Jamaica,
where we stranded the two vessel^ on land, and made two houses thatched
with straw from them, in which we were not without great danger from
the people of that island, who were neither subdued nor conquered, and
who might set us on fire during the night, which they could have easily
done, no matter how much we watched.
*' Here, when I had given out the last ration of biscuit and wine, I took
a sword in my hand and three men with me. and went away inland in this
island, because no one dared to go and search for food for the Admiral and
those who were with him ; and it pleased God that I found the people so
mild that they did me no harm, but rather sported with me and gave me
something to eat willingly. And in a place which is called Aguacadiba, I
made an agreement with the Indians and Cacique that they should make
cassava bread, and that they should hunt and fish, and that of all the pro-
visions they should give a certain quantity to the Admiral each day, and
should carry them to the ships provided there should be a person there
who would pay them in beads of lapis lazuli and combs and knives and
hawks' bells and fish hooks and other articles of barter which we carried for
that purpose ; and with this agreement I sent one of the two Christians I
had with me to the Admiral, so that he might send some one who should
have charge of paying for these provisions and would send them.
*' And from there I went to another village which is there leagues from
this one and made the same agreement with the Cacique and Indians there.
The Mendez Narrative 66 1
and sent another Christian to the Admiral that he might send another per-
son for the same purpose.
"And from there I went onward and reached a great Cacique who is
called Huareo, where they now call it Melilla, which is thirteen leagues from
the ships, by whom I was very well received and who gave me very good
things to eat and ordered that all his vassals at the end of three days should
bring me many provisions which they presented to me, and I paid them
in a manner that satisfied them ; and I made an agreement that they should
bring them regularly, there being some one there who should pay them,
and with this agreement I sent the other Christian with the provisions they
gave me there, to the Admiral, and begged the Cacique to give me two
Indians to go with me to the end of the island, one to carry the hammock
in which I slept and the other the food. And in this manner I journeyed
as far as the end of the island in the Eastern part, and arrived at the
home of a Cacique who was called Ameyro, and made brotherhood with
him, and gave him my name and assumed his own, which among them is
considered very great brotherhood. And I bought of him a very good
canoe which he had, and gave him for it a very good little brass bacineta
[small poor box or small basin] which I had in my arm and a sack coat
and one of the two shirts which I carried; and I embarked in that canoe
and came by the sea seeking the places I had left, with six Indians which
the Cacique gave me to aid me in sailing; and having come to the places
where I had made provision, I found there the Christians the Admiral had
sent, and I loaded all the provisions I found with them and returned to the
Admiral, by whom I was very well received, and who could not see me
and embrace me enough, and ask me what had happened in the journey,
giving thanks to God who had led me and brought me safely out from
among such a savage people. And as at the time I reached the vessels
there was no bread to eat in them, everybody was very happy at my com-
ing, because htmger killed them at a time of such need, and from that time
forward the Indians came each day loaded with provisions to the ships,
from these places which I had agreed upon, which were enough for the 230
persons who were with the Admiral.
"At the end of ten days the Admiral called me aside and told me the
great danger he was in, saying to me thus:
'''Diego Mendez, son: None of those I have here feel the great danger we
are in except myself and you, because we are very few and these savage Indians
are many and very changeable and capricious y and in the hour when they shall
earnestly desire to come and burn us here where we are in these two ships made
into houses thatched with straw, they can easily throw fire from the land and
burn us all here; and as to the agreement which you have made with them to
bring provisions which they are bringing so willingly, to-morrow they will
desire something else and will bring us nothing, and we are not in position to
take them from them by force, but must accept whatever they may desire. I
have thought of a remedy if you approve of it; that in this canoe which you
bought, some one should venture to pass to the island of EspaHola to buy a
662 Christopher Columbus
ship in which we may all escape from such great danger as this which we are
in. Tell me your opinion.'
"And I replied:
''Lord: I well see the danger which we are in, which is greater than can
be thought. Not only do I hold the passage from this island to the island of
Espanola in such a small vessel as the canoe, as difficult, but as impossible;
because of having to cross a gulf of forty leagues of sea and among islands
where the sea is more impetuous and the least quiet, I do not know who may
dare to risk so evident a danger.
**His Lordship did not reply tome, persuading me strongly that I was
the one who must do it, to which I replied:
''Lord: Many times have I put myself in danger of death to save your
life and the lives of all those who are here, and our Lord has miraculously pre-
served me and my life; and with all, murmurers liave not been lacking who
say that your Lordship offers me everything of honour, there being others in
the company who would do as well as I; aftd therefore it appears to me that
your Lordship should have all summoned and should propose this matter to
them, to see if among them there is any one who wishes to undertake it, which
I doubt; and when all stand back, I will place my life in danger of death for
your service, as I have done many times,
"Therefore the following day his Lordship had every one gathered
before him, and proposed the matter to them in the same manner as to
me; and having heard it, all were silent, and some said that it was vain to
talk of such a thing, because it was impossible in such a small vessel to
cross a gulf of 40 leagues, as impetuous and dangerous as this, between
these two islands where very strong ships had been lost while making voy-
ages of discovery, without being able to break, or withstand, the impetus
and fury of the currents. Then I arose and said:
"Lord: I have one life and no more, I wish to venture it in the service of
your Lordship and for the good of all those who are here, because I have hope
in God our Lord that having seen the intention with which I do it, He will bring
m£ out safe, as He has done many times.
"The Admiral having heard my determination, arose and embraced
me and kissed me on the cheek, saying:
" * / well knew that there was no one here who would dare to undertake this
matter but you; I have hope in God, our Lord, that you will come out of it with
victory as from the other ventures ivhich you have undertaken.*
"The following day I stranded my canoe on the beach and put a false
keel in it, caulked it with pitch and tallow, and in the poop and prow I
nailed some boards for defence against the sea that it might not enter as
it would do if left bare ; and I put up a mast and sail and placed in it
what provisions I could for myself and for a Christian and for six Indians,
as we were eight persons and more could not be contained in the canoe.
And I took leave of his Lordship and of everybody, and I went up the
coast of the island of Jamaica, where we were, which extends thirty-five
leagues from the place where the ships were to the end, which I navigated
The Mendez Narrative 663
with great danger and labour, because I was taken on the way by some
Indian pirates in the sea, from whom God liberated me miraculously. And
having arrived at the end of the island, and being in waiting for the sea to
become calm that I might undertake my voyage, many Indians gathered
together and determined to kill me and to take the canoe and what was
therein ; and being thus gathered together they cast lots for my life at ball
to see which one should carry the project into execution. Which being
seen by me, I came secretly to my canoe, which I had three leagues from
there, and made sail and returned to the Admiral, having been gone fifteen
days; and I told him what had happened, and how God had liberated me
miraculously from the hands of those savages. His Lordship was very
joyful at my coming and asked me if I would again undertake the voyage.
I said yes, taking some people with me to the end of the island, until I
could put to sea and attempt my voyage. His Lordship gave me seventy
men and with them his brother the Adelantado, that they might go and
might remain with me until I embarked, which was three days after. And
in this manner I returned to the end of the island, where I remained four
days. Seeing that the sea had become calm, I took leave of these people
and they of me, with many tears; and recommending myself to God and
to our Lady of the Antigua, I navigated five days and four nights during
which time the oar never left my hands, but I continued directing the
canoe while my companions rowed. And it pleased God our Lord that at
the end of five days I arrived at the island of Espanola at Cabo de S.Miguel,
having passed two days that we did not eat nor drink because of having
nothing; and I entered with my canoe into a very beautiful river where I
then saw many natives of the country and they brought many things to
eat, and I rested there two days. And I took six Indians from there,
leaving those I had with me, and commenced to sail along the coast of the
island of Espanola. I had to travel one hundred and thirty leagues from
there to the city of San Domingo because the Governor was there, who
was the Comendador de Lares ; and having travelled along the coast of the
island eighty leagues, not without great dangers and labours because the
island is not conquered or pacified, I arrived at the Province of Azoa, which
is twenty- four leagues nearer than San Domingo, and there I heard from the
Comendador Gallego that the Governor had gone to the Province of Xura-
goa^ to pacify it ; which was situated fifty leagues from there. And having
learned this I left my canoe and took the road to Xuragoa by land where
I found the Governor, who detained me there seven months until he had
caused eighty-four caciques to be burned and hung. Lords of vassals, and
with them Nacaona the greatest lady of the island, whom they all obeyed
and served. And having finished this I came immediately to the land of
San Domingo, which was seventy leagues from there, and I was hoping
that ships would come from Castile, as it was more than a year since any
had arrived. And in the meantime it pleased God that three ships should
come, among which I bought one and loaded it with provisions, of bread
and wine and meat and pork and sheep and fruit, and sent it to the
' It should be Xaragud.
664 Christopher Columbus
Admiral that he and all the people might come in it to San Domingo and
from there to Castile. And I came on before in the other two ships to
relate to the King and Queen all that had happened on that voyage.
" It appears to me that it will be well that something should be said of
what happened to the Admiral and his family during the year that they
were lost on that island; and it is this, that a few days after I set out, the
Indians rebelled and would not bring the provisions as before; and he
called together all the Caciques and told them that he marvelled at them
because they did not bring the food as they were accustomed, saying, as
he had told them, he had come there by command of God, and that God
was angry with them, and that He would show it to them that night by
signs made by the Heavens ; and as there was an eclipse of the moon that
night, which was almost entirely obscured, he told them that God did that
through anger which He felt towards them because they did not bring food,
and they believed it and were very much frightened, and promised that
they would bring something to eat all the time, as in fact they did until
the arrival of the ships with the provisions I sent, which pleased the Ad-
miral and all those who were with him in no small degree ; so that after-
wards in Castile, his Lordship told me that never in all his life had he seen
so happy a day, and that he thought never to get out from there alive ; and
he embarked in this ship and came to San Domingo and from there to
Castile.
"I have wished to place here this brief summary of my labours and
signal services, such as never were rendered by a man to his Lord, or will
be henceforth in the world ; and this to the end that my sons may know
it and may be animated in service, and that his Lordship may know that he
is obligated to grant them many favours.
** His Lordship having come to the Court and being sick in bed with the
gout at Salamanca and I being employed alone in his business and in the
restitution of his estate and of the governorship for his son Don Diego, I
said to him thus :
*'Lord: Your Lordship already knows how much I have served you and
how I have worked more than night and day in your business; I entreat your
Lordship to designate to me some reward in payment for this.
** And he replied to me gladly, that I might designate it and he would
comply with it, because I was greatly in the right. And then I designated
to him and supplicated his Lordship that he should grant me the favour of
the office of Alguacilazgo mayor of the island of Espaftola during all my
life ; and his Lordship granted it very willingly and said that it was very
little for the great services I had rendered him ; and ordered me to say this
to his son Don Diego, who was very content that his father had granted me
the said office, and said that if his father gave it to me with one hand, he
gave it with both hands. And this is equally true for their time and for
the time which awaits me.
"After I had finished (not without great labour on my part), negotiating
the restitution of the governorship of the Indies to the Admiral Don Diego,
The Mendez Narrative 665
my Lord, his father being dead. I begged to have the said office conferred
upon me. His Lordship replied to me that he had given it to the Ade-
lantado, his uncle; but that he would give me something else equivalent to
it. I said that he might give this other office to his uncle and to me the
office that his father and he had promised me, which he did not do; and
thus I remained without any recompense for my services and the Adelan-
tado without having rendered any service, remained with my office and
with the reward of all my efforts.
" When his Lordship arrived at the City of San Domingo, he assiuned
the position of Governor and gave my office to Francisco de Garay, servant
of the Adelantado, that he might serve in his place. This was the loth
day of the month of July in the year 1510. The office was worth then at
least a million of revenue, for which the Vice-Queen, my Lady, as tutor
and guardian of the viceroy, my Lord, and the viceroy, are really
in charge to me, and owe it to me in justice and foro conscieniicB;
because the favour of this office was granted to me, and it was not
complied with from the day that it was given to the Adelantado to the
end of my days ; because if it had been given to me I would be the richest
man of the island and the most honored ; and because of not being given to
me I am the poorest man there, so that I have nothing but a hired house in
which to die.
'*And because to pay me the revenues which have been derived from
the office would be ^rery difficidt, I wish to indicate ah expedient and it is
this: that your Lordship grant the office of Alguacilazgo mayor of the
City of San Domingo to one of my sons for his lifetime, and make the other
his Teniente de Almirante in the said city. And by granting these two
offices to my sons in the manner here indicated, and appointing some one
to act for them tmtil they become of age, his Lordship will discharge the
conscience of the Admiral, his father, and I will be satisfied with the recom-
pense which is owing me for my services ; and in this matter I will not say
more than to leave it to the consciences of their Lordships, that they may
do in the matter what seems best to them.
*'Item: I appoint as executors of this, my will, here in the court, the
Bachelor Estrada and Diego de Arana, together with the Vice-Queen, my
Lady, and I entreat her Ladyship to accept the charge and cause the others
to do the same.
*' Another clause. Item: I order my executors to buy a large stone,
the best they can find, and place it over my sepulchre and write round
about it these letters :
''Here lies the honourable gentleman Diego Mendez, who greatly served
the royal crown of Spain in the discovery and conquest of the Indies, with the
Admiral Don Christopher Columbus, of glorious memory, who discovered them,
and afterwards by himself with his ships, at his own expense. He begs from
charity a Pater Noster and an Ave Maria,
** Item : In the centre of the said stone let a canoe be carved, which is a
piece of wood hollowed out in which the Indians navigate, because in such
666 Christopher Columbus
a boat I navigated three hundred leagues, and let some letters be placed
above it saying: Canoa.
*'And may the benediction of the All Powerful God, Father, Son and
Holy Spirit, and my own, descend upon you, my dear and beloved sons,
and upon you my dear and beloved wife, Dona Francisca de Ribera, and
protect you and make you Catholic Christians, and give you grace that you
may love and fear Him; I greatly reconmiend to you peace and concord
and that you may be very conformable and not haughty, but very himible
and kind to those who may oppose you, that they may love you; serve the
Admiral, my Lord, faithfully, and his Lordship will grant you great fa-
vours, because of who he is and because my great services merit it; and
above all, I order you, my sons, to be very devout and to hear very de-
voutly the Divine Offices, and by so doing, God, our Lord, will give you long
days of life. May it please Him, in His infinite goodness to make you as good
as I desire that you should be, and to hold you always in His hand. Amen.
**The books that I send you from here are the following:
** The Art of Dying Well, by Erasmus.
** A sermon of Erasmus in Spanish.
** Josephus, De Bello Jtidaico.
**The Moral Philosophy of Aristotle.
"The volumes which are called Lingua Erasmi,
"The Book of the Holy Land.
"The Colloquies of Erasmus.
"A treaty on the Quarrels of Peace.
"A book of Contemplations of the Passion of our Redeemer.
"A treaty on the Vengeance of the Death of Agamemnon, and other
little Treatises.
"I have already said, my sons, that I leave you these books in entail,
with the conditions in the will aforesaid, and I desire that they may all go
with some of my writings which will be found in the cedar chest which is
in Seville, as has been already said; and there shall be also placed in this
the marble mortero which is in the possession of Don Ferdinand, or of
his major domo.
"I, Diego Mendez, say that this writing contained on thirteen leaves is
my last will and testament, because I ordered and caused it to be written,
and signed it with my name, and by it I revoke and cancel all other wills
whatever made in whatever other times and places ; and I desire that this
alone be valid, which is done in the city of Valladolid, June 19, 1536.
Diego Mendez.
"And I the said Garcia de Vera, Notary Public, witnessed all that
which has been said, and of which mention is made by me, and by order
of the said Lieutenant and request of the said Bachelor Estrada, this tes-
tament in these twenty-six pages of paper [entire sheets], as here appears,
I caused to be written as it was presented and opened before me, and thus
the original remains in my possession. And to this effect I here place my
seal [sealed here] in testimony of the truth. Garcia de Vera. [Is signed.]
M^^a
The Mendez Narrative 657
*'(This agrees literally with the clauses copied from a testament signed
and sealed by the aforesaid Garcia de Vera, the original of which is in the
archives of the Duke of Veragua, from which I copied it in Madrid, March
25, 1825. Thomas Gonzalez.)
'* Note. — The other clauses of this will of Diego Mendez are relative to
his funeral dispositions, declaration of debts, both those in his favour and
against him, in Spain and in the island of Espanola, and other merely per-
sonal matters of his family, which have no relation or allusion to the Ad-
miral Columbus, or to his voyages, navigations, and discoveries, for which
reason they have not been copied/'
This brave service rendered by Diego Mendez was recog-
nised by the Admiral and by the Sovereigns.' But no statue,
no bronze tablet, tells the world of his daring deed. We have
not hesitated to criticise the Spaniard, and now when we meet
with a character exhibiting such conspicuous courage and such
loyal devotion, we would place his name among the immortals.
Partly through ignorance, partly through indifference, America
has been niggardly with her honours. It is not necessary to
raise costly monuments. Every city possesses, perhaps, ideal
means for paying the individual perpetual remembrance, — ^in the
nomenclature of its streets. Yet in the designation of our pub-
lic thoroughfares we have displayed neither sense nor imagina-
tion. We turn to the stm and call an avenue the East. We
find the way wide, and we call it Broad. A tree borders our
" Oviedo (lib. iii., cap. ix.) thus speaks of the brave Mendez:
"E desde allf di6 notijia de su venida al comendador mayor, que estaba en esta
cibdad de Sancto Domingo, con ima canoa que envi6 de indios, y en ella d, Diego
Mendez, su criado, que es un hidalgo, hombre de honra, ve^ino desta cibdad, que hoy
dia vive. El qual se atrevi6 d mucho, por ser la canoa muy pequefla, 6 porque idgiU
mente se trastoman en la mar tales canoas, 6 no son para engolfarse ninguno que ame
su vida, sino para la costa 6 jerca de tierra. Pero 61, como buen criado 6 hombre
animoso, viendo d su seflor en tanta nes9essidad, se aventur6 6 determind 6 pass6
toda la mar que hay desde acjuella isla 6. csta con las cartas del almirante, para quel
comendador mayor le socorriesse y enviasse por 6\. Por el qual servi9io [que en la
verdad bi6 muy seflalado, quanto se puede encares9er] el almirante siempre le tuvo
mucho amor, 6 le favores5i6: 6 sabido por el Rey Cath61ico le hizo merjeaes, 6 le di6
por armas la misma canoa, por exemplo de su lealtad."
"And from there he gave notice of his arrival to the Commander-in-Chief, who
was in this city of San Domingo, by means of a canoe which he sent with Indians;
and in the canoe he sent Die^o Mendez his servant, who is a nobleman and an honour-
able man, a citizen of this city and who is living to-day. Mendez venttired a great
deal because of the canoe being very small and as such canoes are easily overturned
in the sea and are not to be employed in difficult imdertakings by any one who loves
his life, but are for use along the coast and near land. But he, as a good servant and
a brave man, seeing his master in such need, determined to risk himself and passed
over all the sea which lies between that island and this, with the Admiral's letters in
order that the Commander-in-Chief might succour him [the Admiral] and send for
him. For which service [which in truth was very remarkable, however much it may
be exaggerated] the Admiral always bore him much love and favoured him; and the
Catholic King, having learned of his deed, granted him favours and gave him for
arms the same canoe as an example of his loyalty."
668 Christopher Columbus
shady road and the street becomes Elm. A bird flies high over-
head and henceforth the way is Eagle. Perhaps some day and
in some though tf til city, a statue may be erected to Diego Men-
dez, or perhaps his name may be given to some honest thorough-
fare, to commemorate for ever his bold and successful exploit.
Juan Sebastian del Cano was permitted by the Emperor to
place on his coat-of-arms a globe with the motto, Pritmis cir-
cumdisti me, John Hawkins was granted the privilege to bear
upon his black shield a golden lion walking on the waves of the
sea. Both these men were bold and brave and Emperor and
Queen owed them much, yet the outward show of their honours
seems something over their deserts. When we see the picture
of the globe and its motto, we think of the imfortunate Portu-
guese adventurer whose bones rest in the Philippines. When
we see the black shield and the golden lion, we think of the
slaves the sailor carried away from Africa. To the few who
have seen his forgotten arms, the simple canoe engraved thereon
is an expressive reminder of the honesty, simplicity, loyalty, and
courage of the Spanish hero, Diego Mendez.
CHAPTER CXIV
THE " LETTERA RARISSIMA "
iCopia rJtU tettera per Coltimbo
mandaw ali Scrc.^c x T<cgi
nat>iSpagna:t>eietiiruIe.ct
InogbtpcrlmcrouatCt
669
670 Christopher Columbus
mo frmtdco j&M^adcno podcllaDi36idra.S.
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ieflitlejfndie pa'tuinoiMinetetroitaicepiuic»nv|>liu nwdi
18 oUa »acra OhtktUtd lUt oda i^im dc j^agna.24
qnalelidiera pcrktofemirabilecbctndrafecontatgono bane
dotoiraduaaoebifpanatiinoAra3taUcakngtta:«iiolendol9
pttbUcaKfipafcniuiicalcbiiiUmdaimcucbcoim grandc in
miuto iiielaooinandaiiano:como ancborapcr farccofa graca
atimiquellicbefonooertdaorioecofe noucz oegnc oa dfac
kdc^faputetboocdicata atuaiifeagiiifirctitia la quale fcto
feDdeaaoebillorteDcgnctpsefcrtimnoiicqualequcfta mara
ii^o(a7iiiaudita»l^ancDoraperinon(lrai1ilamoremto <t
Mwiaincprafipaubenefidirounnteeoinopertogrande pit
loteideqiiaKcomatarAna^iauakbiftoriafepmlogafofrcpi^
oolcntfdilbaKiatitazifoagfuficefitiaDcd(cata.^iba fianubd^
locjccitfarmiconqudlODtcto.'^eniinTOiia laae ruflicumul^
m^gaiieefiippUcant: tmolacatitraUa litantqiiinon babcnt
The '* Lettera Rarissima'' 671
Di £fp0gna falmirateDc le mrule3[ndicali cbztftiamirimi ^po
ti^^iU z Hegina Di ^pagna noflii fegnon: Jn laqual gli mani
ftm qudto gU fia accaduto in fuo piaggio: z le terre: psoumcie:
dra:fiumi:7 altre cofe Degne oi admtranone: i£t ancbora le rer^
re&ouefi trouano (emmereDeoro m grande quanara:7a(creco
feoigrandeualoreTricbesa*
SERmtfluni & Moico Porcim Principi Re Er Regina Noftn Scgnort «
DE CALESE Paffai tide itifule Dircc fanatic in quatro ;ouii:t oe (i poifai a (e
inruIecbiamaccC3ndie)m 30m fedderooaefcnnead tioftrc ZDoicflarcbe mia
tncencioiteera oe oarmi pma nel mio catmn orpcr rifpccto 6ye 10 baucua 1i na
utalij tiotii ben fomU oi viaualter oigete: 7 cbemiauolunra era rendere nela
irmila cbiamata3anabJca.C"ncla tnuilaebtamaca DominiebarcrifTequefto:
finDondefempze banedcempoa oomandareaboccarqueflamedema no^
cbeqtititi intra fit con grande fomina r cotmenro cbe fempieooppoi mi perie
fSaito . Oiiiando arriuai (bpta la infula &pagnola cofi nominaca ; mandai vn
tnaj^D oe ktteread*U.2X>.nele quale gli oomadatia oi gratia vn nautglio ed
md Denari:percfoe vnaltra cbctonebaueuaera^ foetoinnauicabilerTsa no
lbfl6ialende:leqlelectere«U.ZD.raperanorelibdnorecaiuce:ia refpofta cbe
U«2D.nie mandoron fu qucftarcbe 16 non uoldTi andore ne (tare in rerra:per
laqnal coTa ofcbo lo animo ale gence cbe con mi eranorper paura cbe io li uole
uamenaroe longjroicedo cbefealcbimo cafo udpericulo gU'accaddTecbeno
feriano remediatirand feria oiloro facto poca dlimarra au parucoifTcno cbe
le cerrecbe 10 giiadagna(Ti.CLZD.li farian ^ucderc oa altra pibna cbe oe mL
CjLdfosona era gradet in qtidla nottemi rmemb;olinauiglij:Tognunome
no in fna parte fensa akbitna fperai^ aitro cbe oi moue: ogninno teneua per
certo cbe li altri fuflcno per(i.^Cblnarca^fen3a quierare Job cbe no fttfTe moi
to Difperato/cbetntal tempo per mia faluattonerr Detn.mio piccolo fi^olo:
t rrareUo:t amid mi fiiffe DifTeia la terrarr gli poni qiiali per oiuina uoldta gua
dagnati baueua a Spagna fudando fangue/CrXoino a gli nauiglij cbe la foi
mna grandeleuati mi baneuarquali qnado a oib piacque me li rdliniittcd na
ttiglio innauicabile baueualo poflo in mare p fcampare fin ala infula BMiefg^
cbiamatardqual peife la batxba r ancbora:be gra parte oe git viccualie. Oiud
lo nd qualeio andauaera trauagliato a gran marauiglia: idio per fua piaa cbe
noiibauealcbunoano lo fcce (aluo: in qudio fufpeaofo era mio fraallo dqle
DOppo oe Dio fu fuo rimedio.C''Cum qudla foituna cofi in gacconc me and^j
apidTo 3anabicarr qnini fi mudo oe alto mare in iCalma 7 gran cou-ere: r mu
tneno fmo ai jardin oe la Hegina fet^ mai uedere terra:7 oe qui quado puoc
tenauicaiala terrafermaoouemifetncontrocou-enteterribaeTuetoal oppo
fito:con quail combatitte con loro 3omi.6o.in fine no puotte guadagnarli altro
cbele8uc70tCbefonnomiglia.3S^.percbevnalcguapacquabemigliacuicB
672 ' Christopher Columbus
ionic mai mi tofib ro^na od tnait ne acqua,Ml cidorr crofil*! f^
nioice d^ parcua i^cit d fine od mondo.Cflndai dl fi^
jqtsale oe qui tnf octccptofpero iietico:T<outiic&qiidlofti mxm dc Scpioii
jbiOtCranopaflfacioctancaocro oi:d>ction.imbatiala cerribflcfoicimamailMi/
baiidoiiaco:calmcnccd>cncroleiieftdleiic altropiancca inomoqtidlo cq^
CDitobbero gli od>^ midM nauigl^ mibaooiaapcitirle ode rocccr pcrfean /
cboitnrrartctbaroK.*! ognffommenco.iasencem infermart outacSa^
€ia:tmoUconttociDirafiaardJgioiictiionmlTtiiiorensaalTO aittpcre
otiaggionnoliefttuc Itino r lalaiD B era^
bc«ticn>cccando la mouemolte almfomtnefi banno Tiftc
9Knt€nm camoiomcconiiobf oi noftnqoalibattcttamopcr piu foici marina
rifipcrdeuatioDianimo.£cqu|(Ilod9epmm{oauapairioitccra od
fi^ d>eto baoeua o3 mcco:t camo piu quico era per dlereoi cca oeaimU}
ar ocderlo Dorarccamafacid>a:T palTare cama palTiotie: r oumre andxHiapiii
d>c nflTuno DcnoUlcruDio non alnl gli Dcccc tal foice^ Di an^
famiacorttanimoiideopcrerticcracaiecomolibaiidre nanfcado onanca
oniibmiraWlccara oacredmr^^mkiomirdc^^
inortmolccfibucal regno Dimoue cm ajontoroevna camera pic^la d>ef^
farcin cimmacopenaoila naitecomidaisad viaggion^comoocoicto miofhi
idlo era in d pio crifto namglio:T piu penculoro;gr<de Dotore era d mio:t mol
iomaggioreperbauerlomcnacoeontraruatioluntarpcrd^cpermta oifuemtp
II poco mi ba jotiaco vind anni oe feruido qttaU 10 bo faiiiio CO lanu fac^
t pcrtaslorr d>e bo|i Di non babbia in iCaftillia tna cesa: T fe uoglio DiTnan
ccnareo ooimire no bo faluola boftaria nldmo rdfugio:t d pitt oele uolcen^
mancaper pagar d licoctoralcra cofa ancbora mi oaiia grande oolore:<be era
oon iMego mio figlio ebe io lalTai in Spagna camo bptfano^^
tfacnlca:bcnebeccneuapercenocbe.tl2D*<omoiulliTnoningfaci p)ind/
p^ rdMmiire cil aeereTdmAo. C'Srilnai ad vna cerra iCariai nom
nc qna mi rdtai a remcdiarete naue:togni pxparamcMonccdrario: toaK
pofTo ala affanaca ^nccqud per U tonga fadd>a crajfa uenuca mancbo : t io
infiemccd toro fi nDoiTiamoqmui in qudta cerra icc^^
pc la piouinda Di ^iamba cuin Dicta:^nal io andaoa cercando:gm' ic Ife 0^
bomm oi to toro nacioncqtiaU mi menaronoad vnaalcra icrra dnaman iCk
rambantrDooeleg^nreuannonodcTpoxanoaleoOo vn lpcd)iooioro: d^c
per nflTun modo^leno u&leit nc baraicarcnrin qodto loco mi nominal^
loiiolen9mmoltialcrilod>ialaco<toDd marc: Done mi DioeanodlSmtfr^
oro:7muicr&toolcimolocoeraBeragnapiciodon3iocli.25J(g0^
bmipartfBcoeqoicdanimooeceKarttciittinrqwiftcbecmaio^
fncen como a ooijosiace oi eamfno TicraminercoeoiPtodibciiiimandaik
tMdcrc«£locrpcioocej5imontodacbcb«ciiamoocp^ qpdtanoc
icKleQoiamomare:tucnc0cbefenccdlarioocco«moMClofii^^
polbomMlbnpicocncQociimmipcriiiollraniiekmfM^
^^^. ,^ '^^Miflpidte
The '* Lettera Rarissima'' 673
iMcmtfttocbefbfl^teticribidrbipiMftKli rrgiiAKD&ttrqttak (cmdolo^
no CDtftnicran^bc nonepmatCDecamtiio per terra ncrfopcnfterljafrin^
ebefiainfmitoorDnrmiDJaonocbepomio coroneoeorolh ceftoranellialf
bst^tttaUpMiKflroffiDeoronr cbeoeoro leeaivgcrcaflrerniiiolefovurcDno
? fodrmo comonoi tiari facciamo Di faTa.2bidK)ra mi Dj^^
DeUp6<atMtiocotarfapkC9n'Dalireft4fmoaIefpaiIepcndeno'o^
ito hio0bo #>efo DiCD oumla gcmeoe quefti Ittcs^i oncoidm^ efTereoini ta
nettaTDtcono cfTemicanraricbesarcDeio ncferia c^nfemo oilaoccima par
ce.qttiiiipoitattamo tS noi penero ostta quefta gcme lo conobbero . Jn iCigtia
n fantio mercftien: ferecomo noitnscricoftoro ciflli mi lo baito a(finnato:t mi
fnreanauano el tnodo:la fotma <be lenciio nd loro uedcrert baractarcflncbo
MDMConDCbenanicano comonofetcbeletiaiic loropomnobobarderarcbi:
fre^pade:curase:T nanno iteftitf come noirr banno caiialli. i tifdno guereg
0iare:pottanoricd>hieltidure:tbanoboiiecare. Dicoiioancboracbecl mare
bogliencla Dirm^ntioaoi iCtgoare: Tcbeoeli a somi Dicfe vi bed fm
aed appdtaco: pare d>e quelle cerre ftiaito cfi Beragna como fla Xouofa cA
fottterabiarauc ptfa cum Ueneda«(I:0»ttandoiomipartiDa£arambaru:t
ajonfi a qudli luogbi cbe bo Ditto:crouai le genre a qudio medemo ufo : faluo
cbegUfped^ijDeorocbebatieuauoaUDauanop.;/onaUDirparituero p viio«
£cia5^eperafTmooereadqutnde(cDucactituno:mtumTuoi urifofio como
quellt DC la rpcigi^la {nfuIaXo oro ricogUeno c& alcra arre:bencbe t la vna t
lalrra no babia affare <& la arte noftra. (TOiueflo cbc io bo Ditto e queUo cbe
bo alduto Da qu€flegenteDire.OLndlo cbc 16 bo vifto r foraddTo vtcontaro*
C^loannoDenonan|aqnatronauicaiin.24.gradi ucifoponentein tcrmino
DC noue borcrcbe noifgli fu fallo:pcrcbe in qucUa bora fu ecdipfird fole era in
Xibia:? la lunaitt 3riete.Xntto qudto cbe io per parole mtefeDa quciligentt
$a lo bauetta to faputo longamcte per fcripto. CT t>d90lomco aedcrti lui baue
re ben fatiffacco a ZDarino:? adcno (i troua fua fcnptura ben ^pinqua oal ue^
ro. t>cbolomeo metre £atigaraa«i2.tineelon5iDdruoocddente:qnalaffirmo
eflcrefopiacapo fanccoUinccnjo in 1>oxogalloDoigradi:Tvntertio. ZDari
noin4i5Jtneeco(liniittelaterra.Oluefto medemo ZDarino in ed^iopia ferine
fopzalalinea ccquinoctialepiu De.i4.gradir7adeflrocbelipo'iogaIe(ilt naui/
lcano:to trouanoeere uero.'p.1>olomeoDi(re cbe la terra piu anflralc: be d pa'
mo tcrminorr d^e non abbada piu oe. iS*gradi 7 1 n tertio.i£'£l mnndo e po
coqudlocbeberutto:cioelaterraberdpartc:larcprimafMamcn:cbccopcita
DC acqua:la en)erientia jabeftata viftarra ^^.ZD.Ia rcnfteper altre mieoim
adoznamcnto Ddaracrarcriptura.etia3;cttmd fito od paradifo terreftrequal
lacbiefafancta pioua.23icocbedmd[do non betanto oradecomo il vnlgo i>i^
ce:Kbe tn grado Ddalinea ecquinocriale be miglia.56.7 Doi terrii p^flo li tec
Cdra con mano.Dequefto non bemiopiopofito in tal materia parlame: faluo
oeDaruicuncto Dd mio Duro t^attd^oTo viaggioretia cbd fia ilpiu nobile: t
litililTimo*C7Dico cbe eluefpero oe. S.Simon iuda fcoife Doued ucco mi le
nauafenjapotcrli far rdiftcntia in vn po!to:nd quale fd^iuafDiefejomim'grJ
foitnna dc marett oal delo:9ui Ddtberai oi non ritomare a Dricio a le minere:
Slaflfatleftarccamocolaguaaagnatarpartipa^^
674 Christopher Columbus
moDfati6lfeitt<titf<dwpwo^otoldtoot^
natioInnca.<nUfomitwT0ranco»tmetm(^ posoperrpotioof
9>aiiqcoiddcDoppoicmdx)rod^ndconboncepoDegtiimtpartte
domtmudibauafac(ocira.ifJcgticffo^uincremirico2tiomD
to T<omnce Ainofonicomado io al pozco oeDOUccra fallito: croitat in cunino
vn altro po:co nolato Hcrrcctcroouc mi rirraflfccd alTai periotlo: r Diltorbo»
ben faricbaco io la sctct U nauiglijrin qudlo potto me (tccte molci oi: cbe cnfli
uolfcil cntdcl ccpo:T quado mtaectibauereftmtoralbora mi trottai commdM
reritiimqcai ppofko oittoleritomai^aleminerertfar dd^niMCoTafiticbe lie
neflfecepo p rttomareal mio tiaffiio.*oouecbeappie(ro a poiCDaqtiacro \mi
ilcoBiograndiflimafosunaTmifacidx) tam^
itaoe mtrqntui fe merinfrefo Dd mate U piagarnonesomi anda^^
cbunarperajairfvirarocbif maiTtfteno mareca^alcorneculTibmcrocDmo
albora erarbuctattafpdma alfai^dtteftco ti5era per andar inancimeetiS mioa/
oa loco per attdare uerfo aid^una par(e.*faltio cbe meoecciieua m qtieft? ma /
re facto como fangnerboglidia como caldera per gran iboco. £1 eido 9in^
vi(toatinrpattenco(b:vn oir vna notteardeote como fomo rrbuttaua ne pfo
ne mand>o to fiama cd li fuIgori:d>e ooni fiaca llaua gnatado fe mi bailed
lb tt maddli d! leudtenieniano qudh rulgori cS tanta ftiria rfpauentenolid^
tucttftexiflimamoDoadTinoaffbndare U nauiglijrin cuttoqtteftomaicdTo acq
oal cdo:no p oire cbcpioiid1c:(eno cbe rafomigliatia vmlno oihtuio: La sen/
ceja eracaco faricbata rpenofa cbeognuno per reDdreoToeraDimozcep oTci/
reot taco martirorgit nauiglij one fuce ;a baueuano pTo te barcbe: te andsore;
tecboKkHenja udcerano etia apti^Oiuido piacquea oio rftomaiad vnpotto
oimidaco potto iSiolfo oottcmegUo cberaocteme:^parat 01 ognicoTami
nttdTartorrcomai tiialtrafiata nofoDi oeragnap dmiocamtorancboracbe
ioerainoiditiepernanicare:tutcaoottamieranoelnento:Tcoirentecontrari|.
SsonftquoTiooueptima era ajomorr vnalcra ftata mi tieneuento r coatnte
a lincStro r tomai vnaltra fiata alpoitorcbeno babe ardimeco afpcctarela op
poficion Di Sammo d ZDarce caco oilbarattaco i colla biaua: pcbe Io pin oe
(euoircmenacepdlarudfottetcpo.OLndtofttDioenatiuttadboraot mcfb
lomai vnaltra uolta oouecb^era ufdco <A molcafatJcba:Tpaflraio lano nono
tomai a tcncarerpfikUareperandaramio caminorcbeancborami fiifTefacto
bontepo;abaueuab'nauiglijinnaiti6ibiUTla$enceirerma:tn^ oioe
la jgppipbania fen^i alcbuna fosa ajonfi a Bemgna: gui fdio mi pieparo vn
foime (tcuro pono:bencbe nda icrata n5 baoeflfi pin cbe oide palmi oi fciidio
c0faticbaincraindDiiio finmc£lDireqnecetnabranoltaricoidola fomma
qual fe mi baudfi trouaco fnora non baria poiTuto intrarnirpiouecte (Imja n^
cdrarefuK)aa4*oi febtaro cbe mai bane loco oeintrareinUterrrnep^
re rimedio in alcbuna cofa . £f1!mdo sa fkuro a. 2 4*oe ^enaro iienne d n^
AlimpiouribmoltogddeTfoxeniippemilegomeneTpideTpocomanoodx
lion teualfeUnanigl^rtccrfoioUtpe in pin pidtio cbe mai:idio mi itmaM
comofempzefecemofofdliallatoalcbanocnmpinmartiromepinpoia olli
mia*2(rdDifeb»rorempiepfottcdomadairettaniabomim' adenirooelattr
nicincinelegoe»cronaronomolKminereoeoro*liiiidi|doc4^
The *' Lettera Rarissima " 675
iild}€MclMiM dllowrflKmdtdmtio dd vn mSitemoIto ^^
dbmotiftiaittelcpartequarogU ocbij poceaano vcdercoiddo cbeii^ognt pie
m'eraoro dfTatnrcbefino 9lponeceasoti9:ii9no temmereTrndsomacemtoinf
mtiatio (e ceiTC.*viUc7 Itiogbi oohc pui t mancbo ft crouaua oro. 2Mpot imefe
locbedOiiibianCcbcatfTiDunadano clfcgnorc oda terra} dql me baueiui
Daci quefti ooi icUj:d>e gti bauaia comadaco <hc mi mofb-afTeno le muiere (ht
crano piu lotiranert oe vn alcro fegnore fuo concrario: r d?e oc oentro oe fiio
popolo ncoglieitano ogni oi qnido lui uoletia ororr d^e vn bomo folo in 30m
Dele ricoglieua vna majacaoe oix>:^ idij fuoi famigUj rdlimonij oi quefto me
nai en mi oecro 01 qnefto popoto ooue le barcbe ajonsen o. C7 Xomo mio fra
cello en queftageme:7cnaicii5orocbe4iaucitanoriccolco inrpano oeoreqcro
cbe no cardmvno pinria qnacira be grade bauuco rifpecto d^eniiTimo oi cotton
ro mai baueua vine minererrd pin oiioro per auenaira mai vifleoro: nercbe
la pin parte oi loro erasence oi mare 7 qfi mtci grimetrL3o baueua grade appa
recbiorroidineper edifiearerrmoici viccualiefea mio aHenco rcii miagence t
edificaicertecaieoelegnamirT^rencaioemoltecored Cuibtan : cioed fegno
re.30 ben uedeua t iudicaua cbe no era noltra cocozdia per ourar moItoJloro
erano molto ru(hci:noftra gecemoUo unpommarT andx)ra mi me appofldno
nana in fuo termino.23oppoi cbe «ifte le cafe faccerrd traffego aim babundJ
ic T gcnerale odibero oc abnifciarle nme 7 amajamc noi alcri quaci fuflemo :
molco incotrano li nine fuo j^pofuorpcbe como piacquea 010 refto piefo lui:
moglie:figIioli:r ramiglia;bcnd7e la oifgraoa nolle cbe reltaffi poco cepo p^o«
£1 Oiuibian fi fugicte ad vnocerto bnomo oegno:al ql Ini fegli baueua offer>
10 ctt guarda oe bnommi»i6U figlioli ii fuginmo ad vno madtro oi nautg(io:eI
qle li meno a loco Hcuro. 073^ d mde oi ;eni ro (i era ferrata la bocca^i que>'
fto fiume^Tld mde oi 2pa$ It nanialij erait omcci ma^ti oa pmina 7 bzuma|
7 no poteua foftenerli fopia lacqua^jn (|udte tfyo d oicco fiume fece vn cami
lerper dqualc caiiai trd oi loro aim grade pena fuoci/Ie barcbe comarono oen
iroperlarale:7acqtia:7alcre cofe»i£l mare uene molco grade 7baicco:7non le
la(locauarterora.liindii erano ftiolciri^Dmiinfkmecobaccironoleoicce bar
cbe:3nfinefuronocuccimo2d|miofracello:7laIcragemenicta era invna naue
cbe era rdlaca nd fiume:7io lolo oi fora in cato biaua cofU en fo2te febKr:7 can
cafacicbafcbelafperasaoilcapareerasamoua.'purcomo megliopuocci mo^
tai fufo lo pin aico oi la nauecbiamado en uoce cimorofal7 piagedo moleo ap '
pidfaglimaiftrioilaguerra Di*U.JQ3.7ancborad?iamandocucciquarro git
uect perfocco:fo(mamai mirifpofeno^Scraccbo mi adomiecaifgemendo vna
uocetnolco piacofa fenci cbe oiceiia qudle parolcO ftulco 7 cardo a aederc|7
fl leruire d mo idio t idio oe cuuilcbe fece ello piu per 2Do jfe/7 p Dauid fuo
leiiio/Doppoi cbe nafdfte Ini bane oe ct fempie gran cura/quado d vifte in eta
Dilaqnalfucoceco/maranegliofamecefecefonarecuonomenda cerra.Xe Jn^
die cbe fonno parte od modo cofli riccba/ce li ba oacte per cue.Xu li bai repar
cice ooue ti bepiaccittto:7 d oecte poistda per farlo.Di ligamed od mare occea
no cbe erano ferradcficacbenecomfoite|cioonolecbiaue|7fiimobedito in ca
ieierre|7oaUcb2imamricuperamcuflribonafama7bonoreuolcOLualcofafc
cepiualpopotoDe3fradeqt}adolo€aooocegn>to/neaftcboni p Pwidibc
676 Christopher Columbus
ricoidiabc Ifuucafcua uecbi^a no tpedtra'amcte coTe grjck^aOolccbercdioi
8randilTimcronnoarttopocere.ab2aam|Nrfrauaanmc^^ qnmdo mpenero
yaac/nc criam Sarra era gioucnc/tu cbiammi per foccoifo m(erto.1ldpoiide
till (hi ti ba afrticco tanco.tcantc uolte f Dio|o cl mondof It pttuttegi) t p»/
milTionPcbc Dio oa non gli nimpc mai ad alcbuno ! nc mai Dice cbc ooppoi
DC baucr nccuuto d fcmitio I cbc fua mccncionc non era qucftorr cbc k umu
da 01 alcra fomial nc oa marryiopcr oarc colore ala roisa. Luiiia in ca/
110 od rcirrolntrto cio piomcctcartcndc ai; ocrcTcimcmo quefta be fua ufanja*
30 u bo occco qttato d crcarorc babu facto per tilt fa con cucti.2[4efro tni mo
jtro d galardoncrrpagameco dc eoi afTannirr ptculi cbc bai paflfaci ad aim fer
uedort io oifTt mc^ mono fcnctna ogm cofalma mat no puorre rtbaiiere nfpo
fla per rtfpodcrc a paroUc ctiflfi ccrtc/faltio pidgerc per gli ma erron.£ofhii fot
nine oe parlare cbi uoglia cbi fc f u(Te otcccio . ^ofidaci 7 no cimercicbc me tru
bulanone (lano fcrictc in pecra Di mannore no fen;a caggione. daiaimi qni
do pttotci T al fmc oe none )omi feci bona;vi ma n^ per caiiarc U nantglii od
fmme/feci riccolea oda gece cbc era in terra: 1 01 nmM rdlo cbclni fu poffibi/
Iclpercbeno erano baflati per rdlare ne per natiegarc ti nauigly |io mi feria re/
flato a foftenere il popolo con nitta mia geteifc.U* ZD.baiidHno quefto fapu/
coXapaurachemaiquiuinenirtano nauiglij alcbtmtmtoecermino adouermi
DCtquiparttre/r ancbora d cmco e que(to:cbeqtiddo fe babbia ad jniedere o{
focc^^rfi piouede oil tucto qudto fa bifogno. <rparcime m nome oila fanm
crinita la notte oi paToua con li nanigltj-marjirt muffoleti tiitti facti pieni 01 bit
ri|lafTai K^no'el pm trtfro k in Bdeem cu; aflfai cofe.3n bd potto (cccU dmHc nS
mi nmafeno faltio cbc ooi in ilato odi altrirr fen^ barcbe ne^puifioneatcbuna
perbattaeoepalTarefettemiUiamigliaoemareTacquarnd monrc icamiho
10 cd d pouero figliorr fratdlo:Ttaca gctcRefpodano addto qudh cab cbi fo/
leno opponere.'T repbedere oicedorpacbc n5 fauctti cufTi f pcbe no coUa/pcf/
d^enon tigouemaui co(li/3olibauenauotiiti batfcrela moudtagiomata.
3o ben aeddo cbc vna altra:oi altro fapcre li afpecti/o uero noftra fe be mtlla»
ITfl credefe oe ZDa^ asonfi nda j:>uincta oi mcigo laqual parte €& qudia od
Cataydr oe quiwi mi parti per la fpagnolalnmucai ooi 01 cd tcpo bono/dqad.
oi fnbuo mi fi iiolto cotrario/d camino cbc 10 f aceua.era per oefimbiaiarmi oe
la to niimero oe infiile r non imbarc^armi in ti loro baiti £1 mar btano mi fcfe
ro25afoouemifiifo9a ntoinfreadricco fensande.&o^cremma infiila 00/
nerreancbcrem vnafiataperfi/Tdta mejanoctecbepareuacbcd mon<fc> fa/
cdTi fine fe rur peno/egomene al altro nauioUoft fit mirauioba como no (i fd^
feino in pe^^t nittdone pcbe luno uim adono laltro c& grdde ipccofoio nc mu
co.Unaancborafol'ifiiqudla mi fofUne ooppoi odoiuinoai«iUo{Jn capooi
$09ii.6.cbc era s;3 fjcco bona^ in d mare tomamo ainoftro vJMgio ciilli cu$
li;nauigli| tall qnali aaiio oa uermi magiati:7 tucri foi\Kbfan pbb pin cbe vno
paiiaiooeauecbefannoilmeteTlasemefaaaoicuiripocboanmiocbfqitdi
crano pfi. 'palTai no molto iiianti 01 audio bauea hcto piima:Dotic la fonuM
mi juoino adneto/ntomai nda medefima infula m poifo pin ficnrofin capoot/
ocioso;nicotfiaiaU viamedanaOnfineoi3tinio09Dnfia 3andMfca fcmpic
The '' Lettera Rarissima" 677
ff ttltl trtecrfdiotteKMtiraBi in pesmiMltamtnhmbetintittaitrcta
inctt to gftc no poreufl rcufnccre lacqtf a cbe nda none intraudrne vf era alcra cii
raorimedJooiqitdlD/mcfTcniinclcambioperiimirenifra ftara appx^pmldo
Ola (pagnola cbc rono.28.legiielr noit tioria banerc comcnjato.lalcro nau^lio
fcosiea tTDuar potfo qii ali dncaato.30 uoUi cocraftarela uoica od ittarefd nani
d(o It me atiegod>e miraculolamece idio mi mado a rerra.C'^tcredera qud
10 cbe fo fcriuo/Dico d^e oe le cero paite no bo la vna (cricta m qodia ^leittc
lencra oi taqnal cofa qtidii <hi furono in mia copagnia lo rdUficirino^Cr Se
i«a*2D«piareDeraniii gratia oifoecotfo vnttamgljo d^epaflfeoe^ljnid.corfene
cberonnoDocrecS.too.gftcalioebircoaotr ald^nnaalcra j^ttifionclbaflara p
Doitantie mf :t qttefta pouera ^e a (pagna.DeIa fpagnola in 3anabatca sa on
K dbeno vt lbno.28.legue.(r3o no lerja pbo andaco alafpagnola bed>c U na/
nfglifiulTenoflaribonfrcebe^a DilTiCDmomCfitccmadacoDa.C3.zn.cbe non
tndaffe in rerraffr quefto ralecomadainero habia jonaro oio U fa.C Cudla
lectera mado per viti r mano oe indij grade maraut^lia fera fi la ason$e.(r&d
mtolviaggic oiceo <he ed mi 7 in mia eopagni a ueniua ceco r dnqitaca buomf
ni/fraquaiivieranopfoneairairufficiereDerpilofriTgridimarinan/non^^
iiebuno puo oare ragfone rerta per ooue nimmo.*ne per oonde ritomilmo *la
rafeneepiefta.lo mi parri oifopsa el poiro od Burfil nomina 0 in la fpagnolaf
non mi lalTb la rotctma andare al camino cbe io uolena/an^' mi fit fo^ contre
ooue d uenro voolfclin qttcfto oi cafcai io moiro infcrmo.lliflimo batteua na^
Iticado uei To qudia parccrcdTo el ticnro r il mare odi a cerri ^omi/r murolli la
fomnaincalmargrandecon'crc/Aiiabacrereini^nainruIa qtial li^iire Mas
po^aafTodi ala terra fcrma>Tli(n no ptto oarccunto nero oiqudbrpcbenS
Viberaronecbeba(Ti7percberemp:e0ndtamonim commtirensa mai ttedere
icrra umo niimero oe jomi^Scgiiirai la cofla oda terra fermafqttefta It aflento
Tr.iifnro cuscompafTo r arte/nifTuno vi he cbc oicca oibaUb qtial parte odde
Io rui.OLuandoiomipartioeqiiiuiperuenireaIa fpagnolargli piloctipenfana
nouenir^ amcttcrecaponda inftila Di.&3obine:rltn'otiiamotntcrraoima
gbo cbe Tt fenno. 400. legne oi oiu oi qttello loro iudicaiiano nerfo il ponentef
refpondano fi fanno ootie fia cl nto oi beragnar^iccTcbenon ponno oare altra
rafone ne cuntoffaluo cbe furono a certe terre oouei^i era molto ororr certifka
ronlolmaperritoznarutferiabirognotomar a oifcopttrlecomooepiimarcbe d
camino be ignoto. Uno cuncto r raggione oi aftrologia vi be quale be certiin
ma T no li puo errare.£bi la intende quefto gli bafti/a Tifibne piopbettca ft m
romigliaquefto.C3^naueode indie fenonnauicanofaluo cbe apoppamon
be per la loro mal fatesa como alcbuni vtiolono/nc etiam oio per enere molto
grande/ii coirenti terdbili ITmul cum d uento cbe iuioccoav/fanno cbentfTuno
nauicbeno oi altra fone/percbe in vn giouio perderiano qudlo cbe bandTTno
guadaonaco in rette/neen'am cauo caraudIe:ancboracbe(iano latineud poito
galleiefcbe per mali tempi IT oetengano alcbuna uolta (citr^ octo mdi in potior
tie be marauiglia poi oein fpaona molte uolte altro tantoaccadcCla gm
teoecbefcriuepapa l^idrecondodlitolrregnati/oidrefibe partarofma non
9elicauaIIi:pettorali:frcm'oeorofnebe9iarauiglia alcbunajpcrcbeiitite ferre
0ilacoltaodmarenonTirid9iedecaualblmap&tpiefbpiicatori/net6vnotti
b
678 Christopher Columbus
nti oocto qisamo baucm fdpato adtimtidait:patbe non vi fufle r^^
f^Opitandoagiunfeiticominairemitnmdoroiioouef^ rtahi
ncfhmentr. la piti^i icmpo non 6ria t>i em oeaimi vndde/lalcra oi fatejtmc
vne cum ranca piacoca ci m canci acti/T canco ucdcrc/cbe fcria baftoco (i fiifle^
no ftaie pucanepubttce vinti atinirpomtiatio cum dfe loro polncre oc uidma
tfiefiru*ralcrecorcoita loix)ane.iCcmofuroitoa3DncecomandaicbcfuflaiOid
cmaccoenoftrecofe/tH matidai rubttoalaccrra^of TtfU vna (eputem ocn/
crondmontegrandecomo vnacafartiauoracamcilmcmecnmgnmde aittfl^
cio/7 vticoq^o vi ftauafopKiDcfcopcrto quale guardmdoMncro paraia cfoe
tMdloi altre arte mi odTeno qu iui dTcre oi pin ej:cdlcitrtti.2himali gridi rpic
CoU vtronitoalTaizTmolcoDwciiioalinofhtrraliquaU ioTiviilepoidoi bu
ma fpatienreuolef cbe vn cane oe queUt oe jrrlaiida non ardetta ^peam\LJCwn
VM baldtra baueua feriro en :inimale cbe piopiio fi rafomiglia ad gaoo mai^
monerraluo cbe be moico pin grande|7 ba io fajsa como uoico oi bomojban^
iialo paflfaco oa parte ulcraoim vna fagitta comcnjodo oal pecto^o la codal
irpercbeeraferoctlTimoglitagliai vn pteoenanji/cbepiupieftopareuanoma
nc/rvno oeotietto.^fi poKiucdendoqnelloficomindaronoadincrtrparfiff
ingirono mcti cum gran paura uededo il fangue of qneUaltro animale.^ qua/
do vifti quefto fecOi buccare (c Ucgarc ccrti animaU cbe cofTt le cbtamono/00/
ue A ftaua:r appiopmadofi a Iui cofli (lado ala moTttir la fagitta femp nel co?
polgli butto la coda per 1i laba Di la bocca:7 git amamo moliofoKe/7 cum Urinv
mano TierardlacalopiglioDieto lacoppacomoanemico.Xi>aao aiftigratu
de t nouof T beUa campagnart monceria mi fece Ibtuere quefto adU.2)7.Z3e
molcefoimeoiam'mali ancbora vierano/mamtt?moronox>ioiucrre*mabitbte
Uifli anmiali oipiu fotteafTairlconirceruiTaltri animalirfcb^ quaft rafbmiglf
anmrcuiliaugdliuolatili: vtflegaUtnemolco gride cbeic plummeloio crano
cotm Una m'ptu ni mancbo.(r<luando 16 andana per queilo mar^ in pent
taftanno-inalcbum'ihtrocertafamarianelateftacberullimo oa cofloro ftad
incantaonrojioiftanno in talpiopofico^Xrouai ancbora alcragcntc cbe man
gauano bomini como noi altri mangiamo altri animalirt qucfto c cerco:la oe/
fomita oe liloro vifi rfacesje Ioconferma.3uioiconocbcTironno grandemf
nm oe r4me/T co^ 01 ramenr altrc cofe lauorace/raldate/r Mtace baue oa loro
tbAbe ancbora mtto fuo appareggio como oe orcudi-juiuanno xtefHtin m
ftoeHap^oui'iiQa xifti let^toli grandi oi bombafo lauorati oi futtiliflimi lanorfe
tttcnne vifteoepintimoltoiurilmentecimcolor^^ nda
tarraaocmrouerfod ^atasocbclilenjuoiilororonno tqurioeoro^De tutte
qncneterrtrroelecofe oineiie cbe in dlevilonnoper mancameco4>i lengua
mnnpooiapercicunipidto.Upopottbencberianorpenritnttibann^ oiffcre/
mtalaMuarttamooico oifferaitiata:cbclo vnolaltrononintederpiucbenoi
Rmtendeino cum qudlioi arabiarramio iudido credo cbe qndlo fia nda g?
•ecbe fta 01^^ coda ofl marercbebe quaii como filudlreniuinonnda tcr/
iMdentro.<«uJdooiTcopcifi le indie oi(rta.a2D.d9eermo of lapinrfc
iMIiinortecbcndmondofkiflbooiileodoi^
The *' Lettera Rarissima'* 679
ncaddiotnifocbenonDicca ncfcritmraltioqucllocbejo otdem' DdM mmrM
Deb rcrrd.Dc vrw ardifco ooucrc fcriuerc pcbeiiiota'mifoiio tOtimotuo.JCht
fo vinimqucftceerrcoiBcragnamasoifegnal Dcorofnooisomi^mi/cbc no
babia viftoncla ipagnola m quaere annt £eancbora le eerreoi ftia turifdictio/
lie tion poriano cnere pitt belle:ne pin lauorare 01 queUo cbe fomiornela gente
piucoarde t puocbodnimoDiqneUocberonno:neeIpoiro poriaefleremeatid
reoiqucHo cbebc;t il fmrnc bellirtimorrjpiii oil mfido oifrenfibiIe.Xuttoque
fto eficutta t ccrrc;^a m rignorcggiareacbiiltianirco grade fper^sa oibotioret
t acaefciinero di la (acta religtoe cbaftiana:r fapiaito. Q. ZD.cbe el camino p
gndanii fcra afU biciicxomo andar ala fpagnolarpcbe qiiefto ba 01 cflere na>
liicatoci! iteco oi alrra fomauaco.U.ZITfonocmi Dtcflfercregnori r patroni
oe qtidte ire conic di fpagna: r granaca. Sue naue cbe vi aitdaratio porano oi
itcbe uadino acarafciarr re li cauarano oro airairnele atcrefrep bauereott) be
fb^fidariioe vnoDequelliraluartcbirourp bauereoe quelle cofecberiroito
conuiene bauerle per fotsatr uo fcnsa gradj(!imo pioilo oi la vita toro* crle
alot cofe cbe 10 la(t> oi oire ja oifTe ia cnufa Hon oicco cu(Ti nc mi affirmo ci
el rrjdoppio oi curto quello chc mai babbia oiteo nc faiccorr oicco qudta c la
fonreoofieiofjnno.(rUcneriani 6moue(i:t curregcncccbebabbianopcrle
peere pciofe t alrre cofe 01 ualorecutci li poirano fmo in capo od mildo per ba
ratrarle t uenderlerrfiwilrtiente c3<icrtirie in oro. lo oro e meeallo fopw gli al
tri ercellenridlmo: r oel oro R fwno H tbcforitr cbi lo tiene farr opera •quaneo
Tuole in elmnndotr fin ilmfteajonsca madareleanimeal paradifo.(ri6IJ(i/
gnori oe quelle terrr oel t crrir orio oi Bcr^igna quado muoiono fotr cran gli cot
pilorocuquantoorocbebabianorroifliefua ufanja. ([72 ©alomone po:/
farono in ^cm uoica fr <cento t dnquanca fciqumrali oe oro fensa qiiello poita^
lono gli juarinari r i*ie«'caraiiti: r fcn^a queHo ancbora cbe pagarono in 2frr«
bia^^nquinralcpcTi i$otire.DiqMcilo oro Salomone feci fart. too.Iacettre^
cento faitirtfefifjfcw riuolorooeoroche gtibaueua oillareincima loro:
cuito oe oro adomaco 01 ^olrc piecre pzeciofcrt ancbora fefi fare oi queilo oro
moIcealcrecoferinfigrandimolritadomaeilimelniereoipen'epiectofeVicbini/
ma cofa.Sofepbo oe antigraribue ren! lo fcriuc: r ancbora nel ^ralipomeno
nellibio oit^efifcnuequello. CTfofepbonolecbe queftooroft bauelleneli
infula aurea appdiacaclaqual cofa recuflifufferoico cbeqndleminere oela an/
rea fono le meddime cbe It conccncno cdqucfti oi Beragna:pcbe come vi oiin
fiaflongaalponente.xT*$o2nateTronoinvnaoiftamialongeoalpo!o!reciani
oela linea. dalomone c5pio rurco quelle ororpecre piedole.r argenco oa mer/
aatanrLCl»ZD.toponoadognifuaregnti6nerarrjcodierereglipto^^
d>uno picuto.crOanid in fuo reflamcco lalTo nt millia oninrali oe oro oe le in
dJeinfulea SalomoneperatncaradedificaredceplorTl^^lcrine 3k>li!pbo
Danidera oiqudlemeddtme;errcnraiirifilege^.(ri)imiraIemen^^
(eSioneomofifcrfuejbaoedlerej'eedificato pmanooicbiiiUmo :cbiba oe
4Siie quefto/Jbio per bocca od piopbeca nd oeo'mo qnariD pTalfiio cnfl! lo oi
ce.lo0bba(e3oa(binoi(recbc4UcfNp0lonabiuaMoecirereoi^^
.b 2
68o Christopher Columbus
Bmao t)icrotqrtm d'qudki fattem ^Sna gdt moftro d^ino par ootiertolb/
rc.(rXoiinpcr»uorcocl iCaMto:5amolctsomioomado:Tfece ((rancoTapfoa/
uere boinmi inrdUgcim gii infcgnaflfino in la fede oi d^nfto . £bi fera comi k U
ofTaiTcba ad farccu bauere/9c idio mi pozta co bene a Spagna ioprontmo
a.CI«2D.T mi oblige codurceli io cd lo aiuto oi oio rani t falui: t cum io mete/
ro in opera como to oico. COutefta sere quale be uemira cu mirqudbi cbe be
ricomaca ba paitsco grandilTimi (tencirr piaili oi la toro vica.b^mando Di gfa
ad*U*2D.cbe U facciano pagare meominetuea caufa cbe fonno.poneri: r cbe
fecondo (a toro codicicne. U*2D.gU facctan qualcbe graoarado vnalcra uolta
bab]>iano a renure.U-ZD.Di bon corercbe a mio uidicio a qiianco crcddo: gli
Edttano ic mcgttore nouclle cbe mat po:caflfc buomo t Spagna. trio oro cbe
aueuacl fcgnorc oi £^cragna:bencbe fecondo infounanonc t\f[c moico: t an
d?ora Ddi foi fubdicirt cerre circuuione non mi parue oouerglido core per via
vi laci^inio:neancbora no era feruicio oi.U«ZD.oipigliario per via oi roba
memo, ei bono oxtiiie cnirrara fcandalort mala fama oi* U ZD.t cii bon mo/
do omnino i( auarcmo:? to farcmo ntomare al Xbdoro di.U- ZD.cbe no vi
mancbara grano per quanco cbel fia grande quauca. C7£um vn mdc oi bon
cempo to bana fmito curro d mto viaggto: tper mancamdtco oe nauiglif non
vuolfeftar ad afpecrare per romanmmaperoanicofa cbe in fenitnoriaDe.U«
2D*miofrcro : rfpero in qudlo omniporenre id to cbe mi fece oandomi fanica
crouarecofert vieabrcondiccDelequale.U.ZD.auncimala cb:i(Uanicafi ne
alcgrarano:7 faran fdla meiicameme.3o aedo cbe.U* WSi oebbano arkoi/
dare:cbctouolatafarfare cerrinauiglij oinouafomarmalabtaiita odicpo
non mi lafTorpercbe lo sa baueua vifto qudto gUerabifognoDcr vioouere na/
uicareper rifpeuo cbe iiii fonno altre foice oi mare: t uenci : le a oio piaccra 10
mcttcremo in opera como fia asonco piaccndo a«U.ZD. C jk> bo in pm cftU
mattonequdla faccnda oi qudle terre:7 minae aim qncfta fcala r fi^oria:
cbe cuccolalcrocbebofocconde indie infulcmo be figlio qudlo peroaradnii
crirc a mairigna:oe la fpagnolaroe la paria:r ode alcre terre non me ne aricoi ^
do mat cbe le lncb!yme no m I coddano oa gli occbij raedeuami to cbe lo. ejcem
pto oi qudk ooueiTino ciTere per quefte alcre: al concrarto loro flanno cum la
bocca mginfo bcncbe non muoiono^La infirmica be inairabile auc moico Ion
ga«^bi fu caufa oi qudlo ucgba adcflb fi porauc fi fa: ad curarle « Sdifcopoa-c
ogniuno be macilro:ma ad compon-e pocbi maeftri vi fi croua.legracie rac /
crcfciinect fcmp:c fi fogliono oarc a cbi ba poflo d coipo:la vica al pcridito : ne
be ragionc cbe cbi be ilato ranco cocrario m quefla ncoociarione legaldano ne
foi bercdt Cudli cbe fi f uggirono ode indieper fugir facicbcoicendo male oi
loro toemi:co:narono nun comiflioni:7Cumadeno fioidinauaoi Seragna:
mato cxcmpio i fcnsa urile oi qudla unpa^a: rp nfpecco oda mftiCMod mun
do qudla paura cum alcri caft alTairmi^ t conflrftifi oomandareof gracia ad
U.2D.cbean$icbeio iiemiTca oifcopu're^ipidleinrulc^tcerrefermeme gli no
tcflfino a mi laflfaregotiernare in fuonomereale:ptacqueUnrmifococeflb cam
pv uilcgto 7 aflrenco:7 cum figdto:7 3;uramenco: 7 mi titcicotarono oe QktRc
almiran(e:7 gouematore generate oel rocco:7 mi alTignaronod cermino fopM
lainuUaoeUaftortcecolegue;7queUeodca»oncrd€Cb€pa(^^ oipol04p»
The '' Lettera Rarissima'' 68i
loperlfnea:tDiqttefbnrD{titriDdOdbcbeo0ti(Df(iDatop2iffi^
oitd9orapo(et^amplocomoIarmpcnraparbi.ir2(lcrDn<mod6 fmnoftflinio
ltd aim li buissi apeitt cbtamando:fordticro cllaco fin adcf1o.0ctt€anni(lctij
10 in couc Di. U.ZD.cbea quann'oi quefta itnpxfd fi purlmidcticti nd vm uo /}
ce oiceono cfoe cran danserr paramggteial pMciue fmo li faitDri r calsolari do
tnandono oi oracia a.U. ZD.pcr oifcoptirc ccrre*£ oa credere cbe namio aflfal
tandori fc. u . ZD.gIt concedetio cbe ca moico p iudicio oi la impxTarr oe mio
bonore: rcaiperino cofa alcbuna : bona cofa be care a Dio a fuo : r a ^efaro
qncllo gli aperrienc:r quefta e itifta feiuencta: t oi iitfto p:mdpe » le core cbe
DbcdiTcono rcogtiorcotio.U*2D*per fiit fuperiori oi quefte infutefono pfu cbe
lum'gli alcri oe cbaftiani t ricbiffimeroopoi cbe io per otuina uolunca piti pw
fto cbe per fapere te bopofte fotto fua tleale t aUa S^pomit pofte oico i rer
itiino per baiiere. U* Wm die arandiflfitne incrace . Sla ImpiouiTa afpeoadoi
ioIanauepermiDoinandacaa»U.2)9.perneftireairtto alio conipeaoiaxiViA
ccoricrgrkindenoueoiororrocDiuerfericb^emioIcoalegroiTficcuroceiie^
mi eflercrfui pzcfo t inenfo in vti naiiiglio cu5 ooi fracdli cartoico di fcrri: tittdo
Hi toipo ctiin moIco male rracramctiCDrfensa elTere cbiamaco neancbora victo
per iiiftiria« JCht iiora credere cbe vn potiero foreftidi ft baoeflt tioluco al$arli
in tal luoco corro.U. ZD/cn^a caufa/t (etisa b»5$o alcbuno oi akro Diindpe/
ZDaximamenre dTcndo <o folo in mc330 tntti queftt cbe c& mi eratio itii ttalalli
t namrati oi regtii oi. U. ZD* t ancbora bauuco rifpeao: cbeid cenena ttitii gU
fialioli mei in fua Heal coiccjo uene a rcruire«C].ZD*oecempo oe mni.i8a
aadTo noti bo caucUo cbe non (la camico:el coa>o oebile Tin(ermo:t nicco oan
naro:quanro io baueua pottaeo cim mi:oa coftoro mi fii roUo ogm' coTa ami:t
md fraredi finodfaio fensa eiferene alduro ne viftocfigrandemio oifbonorfi
£ Da acdece cbe ()uefto non (i facdfi per ftio tleal mandamemo: r fe cofli be
como Dico:la refticucioe od mio bonore r oe mid oini: tcaftigameto a cbi Io
bafaccofaran.U»ZD.ronarepertuccoelmundo:TalcrocatoDi colorocbi me
banno robaco le ricbesseir mi ban facco oanno nd mio almirancado: grandtlTt
ma fama e vimi ciim ejrempio fera a.U.2Diiquefto fannortreftara in (pa^
i:ogtiiaIrro locooloriora memoria oilororcomoaaradeuoliTiufti panapi«
Q71a inrentione bona rfana quale fempiebebbealieniir ocMXXOaHviiho
norerr remcrito ranro Dilequale : non oa Inocbo ala anfma cbecacda: bendbe
iuoglia:Di laqual cofa Domando a*U«ZD«pdono.tr3o fonno itftaco cufli per
lb T Dirfacro:3o bo pianro fin qui per altri cbc.U*2D.gIi babtan mifericoxlia
pianga addTo el cido:Tpiangaper mi la terra ind cemporale: cbe non bO'fola
Tna qnarrina per far oflerta in (pincuale:3o fon reftaco qua oi^le indie tfule oe
bi fo^ma cbe be fop»dicca infulaco in gran pena:t infirmo aipectando ognt oi
la mo2ce:£(drcundacD Deinnumerabilifiluagil pieni oi cmddca: t nemid no
ftrirrcufli longt di faaamenci oi la fanaa macre ecddia:cbe credo fi fmencica'
ra quefla am'marfeoil co:po efce fuora* *ptanga per mi cbi ba cbarirace:uerica:
iidfi^ia.3onon uenne aqfuefto viamio ad nauicareperguadagnarcbono^
itneAbbaiqiteftobecertorpercbelafpaansaeraDilmaosa penarma viu&
iteperfemirea.t3«ZD.cff ranainccnct6ne*t bonsdo Did>arita: rnon menco.
(r49iippUtoa»U.2P»cb€leDioviiolccbepofraDiqtta&ainni:cb^
682 Christopher Columbus
vfttcT«Itoft«olafanffaXrimr(icofwuit«fiCrtf<bU>iWiKki^
lull w luMbiQ a.7.9i Julio oc(.i$o},
Stmp9tainVkncti»0inom
oe Condantjo.'eaftteradta
dmooi:62dri>cr&i^
moneoe louav.ao<
Com i|t>2itiilegt0i
^<n^|^«nMte0Qt£oUbo UicetUoir|Ni0Mniiift|0(n{lbtf Otor
The ** Lettera Rarissima " 683
** Copy of the Letter Sent by Columbus to the Most Serene King and Queen of
Spain; Concerning the Islands and Places Found by him.
"Constanzo Bayuera of Brescia to the Magnificent and Most Famous Fran-
cesco Bragadino, Mayor of Brescia (greeting).
**In the last years, while I was in Spain, among the admirable things
which have been found in our days, I heard also of the navigation of Colum-
bus, Viceroy of Spain and Governor of the Indian Islands recently found
by him, by means of a letter which he had sent to their Sacred Majesties,
the King and Queen of Spain. This letter I have translated for the sake
of the wonderful things it contains, from the Spanish into our Italian lan-
guage, and desiring to publish it, first in order to serve some friend of mine,
who urgently asked it from me, then to do a favour to all those who want
to hear new things worthy to be read and known, I have dedicated it to
your Magnificence, knowing that you are delighted with worthy histories,
especially such as are new, like this marvellous and unheard of [history].
Furthermore, to prove you my love and thankfulness as well for your bene-
fits as for the great virtues, which adorn you so much. If this history were
longer, I would have dedicated it to your Magnificence with still more
pleasure. But let it be allowed me to excuse myself with this sentence: —
and indeed, rustics and many people implore the gods offering milk, and
those who have no incense, bring them only spelt mixed with salt. Fare-
well.'
** Copy of the letter which Don Christopher Columbus, Viceroy of Spain and
Admiral of the Indian Islaiuls wrote to the most Christian and Powerful
King and Queen of Spain, our Lords; in which he makes known to them
what befell him on his voyage; a^id the lands, provinces, towns, rivers and
other things worthy of admiration; and also the lands where gold mines
are foutui in great quantity; and other things of great value and richness.
**Most Serene and Mighty Princes, King and Queen, our Lords: —
"From Cadiz I passed to the islands called Canaries in four days and
from there I went to the islands called the Indies in sixteen days; where
I wrote to your Majesties that my intention was to make haste on my way ;
because I had new ships well furnished with victuals and crew; and that
my purpose was to steer to the island called Janahica [Jamaica].
" In the island called Dominica I wrote this ; up to this time the weather
' The original letter to the Sovereigns undoubtedly was written in Spanish.
Ferdinand Columbus, in the Historie, affirms that this letter was sent to the Sover-
eigns by Diego Mendez and that it was printed. If Ferdinand meant that it had
been printed in Spanish we have no knowledge of the existence of such a book. Nor
do we know of the existence of the original letter. Don Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado,
of the Council of the Indies, is said to have had a manuscript copy of the letter. Na-
varrete published the letter from a Spanish manuscript text of which the writing
appeared to belong to the middle of the sixteenth century. This was once in the
college of Cuenca at Salamanca, and, as Ramirez de Prado bequeathed his papers to
this college, the inference is that this text is identical with that once possessed by
him. We have called attention in notes to discrepancies between the Spanish text
and that of the Italian Lettera.
684 Christopher Columbus
was all that could be asked for; that same night when I entered that place
there was a great storm and distress which has ptirsued me ever since.
When I arrived at the island Spagnola, so called, I sent a package of letters
to your Majesties in which I asked of you the favour of sending me a ship
with my money; because another [ship] which I had, was already rendered
unserviceable and it then could not sustain sails; which letters your Ma-
jesties will know if you have received them; the reply which your Majesties
made me was that I should not wish to go or stay ashore ; because of this
the spirits of the men who were with me fell, for fear that I wished to lead
them far away; they said that if any accident or danger should happen
that they would not be rescued; and also that little care would be taken
of them; and it seemed to some, as they said, that the land which I might
acquire, your Majesties would cause to be governed by another person
than myself.
"The tempest was great and that night the ships were separated from
me; and each ship was driven on its own course without any hope other
than of death; each held it for certain that the other had been lost. What
man has been bom — not excepting Job himself — who would not have died
of despair that in such a storm for my own salvation and for that of my
little son and brother and friends, I should be forbidden to land on that
shore which by the will of Heaven I had gained for Spain sweating blood
[with my efforts]?
*' I return to the ships which the great storm had taken from me, which
when it pleased God He restored to me ; the tmserviceable ship in order to
escape put out to sea as far as to the island called Galliega; which ship
lost its boat and anchor and a great part of its victuals. The one in which
I went was marvellously tossed about ; and God in His mercy that I might
not suffer danger kept it safe. In that suspected [to be tmseaworthy] was
my brother, who next to God was her help.
"With this tempest I went slowly and carefully ' near to Jamaica, and
there, there was a change of the heavy sea into a calm and there was a
great current that brought me to the Huerta de la Regina without ever
seeing land; and from there I sailed when I could to the mainland, where
I met a fearful current and opposing wind against which I struggled 60
days; finally I could not gain more than 70 leagues, which are 350 miles;
because one league by sea is five miles and by land is four miles. There-
fore, reader, every time that you find leagues mentioned you will by yotir
judgment understand how many miles it is.* In all this time we could not
enter into the harbour nor did the tempest on the sea and the rain from
heaven ever leave me and the thimders and the continuous lightnings
seemed to be the end of the world.
" I went on finally and I thank God, who from that time gave me pros-
' In gcUtone, —on all fours, that is, carefully and prudently, as a cat might walk.
* All this explanation of the measurement of a league is omitted in the Spanish
letter copied by Navarrete. The tise of the word "reader" shows this to be an in-
terpolation on the part of the editor of the printed Lettera.
The ** Lettera Rarissima '' 685
perotis wind and current.' This happened on the 12th of September.
Eighty-eight days were passed in which the terrible storm had never left
me, so that my eyes in all that time beheld neither sim nor stars nor other
planets. The ships* seams were opened, the sails were torn, the anchors,
stays, boats and all accoutrements were lost, the crew were for the most
part sick and all disheartened, and many with the vows of their holy re-
ligion and there were none without some vow or pilgrimage. Many times
one would confess to another in doubt, and from hour to hour in the ex-
pectation of death. Many other tempests have been seen but not of such
duration nor with such violence. Many of our people who were considered
hardened mariners lost their courage. That which gave me grief was the
suffering of my son whom I had with me. The more so since he was com-
ing to the age of thirteen years and was endiuirig so much fatigue and suf-
fering so much pain and bearing more than any of the rest of us. God and
no other gave him such fortitude of spirit. He by his conduct encouraged
and heartened the others. He was as if he had been at sea eighty years, a
marvellous thing to believe. From which conduct I found some relief. I
had been sick and many times had reached the point of death. From a
little cabin which I caused to be erected in the upper part of the ship, I
directed the expedition. And as I have said, my brother was in the most
wretched and most dangerous vessel. My grief was very great, and the
more so since I had brought him against his will, because by my misforttme
the twenty years of service which I had given with so much fatigue and
danger have profited me so little that to-day I have in Castile no roof and
if I wish to dine or sup or sleep I have only the tavern for my last refuge,
and for that most of the time I would be unable to pay the score. Another
thing also gave me great pain, — that was Don Diego, my son, whom I had
left in Spain in such an orphaned condition and deprived of honours and
fortune; although I held it for certain that your Majesties, as just and
not imgrateful Princes would make restitution to him with increase. I
arrived at the land called Cariai, where I remained to repair the ships and
make all necessary preparations and to give repose to the jaded crew, who
by long fatigue had become exhausted; and I myself was sick. And I
together with them reposed there.* In this land I heard news about the
gold mines of the province of Ciamba, so called, all which I went seeking.
There I took two men of their nation, who brought me to another land
called Carambaru, where the people go naked and wear around the neck a
mirror of gold which they will not in any way sell or exchange; and in
which places they named to me in their language many other places on the
seacoast; where they told me there were great quantities of gold and
mines; the last place, so called, Beragua, distant from there 25 leagues.
For that reason I left there with the intention of seeking them all. Scarcely
had I arrived half way when I learned that at about two days' journey
» In the Spanish letter copied by Navarrete it reads: ** I arrived at the cape of
Gracias d Dios and after that the Lord granted me fair wind and ctarent."
^ In the Spanish the Admiral repeats his being sick tmto death.
686 Christopher Columbus
there were mines of gold and I determined to send to see them. On the
evening of Sts. Simon- Jude,' when having to depart, there arose such a sea
and wind that it was necessary to run where they could. And those two
men always came with me to show me the mines.* In all these places
where I had been I found to be true all that I had heard, and this made me
certain that the truth had been spoken concerning the province of Ciguare,
which according to them is destroyed 3 and is nine days* journey by land
toward the west. There they say that there is an infinite quantity of gold,
and they tell me that they wear crowns of gold on their heads -• and they
wear very large rings on their arms and feet and that seats, chests and
tables are furnished and sheathed with gold, as we make them with iron.
And also they tell me that the women there wear collars of gold fastened
to the head and hanging as far as to the shoulders. In this place, as I say,
all the people of these regions agree that this is the truth and say that there
are so many riches that I should be content with the tenth part. There
we brought with us pepper, which all the people recognised.s In Ciguare
there were markets and fairs as with us. All these things they affirmed to
me and showed me the method or manner in which they hold their sales
and barter. Moreover they say that they navigate as we do and their
ships carry catapults, bows, arrows, swords and armour; and they go
clothed as we do and they have horses ^ and they make war. They wear
rich clothing and they have good houses.7 They say moreover that the
sea boils in the said province of Ciguare and that from there it is ten days'
journey to the river called Ganges.^ It seems that these lands stand in
relationship to Beragua [Veragua] as Tortosa stands in relationship with
Fuenterrabia or as Pisa with Venice.«>
** When I departed from Carambaru and went to those places as I have
' See our note on Sts. Simon-Jude in chapter Ixxv.
* In the Spanish translation: "And the Indian chiefs from the mines were with
me all the time."
3 In the Spanish this word is rendered "descrita," — described, — ^a more reason-
able rendering.
^ In the Spanish letter, instead of gold being the material worn upon the arms
and feet and used for the ornamentation of tables and chests, coral is given as the
material of ornamentation; a material which, however appropriate for body orna-
ments, certainly could not have been used as a substitute for metal in sheathing such
furniture as tables and chests.
5 In the Spanish there is no reference to Columbus's gathering pepper, but the
simple statement is made that the people were acquainted with the pepper plant.
6 In the Spanish the passage is "y in la terra hay caballos.*' Major translates
the next phrase as if it were horses which were used in war, a translation not war-
ranted by even the Spanish text.
7 In the Spanish, Navarrete gives this passage, "y tienen buenas cosas": "and
have good things."
8 The sea boils, — that is to say, the sea breaks in foam upon the shores of that
province of Ciguare. In the Spanish of Navarrete this passage is "boxa a Ciguare":
"surrounds Ciguare." The sense is not materially different.
^ As the reader already knows, this passage is most vital in proving the extent
of the comprehension Columbus himself had of the value of his discoveries. He knew
that he was on continental land, and that between that continental land and the far
The '' Lettera Rarissima '' 687
said, I found the people with the same customs; except that the looking-
glasses of gold which they had they gave for three hawk*s bells each even if
they weighed ten or fifteen ducats each. In all their customs they are
like those of the island of Espanola. The gold is obtained by another
method, although both have no similarity with our art.*
**This which I have said is what I have heard these people say. That
which I have seen and know I will tell you now. In the year '94 I sailed
24 degrees towards the west in a period of nine hours; there was no error
therein because in that hour there was an eclipse; the sim was in Libra
and the moon in Aries. All which I learned by speech from this people I
had already known from books. Ptolemy believed himself to have cor-
rected Marinus and now his writings are found to be very near the truth.
Ptolemy put Catigara at a twelve line distance from his Occident, which I
affirm to be at 2^ degrees above Cape St. Vincent in Portugal. Marinus
divides the earth into fifteen lines. This same Marinus in Ethiopia * draws
above the Equinoctial line more than twenty-four degrees, and now that
the Portuguese navigate there, they find it to be true. Ptolemy says that
the most southern land is the first boundary and that it does not descend
more than I5-J- degrees.
"The world is small; that which is dry, that is to say the land, is six
parts; the seventh only is covered with water. Experience has now
proved it and I wrote it to your Majesties with my letters, illustrating it
from the Holy Scriptures; also with the site of the terrestrial Paradise, as
the Holy Church approves. I say that the world is not as large as is com-
monly asserted and that a degree of the Equinoctial line is 56|- miles, as will
soon be demonstrated. It is not my purpose to speak of this matter, but
rather to give you a full account of my difficult and troublesome voyage,
although it [the scientific matter] is the most noble and useful. I say that
the evening of Sts. Simon- Jude I ran where the wind carried me without
being able to resist it, into a port, where I spent ten days from the violence
of the sea and the sky. Here I determined not to go back to the mines
and I let them stand as a thing acquired ; I departed in the rain to pursue
my voyage as God willed; I arrived at a port Bastimentos, where I did not
enter willingly. The storm and great current held me in the said port for
East, the land of Marco Polo, the land of spices, the true Indies, was another and a
different ocean, just as to one standing by Tortosa in the Mediterranean Sea there
would be a stretch of continental land on the other side of which there woidd be
found another sea, the Atlantic. We have already seen that in a document belong-
ing to him, handled by him, inserted by him in the Book of Privileges, this discovery
of his is described as lying not in the Indies of Marco Polo, but in the Indias Occi-
dentales, the western Indies. Therefore we reiterate our belief that he knew as well,
nay, better, than any other soid of his time, that he had discovered and given to the
Sovereigns of Spain new lands and a New World.
' Navarrete gives this Spanish phrase: "el oro cogen con otras artes bien que
todos son nada con los de los Cristianos."
* Navarrete has the following passage: ** Marintis en Etiopia escribe al Indo la
linea equinocial mas de," etc., which certainly gives point to the passage, as it is
utterly unintelligible in the Italian.
688 Christopher Columbus
the space of fourteen days; then I again set out from there, but not with
good weather. When I found myself to have made about fifteen leagues
the wind and the violent current forcibly returned me. Returning into the
harbour whence I had come, I foimd on the way another harbour called
Retrete: where I retired with great danger and disturbance and much
fatigue, both myself and the crew. In this harbour I remained many days,^
for so the cruel weather determined it, and when I believed myself to have
finished then I found that I was only beginning. Here I changed my pur-
pose, wishing to return to the mines and to do some things imtil there came
good weather for returning on my voyage ; when near the harbour, at four
leagues distance, a very great storm fatigued me so much that I knew
nothing more about myself. There my wound re-opened itself.* Nine
days I passed without any hope of life. Eyes never saw so high a sea or
with so much noise as there now arose ; throwing such foam ; the wind was
not for going down or affording me a place to go towards another port.
Instead of that it held me in this sea which was become bloody and which
was boiling like a cauldron on a great fire. The heaven never seemed so
troubled. One day and one night it burned like a furnace; and threw not
more or less than flame and lightning, so that every moment I expected
that it would have burned the masts and the sails. These lightnings came
with such fury and so dreadful that all expected that the ships would
founder. In all this, the rain from heaven never ceased. I do not say
that it rained, but that it resembled rather another deluge; the crew were
already so exhausted and harassed that every one for himself wished for
death to escape from such martyrdom. The ships had twice lost their
barks, the anchors and the ropes and they were without sails, and besides
they were leaky. When it pleased God I returned to a harbour called
Porto Grosso, where I prepared all things which were necessary and re-
turned a second time towards Beragua for my journey. Again although
I was in readiness 3 to sail, all the wind and the current were contrary and
hindering me. I arrived almost there where I had first come, and once
more the wind and the current were against me and I returned another
time to the harbour, for I did not venture to await the opposition of Saturn ♦
' Navarrete makes this phrase in Spanish, **detuveme alii quince dias": *'I re-
mained there fifteen days."
* This passage is important as a possible allusion to a gun-shot wound, in view of
the bidlet which was found in the leaden box containing the alleged remains of Colxun-
bus in the Cathedral at San Domingo in 1877. This will be discussed at length in our
chapter cxxxxiii.
^ The Spanish makes the meaning of this passage diametrically opposite to this
Italian rendering: " Volvi otra vez hacia Veragua para mi viage. aunque yo no estu-
viera para ello" ; which Major translates as follows: ** I then once more attempted the
voyage towards Veragua, although I was by no means in a fit state to undertake it.' *
■♦ In the Spanish as given by Navarrete, there is no allusion to the opposition of
Saturn with Mars. The passage reads: "que no os^ esperar la oposicion de Satximo
con Mares tan desbaratados en costa brava," which Major translates, '*not daring to
encounter the opposition of Saturn with such a boisterous sea," etc. Major reads
this passage as if Columbus had intended to say, "the opposition of Sattirn with the
Sun."
The '' Lettera Rarissima '' 689
and Mars, so much cast about on a stormy, coast, because for the most part
it brings with it storm and heavy weather. This was on the day of Na-
tivity at the hour of mass. I returned once more to the place where I
had departed with great fatigue and the New Year having passed, I once
more determined to obstinately pursue my journey; although again I had
good weather, the ships were tmnavigable and the crew were sick and dead.
On the day of the Epiphany I arrived without any strength at Beragua ;
there God prepared for me a river as a sure harbour, although it had at the
mouth no more than ten palms in depth. I entered this river with fatigue.
The following day again the tempest ret timed, which if it had found me
outside, would not have permitted me to re-enter. It rained without ever
ceasing tmtil the 14th of February so that I had on place to stay on the
land nor to find a remedy in anything. While I was yet in safety on the
24th of January the river imexpectedly grew very high and strong, break-
ing the cables and the anchorages, and it lacked [little] of carrying away
the ships and certainly I saw them in more danger than ever. God helped
me as He always did. I do not know if there has ever been any one with
more martyrdom or with more suffering than I. On the 6th of February
while it rained continuously I sent seventy men inland five leagues and
they foimd many mines of gold. The Indians, that is to say those two
men who went with them,' brought them to a very high moimtain and
from there they showed them all parts as far as the eyes could see, saying
that in every part there was gold enough, and that towards the west the
mines stretched for twenty days and they named the coimtries, cities and
places where more or less gold was found. Afterwards I heard that the
Quibian (for so they call the Lord of the land) who had given me these two
Indians had ordered them to show the mines which were more distant and
which belonged to another chief, his enemy; and that within his own land
his people gathered daily much gold, and that one man alone might gather
in ten days a mazata of gold.* The Indians, his servants, witnesses of this,
I brought with me into the midst of that people, as far as boats could
go.3 My brother returned with this people and all with gold which they
had gathered within the space of four hours, for they did not tarry longer;
the quantity is great having respect to the fact that no one had seen mines
and most of them as it happened had never seen gold, because they were
for the most part men of the sea and almost all ship's boys. I had many
tools and materials for building and much victuals; I made a dwelling
place for myself and for my people and built certain houses of wood and
' Here again in the Spanish the guides are called simply "the Indians," and are
not distinguished as the particular two taken by Columbus for the purpose of leading
him to the mines.
* Mazata was an indefinite measure of weight, corresponding to such a load as a
child might carry with ease.
3 In the Spanish the passage is: '* Los Indios, sus criados y testigos de esto traigo
conmigo. Adonde el tiene el pueblo Uegan las barcas": "The Indians, his servants
and witnesses of this, I am bringing with me. The boats go as far as to the place
where he has his town."
VOL. II.— 44.
690 Christopher Columbus
presented many things to the Quibian, that is to say, the chief. I well
understood and judged that our concord would not last long. They were
very simple and our people were very troublesome, and moreover I had
taken possession of territory within his dominions. When he saw the
houses built and the trade so flourishing and general, he determined to
bum them all and to kill us all, as many as we were. Much to the con-
trary was the issue of this design, because as it pleased God, he was taken
himself, his wife, his sons and servants, although misfortune determined
that he should remain but a little time in captivity. The Quibian fled to
a certain worthy man, to whom he had presented himself with a guard of
men. The sons fled to the master of a ship who brought them to a safe
place. ^ In the month of April the ships were all eaten by frost and winter
weather and we could not keep them above water.* At this time the said
river made a channel; through which I brought three of the ships with
great pains, having emptied them.3 The boats returned within the river
for salt and water and other things. The sea became very great and ugly
and would not permit them to go out. The Indians were nimierous and
having assembled, they fought the said boats. Finally all were slain. My
brother and all the other people were in one ship which had remained in
the river. And I alone was without on such a stormy coast with great
fever and so much fatigue that the hope of escape was already dead. Never-
theless, as best I could I mounted to the top of the ship crying out with
weak voice, weeping bitterly, to the commanders of your Majesties* army,
' The Spanish passage entirely reverses the meaning as given in the Italian: ** El
Quibian se fuy6 a un hombre honrado a qui en se habua entregado con guarda de hom-
bres; y los hijos se fueron d un maestre de navio a quien se dieron en 61 a buen re-
caudo." Both the chieftain and his sons in the Italian edition are made to escape to
different persons, the chieftain to a ''worthy man'* and the sons to a ship-master.
The ship-master to whom the sons fled conducted them to a safe place. While the
Spanish text places the Quibian and his sons in the custody of the worthy man and
the ship-master, both agents of Columbus, the Italian plainly alludes to the "worthy
man" and the ship-master as friends of the Indians and harbourers to the escaped
chieftain and his sons. The Spanish text omits the passage which says that the
ship-master " brought them to a safe place." The reader will see, by following the
narrative in our text, that the Spanish version is in accordance with the accoimt given
by Ferdinand Columbus in the Historie and by Las Casas in his Historia.
^ The Spanish text is "todos comidos de broma": "all eaten by worms." The
resemblance of the Spanish word "broma," — "worm," and the Italian "bruma." —
••wintry weather," may account for this error. In Southern waters the worm
teredo is most destructive to the bottoms of ships. It is possible that the ice and
snow may have aflfected the ships of the Admiral and rendered them exceedingly
leaky. It is true that Columbus has just told us that in the month of January the
mouth of the river was blocked, but it is doubtful if ice was the cause of the blockade.
It is much more likely, we think, that the currents and high water had brought down
into the mouth of the stream an unusual quantity of sand and debris, thus blocking
the channel. The very next sentence indicates that a channel was made by the
natural flowing of the river itself, and not through the melting or departure of ice
and snow.
3 "Suoti" is possibly a misprint for " vuoti," — "emptied," an adjective agreeing
with "naviglie."
The *' Lettera Rarissima" 691
and again calling to the four winds to help; but they did not answer me.
Tired out, I fell asleep and sighing I heard a voice very full of pity which
spoke these words: Oh! fool and slaw to believe and to serve Him, thy God
and the God of all. What did He more for Moses? and for David His servant?
Since thou wast born He had always so great care for thee. When He saw thee
in an age with which He was content He made thy name sou^id marvellously
through the world. The Indies, which are so rich a part of the world, He has
given to thee as thine. Thou hast distributed them wherever it has pleased
thee; He gave thee power so to do. Of the bonds of the ocean which were
locked with so strong chains He gave thee the keys and thou wast obeyed in all
the land and among the Christians thou hast acquired a good and honourable
reputation. What did He more for the people of Israel when He brought tliem
out of Egypt? or yet for David, whom from being a shepherd He made King
of Judea? Turn to Him and recognise thine error, for His mercy is infinite.
Thine old age will be no hindrance to all great things. Many very great in-
heritafices are in His power. Abraham was more than one hundred years old
when he begat Isaac and also Sarah was not young. Thou art calling for un-
certain aid. Answer me, who has afflicted thee so much and so many times, —
God or the world? The privileges and promises which God makes He never
breaks to any one; nor does He say after having received the service that His
intention was not so and that it is to be understood in another manner: nor
imposes martyrdom to give proof of His power. He abides by the letter of His
word. All that He promises He abundantly accomplishes. This is His way.
I have told thee what the Creator hath done for thee and does for all. Now
He shows me the reward and payment of thy suffering and which thou hast passed
in the service of others. And thus half dead, I heard everything; but I
could never find an answer to make to words so certain, and only I wept
for my errors. He, whoever he might be, finished speaking, saying: Trust
and fear not, for thy tribulations are written in marble and not without reason.
*' I came to myself when I was able and at the end of nine days it be-
came good weather, but not so that the vessels could be brought out of the
river. I gathered all the crew who were on shore and all the rest as far
as was possible, for they were not sufficient to stay and to navigate the
ships. I would have remained to hold out against the natives with all my
people if your Majesties had known this. The fear that there never would
come any ships determined me to depart from here, and moreover the
point is this: that when succour has to be provided it should be furnished
for all who are in need.
**I set out in the name of the Holy Trinity on Easter night with the
ships eaten and mouldy and full of holes. I left one, the worst one, in
Belem, with many things. In Puerto Bello I left another; only two re-
mained to me in the same state as the others and without boats or provi-
sions having to pass seven thousand miles of sea and water or I must perish
on the journey with my poor son and brother and so many people. They
may now answer me, those who were wont to boast and to blame me, say-
ing,— ^Why didst thou not so? Why didst thou not steer hither? Why
692 Christopher Columbus
not thither? I would they had been there on that day. I verily believe
that another [day] of knowing otherwise awaits them or our faith is noth-
ing.
*'0n the 13th of May I arrived at the province of Mago, which borders
upon that of Catayo, and from there I departed for Espafiola. I sailed two
days with good weather which suddenly changed to the contrary. The
course that I took was to avoid those numerous islands and not to go
ashore in the shallow waters. The high sea forced me wherefore I was
compelled to turn back without sails. I reached an island where I lost
three anchors at once, and at midnight when it seemed the world was com-
ing to an end the cables of the other ships were broken and it was a wonder
that they did not both go to pieces, becatise one rushed upon the other with
great force. God helped us. One anchor alone held me up next to the
Divine help. At the end of six days when the good weather came again
upon the sea, we returned to our voyage with the ships such as they were,
worm-eaten and more full of holes even than a comb of bees that make
honey; and the crew had so little courage that they were almost lost. I
had not advanced much farther than where we had been first when the
storm had turned me back. I returned to the same island to a safer har-
bour. At the end of eight days I returned the same way. At the end of
June I arrived at Janahica always with contrary winds ; and the ships in
the worst condition; with three piunps, tubs and cauldrons together with
all the crew I was not able to overcome the water which entered the ship,
nor was there any other remedy to help against this. I put myself on the
way to go directly to Espafiola, which was 28 leagues off, and I would I had
not gone. The other ship, nearly sunken as it was, ran to find a harbour.
I would have held out against the violence of the sea but my ship sank
when Gk>d by a miracle put me on the shore.
"Who will believe what I write? I say that I have not written the
one hundredth part in this present letter of these things, to which those
who were in my company will testify.'
*' If your Majesties will be pleased to favour me for my succour with a
ship of more than 64 tons together with 200 quintals of biscuits and other
provisions, it will be sufficient to carry me and these poor people to Spain.
From Espafiola to Janahica there are not more than 28 leagues, as I have
already said. I would not have gone to Espafiola even if the ships had
been in good condition, because as I have already said, I was commanded
by your Majesties not to go on shore. It is known to God if a command
of this kind has been expedient. This letter I send by the care and hand
of Indians and it will be a great marvel if it reaches you. Of my voyage
I say that with me and in my company were 150 men; many who were
persons very capable as pilots and good sailors; but none of them can give
a satisfactory account of where we were nor whither we returned. The
reason is apparent. I departed from above the harbour called Brazil in
' The Spanish version of this passage is: '*Los que fueron con el Alniirante lo
atestiguen." "Those who were [went] with the Admiral can attest it."
The ** Lettera Rarissima " 693
Espanola and the storm did not let me take the course I wished. I was
even forced to run where the wind drove me. In this day I was very sick.
None had ever sailed towards these parts. The wind and the sea qtdeted
down after some days and the storm changed into a calm and a great cur-
rent. I fell in with an island which is called De las Pozzas, and from there
to the mainland. None are able to give a true account of this because there
is no information sufficient, since we always went with the current with-
out seeing land for so many days. I followed the coast of the mainland.
This was at a distance and was measured by compass and mariners* skill.
There is no one who can say under what part of the heavens it is. When I
departed from here to come to Espaftola the pilots thought they would
arrive at the island of St. John and we found ourselves in the land of Magho,
— ^that is four hundred leagues towards the west farther than they esti-
mated. Let them answer if they know, where may be the site of Beragua?
I say that they cannot give any other account except that they were in
certain parts where there was much gold and this they acknowledge. But
to rettim there it would be necessary to discover them again as was done
first, for the route thither is unknown. One way and method there is
belonging to astronomy which is very certain and which cannot be mis-
taken. To him who tmderstands that, this method is sufficient. This
resembles a prophetic vision. The ships of the Indies are navigated only
from the stem and not because of their being badly built as some pretend,
nor yet from their being very large. The terrible currents as well as the
wind which is common there, makes it so that no one can navigate in any
other way because in a day they would lose whatever they had gained in
seven. Not even caravels nor yet again if they were Latin or Portuguese
[in make]. They are sometimes detained in port by bad weather for six or
eight months. There has been given an accotmt of the people whose site
and customs were written about by Pope Pius II., but not their horses,
poitrels and bridles of gold, nor is it any marvel, because in the lands on
the seacoast they have no need of horses but rather of fishermen. I would
not remain to search after such things because I was pressing on in great
haste.
**In Cariai and in those lands tmder its jurisdiction there are great
enchanters and very terrible. They might have given me whatever I had
been able to ask for, but I did not remain there one hour.' When I reached
there, they immediately sent me two yoimg girls dressed in rich garments
The older one might not have been more than eleven years of age and the
other seven ; both with so much experience, so much manner and so much
appearance as would have been sufficient if they had been public women
for twenty years. They bore with them magic powder and other things
belonging to their art. When they arrived I gave orders that they should
be adorned with our things and sent them immediately ashore. There I
* In the Spanish this passage reads: ** Dieran el miindo porque no me detuviera
alii tina hora": "They would have given the world that I might not stop there one
hour." The Spanish rendering differs materially from the Italian.
694 Christopher Columbus
saw a tomb within the mountain as large as a house and finely worked with
great artifice and a corpse stood thereon uncovered and, looking within it,
it seemed as if he stood upright. Of the other arts they told me that there
was excellence. Great and little animals are there in quantities, and very-
different from ours ; among which I saw boars of frightful form so that a
dog of the Irish breed dared not face them. With a cross-bow I had
wounded an animal which exactly resembles a baboon only that it was
much larger and has a face like a human being. I had pierced it with an
arrow from one side to the other, entering in the breast and going out near
the tail, and because it was very ferocious I cut off one of the fore feet
which rather seemed to be a hand, and one of the hind feet. The boars
seeing this commenced to set up their bristles and fled with great fear,
seeing the blood of the other animal. When I saw this I caused to be
thrown them the 'uegare,' certain animals they called so, where it stood
and approaching him, near as he was to death, and the arrow still sticking
in his body, he wound his tail aroimd his snout and held it fast and with
the other hand which remained free, seized him by the neck as an enemy.
This act so magnificent and novel, together with the fine country and
hunting of wild beasts, made me write this to your Majesties. Animals
of many kinds were there, but all die of various diseases.' I saw animals
of various sorts, lions, deer and other animals. I discovered others resem-
bling and similar to flying monsters. I saw many great hens whose feathers
were like wool neither less nor more. As I was going by that sea in anguish
and care, some took a fancy into their heads that we had been enchanted
by these, and even to-day they are of that opinion. We found still other
people who eat men as we eat other animals, and this is certain ; the defor-
mity of their faces and features confirms it. There they say are large
mines of copper and torches of copper and other things worked, beaten and
cast. I had some from them; and there are besides all the tools such as
belong to a goldsmith. There they go clothed and in that province I saw
great sheets of cotton cloth very nicely worked, and I saw others painted
most delicately with colours and with hair pencils. They say that in that
land in the interior towards Catayo, other cloths are woven of gold. Of
all these lands and of the diflferent things which are therein, it cannot be
known readily because of the want of knowledge of their languages. The
various peoples although they are near to each other have all different lan-
guages, and so different are they, I say, that one understands the other
no better than we understand the people of Arabia; and according to my
judgment of the people, this is so with those who live near the seacoast,
who are as a savage people and they are not savage in the interior of the
country. When I discovered the Indies I told your Majesties that they
were of the richest possessions in the world, and I told of the gold, of the
pearls, stones, spices, and of the traffic, fairs, merchandise, and other things ;
' In the Spanish we read: '* De muchas maneras de animalias se hub<5, mas todas
mueren de barra. Gallinas muy grandes y la pliima como lana vide hartas. Leones,
ciervos, corzos otro tanto, y as£ aves."
The Spanish version calls the animal begare — the peccary.
The '' Lettera Rarissima " 695
and because all these things were not brought to light I was reproached.
Wherefore this chastisement and admonition makes me say and write only
that which I have heard from the Indians of the cotmtry. Of one thing I
venture to write because I have many witnesses. That is this: that I saw
in these lands of Beragua more signs of gold in the first two days than I
had seen in Espanola in four years ; and moreover the lands of this juris-
diction could not be more beautiful or more cultivated than they are, and
the people more timid and of less courage ; and the harbour could not be
better than it is, and the river very beautiful and in all the world none
more defensible. All this is true and certain of coming under the dominion
of the Christians; with great hope of honour and increase of the holy
Christian religion; and your Majesties may know that the route for reach-
ing this will be as short as to go to Espanola because this [route] has to be
navigated with winds of another sort ; your Majesties are as certain to be
lords and rulers of this land as of Spain and Granada.' Your ships that will
go there will be able to say that they go to their own homes, and they will
bring out gold ; in other lands those who have to get gold have to put faith
in one of those savages or they must take by force those things which are
there and not without great danger of their lives.* I have already given
the reason why I omit to speak of other things. I do not say thus and so
nor do I affirm it with three-fold of all that I ever may have said or written
and say, *This is the source whence I have it.* The Venetians, Genoese
and all other people who have pearls, precious stones and other things of
value, all bring them to the end of the world to barter and sell, and finally
to convert into gold. Gk>ld is a metal most excellent above all others and
of gold treasures are formed, and he who has it makes and accomplishes
whatever he wishes in the world and finally uses it to send souls into Para-
dise. The chiefs of the land of the territory of Beragua when they die
have buried with their bodies as much gold as they possess. Such is their
custom. To Solomon they brought at once 656 quintals of gold beyond
that which the mariners and merchants brought and in addition to that
which they paid in Arabia. A quintal weighs 150 lbs. From this gold
Solomon caused to be made 200 spears and 300 shields and he had made
a table service of gold which stood over them, — all of gold and adorned
with many precious stones. And moreover he caused to be made of this
gold many other things, very large vases similarly adorned with precious
stones and most rich things. Josephus writes of these things in De Anti-
quitatibus and again this is written in the Chronicles in the books of the
Kings. Josephus wishes [to say] that this gold was in the island called
' In the Spanish version the assurance of possessing the new lands is compared to
the Sovereigns' possession of Xeres and Toledo.
^ The Spanish version reads: ** De alU sacaron oro: en otras tierras, para haber
de lo que hay en ellas, conviene que se lo lleven, 6 se volverdn vacios: y en la tterra
es nacesario que fien sus personas de un salvage." It is evident that the Spanish
version does not convey the meaning of Columbus. He has just described the tim-
idity of the natives of this island, and is evidently comparing the ease with which
gold is secured here with the difficulty of finding it in Espaftola, where confidence in
the Indians was so often repaid with extreme danger to the Spaniards.
696 Christopher Columbus
Golden.^ If this thing should be so we say that those mines called Gk>lden
are the same which are foimd in Beragua because as I said, they extend
towards the west 20 days* journey and are a long distance from the Pole
and also from the line [Equinoctial].^ Solomon bought all that gold,
precious stones and silver from merchants. Your Majesties may cause it
to be gathered whenever you give order without any danger.
*' David in his will bequeathed 3000 quintals of gold from the Indian
islands to Solomon to help build the temple ; according to what Josephus
writes, David had [gold and other things] from these same lands, and so it
may be read. Jerusalem and Mt. Zion, as it is written, must be rebuilt by
Christian hands. Who shall this be? God by the mouth of the prophet
says so in the 14th psalm. The Abbot Joachim said that this person was
to be from Spain. St. Jerome showed to that holy woman the way to
accomplish this. The Emperor of Cathay a long time since asked and did
great things to secure intelligent men who might instruct him in the faith
of Christ. 3 Who shall be that one to offer himself to procure this for him?
If Gk>d brings me safe to Spain I promise to your Majesties and obligate
myself to conduct him thither with the aid of God in health and safety.
And so will I put into * work that which I speak.
"The people who have come with me, those who have returned have
suffered very great hardships and peril of their lives. I ask of the mercy
of your Majesties that they be paid immediately, because they are poor
people, and according to their station your Majesties will give them favour
' This is the famous Aurea Chersonesus which was sought so much throughout
the Middle Ages
* In the Spanish the phrase is, "y son en una distancia lejos del polo y de la
Hnea," which, of course, could not have been the meaning of Columbus, for this would
make him say that these lands were situated in forty-five degrees from the equator
north, if it was an equal distance from the pole.
3 Here the voice of Columbus, after nearly four hundred years, speaks to us in
refutation of those who would take from him his honour. There are those who say
that the correspondence between Paolo ToscaneUi and Columbus was fabricated by
Coliunbus himself or by his family, for the purpose of associating him with one of the
greatest of the scientists of his day in planning his great enterprise and for the purpose
of overcoming the alleged popular belief* of the day that some shipwrecked Pilot,
driven by a storm to the shores of the New World, had, on his return, confided to the
Genoese adventurer a plotted course from the Old to the New World. They ask us
for a single reference by Columbus to that correspondence in whole or in part. We
have shown that the prologue to the Journal of the first voyage makes a direct quota-
tion from ToscaneUi 's letter. In the passage above given — which will be found re-
peated in his Book of Prophecies — the Admiral is referring to the application made
by the Great Khan or the Emperor of China to some Pope for devout messengers to
instruct him and his people in the faith of the Christians. ToscaneUi, in his famous
letter as copied by Columbus in his own hand in Latin, relates the coming of mes-
sengers from the Great Khan to the Pope two hundred years before, asking for mis-
sionaries to instruct the people of the East. From no other source was Coliunbus
likely to have learned of that interesting fact reported by ToscaneUi in his famous
letter.
4 This last passage is omitted in the Spanish In the latter version the gold came
simply from the Indies and not from the Indian islands, as in the Italian.
The *' Lettera Rarissima '' 697
to the end that another time ' they may serve your Majesties with good
will, for in my judgment and as I believe they will bring you the best news
that a man ever brought into Spain.
**The gold which the chief of Beragua had although it was much accord-
ing to information, as well as that of his subjects, and that of the neigh-
bouring lands, I deem it not right to take it by way of theft, neither would
I have served your Majesties by taking it in the way of robbery. Gk>od
order will avoid scandal and ill repute to your Majesties, and by fair means
we will bring it out and cause it to return to the Treasury of your Majesties
that no grain shall be wanting, however great the quantity may be.
** With a month of good weather I should have finished my entire voyage
and for the want of ships I did not wish to remain in the expectation of
returning there ; but I offer myself to whatever may be serviceable to your
Majesties, and I have hope in the Almighty Gk>d giving me health, and who
causes me to find hidden things and ways^ of which your Majesty with the
whole of Christendom will rejoice, and will do so deservedly.* I believe
that your Majesties will recall that I intended to have certain ships made
in a new style, but the shortness of the time did not permit me, because
I had always seen what was needed if they have to sail there, because there
are other kinds of sea and winds there. If it shall please Gk>d we shall
accomplish this as it will happen with the good will of your Majesties.3 I
think more of what has been done in this land, of the port and principality
than of all the rest of the things which I have accomplished in the Indian
islands. This is not a little son which may be given to a step-mother to
nurse. Of Espaiiola and Paria and all the other lands I never think with-
out the tears falling from my eyes; I believed that the example of these
ought to serve for the others. On the contrary they remain [as if they were
in a state of] gasping for breath but they do not die. The malady is in-
curable but lingering. Who has caused these things let him now come
and if he may, provide a cure. In confusion every one is a master, but for
reorganisation few masters are to be found. Favour and increase of sal-
aries used to be accorded those who exposed their body and lives to dangers,
and there is no reason why those who have remained so opposed to this
business should reap benefits, they nor their heirs. Those who fled from the
Indies to escape fatigues, speaking evil of those and of me, returned with
commissions and thus was it ordered concerning Beragua; an evil example
and without utility for this undertaking and in respect to the justice of the
world. This affair together with several other causes made me entreat
your Majesties favour before I came to discover these islands and conti-
nents or mainlands, that you would permit me to govern them myself in
your royal name; this seemed good to you and it was ceded to me with
* This passage as to future service is omitted in the Spanish.
* This passage is omitted in the Spanish.
3 The Admiral evidently intends to say that, because the winds and the currents
are different from these which are common to other seas, it is necessary to construct
vessels of a different form as to bulk and sails for service in the new waters, but that
time failed him to build the new ships.
698 Christopher Columbus
privilege and charter and with seal and oath and I was entitled a Vice-Admiral
and Governor General of the whole, and you fixed for me the boundary 100
leagues beyond the islands of the Azores and those of Cape Verde, which
crossed the Eqtiinoctial line from pole to pole and of this, of all that which
every day I might discover you gave me full power as the writing says.'
** Another most famous business stands calling me with open arms; it
has been a thing foreign to me until now. Seven years did I remain in the
Court of your Majesties, when those to whom I spoke of this enterprise
declared with one voice that it was chimerical and foolish. At the present
time even tailors and shoe-makers ask favours of your Majesties to discover
lands. It is to be believed that they go for plunder and if your Majesties
concede it to them, whatever thing they gain is with much hindrance to
the enterprise and to my honour; it is a good thing to render to God that
which is His and to Caesar « that which belongs to him, and this is a just
sentiment and for a just Prince. The lands which obey your Majesties
and which acknowledge you for their Lords in these islands are more than
all the others of Christendom and most rich ; since I by Divine will more
than by my own wisdom have placed them under your royal and mighty
dominion and I say that your Majesties will have from them very great
revenues. Suddenly while awaiting the ship I had asked of your Majesties
in order to come to your high presence, with victories and great news of
gold and of various riches, being of good spirit and considering myself
secure in person, I was taken and put into a ship with my two brothers,
loaded with chains, naked of body, with very bad treatment without being
cited [for a hearing] nor yet sentenced by justice. Who will be willing to
believe that a poor foreigner would have wished to rebel against your
Majesties without cause and without the aid of another Prince ? Especially
as I was alone in the midst of all those who were with me, your vassals and
natives of the kingdom of your Majesties, and besides considering that I
had all my sons at your royal Court. I came to serve your Majesties at
the age of 28 years 3 and I have not at this instant a hair which is not grey ;
my body is debilitated and physically ruined. Whatever I had brought
with me, everything was taken from me, and from my brothers, even to
my frock without my being heard or seen, to my great dishonour. It is
to be believed that this has not been done by your royal order, and if this
be so as I say, your royal restitution of my honour and my damages and
the punishment of those who have done it, your Majesties will make known
throughout all the world; and to those others who have robbed me of
wealth and who have injured me in respect to my Almirantazgo ; it will be
a very great act of renown and of virtue with an example, if your Majesties
will do this, and there will remain in Spain and in every other place, a
glorious memory of your Majesties as grateful and just Sovereigns.
' This is the collection of grants as copied into the Book of Privileges previous
to this fourth voyage.
* In the Spanish the reference to Caesar is omitted.
3 Of course, the figures are not correctly given He was at least thirty-eight
years of age.
The '' Lettera Rarissima '' 699
**The good and sound purpose which I always had to serve your Majes-
ties and the dishonour and unmerited ingratitude, will not suffer the soul
to be silent although I wished it, therefore I ask pardon of your Majesties.
I have been so lost and undone; until now I have wept for others that
your Majesties might have compassion on them; and now may the heavens
weep for me and the earth weep for me in temporal ' affairs; I have not a
farthing to make as an offering in spiritual affairs. I have remained here
in the Indian islands in the manner I have before said in great pain and
infirmity, expecting every day death, surrounded by inniunerable savages
full of cruelty and by our enemies, and so far from the sacraments of the
Holy Mother Church that I believe the soul will be forgotten when it leaves
the body. Let them weep for me who have charity, truth and justice. I
did not undertake this voyage of navigation to gain honour or material
things ; that is certain ; because the hope already was entirely lost ; but I
did come to serve your Majesties with honest intention and with good
charitable zeal ; and I do not lie.
**I supplicate your Majesties that if God is willing that I should be
able to come out from here ; that it may be granted me and that I may go
from here to Rome and on other pilgrimages. And may the lives of your
Majesties and your lofty stations be preserved and prolonged by the Holy
Trinity.
*' Done in the Indies in the island of Jamaica, the 7th of July, 1503.
** Printed at Venice (in the name of Constanzo Bayiiera citizen of
Brescia) by Simone de Lovere on the 7th of May, 1505. With privilege.
"Be advised, reader, not to read 'Columbus, Viceroy of Spain*, read
only this * Viceroy of the Indian islands.'**
' In the Spanish the expression **el temporal" is brought forward into the sen-
tence with reference to the farthing offering, and the words '*el spiritual" are placed
in the sentence following that in which they appear in the Italian.
END OP VOL. II.
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